Resumen El feminismo es un movimiento que busca transformar el orden social imperante, establecido a partir de la jerarquización de la diferencia surgida de una concepción binaria sexo-génerica, y que ha situado a las mujeres en una situación histórica de opresión y explotación. A pesar de la vigencia del feminismo y el aporte de este en las democracias actuales, no todas las personas y, en particular, las mujeres, se identifican con este movimiento social. El objetivo principal de este estudio es identificar los predictores de la identificación feminista en mujeres en Chile. Con base en los resultados de un cuestionario online respondido por 389 mujeres, se realizó un análisis de regresión lineal múltiple (R. = .53, F (3,385) = 107.1, p < .001) en el que se utilizó como variable dependiente la identificación feminista. Las variables con mayor poder predictivo fueron: la predisposición a la participación feminista (. = .54); el sexismo hostil (. = -.20), y la orientación política (. = -.16). Lo anterior indicaría que aquellas mujeres dispuestas a participar en actividades feministas, que rechazan las formas de sexismo hostil y que adhieren a posiciones políticas de izquierda, son quienes mayormente se identifican con el feminismo en Chile. Este modelo relacionaría procesos identitarios que involucran una toma de consciencia de la ilegitimidad que implica que un grupo domine a otro o se encuentre en una situación de privilegio injustificados respecto de otros, y el consecuente reconocimiento de la puesta en acción para la transformación social. Esta relación entre toma de conciencia y acción, a su vez, permitiría explicar la imbricación de las luchas sociales durante el estallido social de octubre 2019 y el movimiento feminista chileno. Finalmente, se discute sobre las limitaciones del presente estudio y lineamientos para futuros.

Abstract The data obtained were subjected to a descriptive analysis (mean and standard deviation) and test score reliability (Cronbach´s Alpha). Then, Pearson´s partial correlations were calculated in order to contrast with the dependent variable feminist identification. From the total sample, 74.8 % self-identified with feminism to various degrees (from a form of private acceptance, but not public; up to activism); while 6 % self-declared as not feminist, and 19 %, well in-line with the objectives, did not self-identify as feminist. Feminism is a movement that looks to transform the current social order, established from the hierarchization based on the difference suggested of a binary sex/gender conception. This order has historically situated women in a position of oppression and exploitation. In spite of the relevance and support for feminism in current democracies, not everyone, in particular women, identify with this social movement. Considering this, the main objective of this study is to identify the predictors of feminist identification in women in Chile. This study, of quantitative type, has a sample size made up of 389 women. The type of sample was not probabilistic, rather self-selected. The participants answered an online survey that explored the variables: feminist identification, political orientation (left-right), support of the movement and feminist objectives, predisposition to feminist action, ambivalent sexism (hostile and benevolent sexism) (Glick & Fiske, 1996), social orientation domination SDO (Prato et al., 1994), right wing authoritarianism RWA (Altemeyer, 1996), and socio-demographic variables as well. Also, the participants signed an informed consent form, endorsed by the corresponding ethics committee. The ages of the participants fluctuated between 18 and 72 (M = 27.4; DT = 11.52). The data obtained were subjected to a descriptive analysis (mean and standard deviation) and test score reliability (Cronbach´s Alpha). Then, Pearson´s partial correlations were calculated in order to contrast with the dependent variable feminist identification. From the total sample, 74.8 % self-identified with feminism to various degrees (from a form of private acceptance, but not public; up to activism); while 6 % self-declared as not feminist, and 19 %, well in-line with the objectives, did not self-identify as feminist. Later on, the variables that showed a significant relationship with the dependent variable were subjected to a multiple linear regression analysis (R2 = .53, F (3,385) = 107.1 p < .001). The variables with the highest predictive power were predisposition to feminist participation (β = .54), hostile sexism (β = -.20), and political orientation (β = -.16). This would indicate that those women willing to participate in feminist activities, who reject hostile forms of sexism and adhere to leftist political positions are those who mostly identify with feminism in Chile. This model would relate identarian processes that involve an awareness of the legitimacy that implies that one group dominates another or finds itself in a position of unjustified privilege with respect to others, and the acknowledgement of the need for transformational social action. This relationship between awareness and action, likewise, would explain the overlapping social struggles during the social outbreak of October 2019 and the feminist movement in Chile. Finally, limitations of the present study are discussed with respect to the difficulty to generalize the results due to the type of sample (self-selected); and the characteristics of the sample, referring to the difficult access to women older than 50. These women presented difficulty in forms of access and in completing the survey online. Furthermore, it is considered that due to the bias of explicit attitude studies with regards to social desirability at the moment of response, it would be of great importance to complete this work with implicit attitude measures. Also, the study proposes that as future line of research a study that investigates what do women themselves understand about feminism in order to make realizations of the plurality of this social movement.

Abstract The beliefs revolving around the practice of eating animals are widely accepted and lead to an ideology known as carnism. This study aims to validate the carnism inventory, which measures two components of those beliefs: the defense of carnism and carnist domination. The defense of carnism would render legitimate the practice of eating animals based on arguments stemming from tradition, taste or need; while carnist domination would support animal slaughter based on the notion of a natural hierarchy and our natural right to rule over animals and used them for our own purposes. The bidimensional structure was confirmed and a fair internal consistency was achieved for a complete scale (α = 0,735). The dimensions showed a positive correlation (r = 0,407). The scale yielded good adjustment indexes and we were able to support the configuration and metric invariance of the carnism inventory for both males and females.

Resumen Las creencias que rodean la práctica de comer animales son ampliamente aceptadas y constituyen una ideología llamada carnismo. El objetivo de este estudio es validar el Inventario de carnismo, que mide dos componentes de dichas creencias: la defensa carnística y la dominación carnística. La defensa carnística legitimaría la práctica de comer animales basándose en argumentos que apuntan a la tradición, el gusto o la necesidad; mientras que la dominación carnística apoyaría la matanza de animales fundamentando en la noción de una jerarquía natural y del derecho que nos asiste de dominar a los animales y utilizarlos para nuestros fines. Se confirmó la estructura bidimensional y se logró buena consistencia interna para la escala completa (α=.735). Las dimensiones se correlacionaron positivamente (r=.407). La escala obtiene buenos índices de ajuste y podemos soportar la invariancia de tipo configuracional y métrica del Inventario de carnismo para hombres y mujeres.

Resumo As crenças que abrangem a prática de comer animais são amplamente aceitas e constituem uma ideologia chamada carnismo. O objetivo deste estudo é validar o inventário do carnismo, que mede os componentes de tais crenças: a defesa carnística e a dominação carnística. A defesa carnística legitimaria a prática de comer animais com base em argumentos que apontam para a tradição, o gosto ou a necessidade; enquanto a dominação carnística apoiaria o abate de animais com fundamento na noção de uma hierarquia natural e de direito que nos assiste de dominar os animais e utilizá-los para os nossos fins. Confirmou-se a estrutura bidimensional e atingiu-se boa consistência interna para a escala completa (α=.735). As dimensões correlacionaram-se positivamente (r=.407). A escala obtém bons índices de ajuste e podemos suportar a invariância de tipo configuracional e métrica do Inventário de carnismo para homens e mulheres.

RESUMO Objetivo. Informar os resultados obtidos na primeira pesquisa sobre violência obstétrica realizada no Chile, com o propósito de dar visibilidade a uma realidade mais comum do que se acredita e comparar sua ocorrência por categoria de serviço de assistência ao parto (rede pública ou privada). Métodos. Estudo descritivo transversal realizado entre dezembro de 2019 e maio de 2020. A amostra incluiu 2 105 mulheres provenientes de todas as regiões do país. Resultados. Os dados analisados indicam que 79,3% das mulheres entrevistadas acreditam ter sofrido alguma forma de violência obstétrica. Apesar do alto índice de relatos de violência tanto em serviços públicos quanto privados, observam-se diferenças estatísticas significativas entre eles, com maior ocorrência na rede pública. A violência obstétrica foi relatada com mais frequência entre as jovens (18 a 29 anos), as que se identificam com os povos nativos e as que são de orientação sexual não heterossexual. Conclusões. A violência obstétrica faz parte do ciclo de violência contra a mulher e é sistematicamente relatada pelo pessoal que presta assistência ao parto em serviços públicos e particulares. Trata-se de uma forma de violência com consequências sérias devido à posição ocupada pela equipe médica e à importância do parto na vida da mulher.

ABSTRACT Objective. The objective of this article is to report the results of the first survey on obstetric violence in Chile, to bring to light a reality more common than we think, and to compare its occurrence by the type of service (public or private) where the birth was attended. Methods. This is a descriptive and cross-sectional study conducted from December 2019 to May 2020. The sample was composed of 2 105 women from all regions of Chile. Results. Data analyses indicate that 79.3% of women believe they have experienced some form of obstetric violence. Despite the many reports of violence in public and private health centers, significant statistical differences were detected between the two, with higher numbers of reports for public centers. Similarly, more reports of obstetric violence were detected in young women (aged 18–29 years), in those who identify as indigenous, and among those with a non-heterosexual sexual orientation. Conclusions. Obstetric violence is part of the continuum of violence against women and is systematically reported by those who give birth in both public and private health services. This form of violence has serious consequences for women, due to both their difference in position with respect to the medical team and the importance of the birthing event in the life of any woman.

RESUMEN Objetivo. El objetivo del presente artículo es reportar los resultados de la primera encuesta sobre violencia obstétrica en Chile, de modo de hacer visible una realidad más frecuente de lo que creemos y comparar su ocurrencia según tipo de servicio (público o privado) en que se ha atendido el parto. Métodos. Se trata de un estudio descriptivo y de tipo transversal conducido entre los meses de diciembre de 2019 y mayo de 2020. La muestra quedó compuesta por 2105 mujeres de todas las regiones de Chile. Resultados. Los análisis de los datos indican que un 79,3% de las mujeres cree haber experimentado alguna forma de violencia obstétrica. A pesar de la gran cantidad de informes de violencia en centros de salud públicos y privados, se detectan diferencias estadísticas significativas entre ambos, y son más frecuentes en los centros públicos. Del mismo modo, se detectan más informes de violencia obstétrica en mujeres jóvenes (18-29 años), en quienes se identifican con pueblos originarios y entre quienes tienen una orientación sexual no heterosexual. Conclusiones. La violencia obstétrica es parte del continuo de violencia hacia las mujeres e informada de modo sistemático por quienes atienden sus partos tanto en servicios públicos como privados de salud. Es una forma de violencia tiene graves consecuencias en las mujeres debido tanto a la posición del equipo médico y a la relevancia del evento de parto en la vida de cualquier mujer.

Abstract Obstetric violence is a long-standing problem of great social relevance in our context, since it can affect women psychically and physically. Similarly, obstetric violence can strongly undermine confidence in the health system and limit timely access to it by women (who could avoid conducting routine examinations associated with their pregnancy and which would explain the growing proportion women who wish to deliver at home and outside the medical system). Obstetric violence (also commonly referred to as "disrespect and abuse" during childbirth and "mistreatment” during childbirth care) has been defined as the appropriation of women's bodies by health personnel through practices that become the medicalization and pathologization of their reproductive processes. This violence can be psychological (e.g. abuse, scolding, refusal to answer your questions or carry out a birth plan adjusted to your expectations), physical (e.g. use of force or intentionally wanting to cause pain) and / or sexual (e.g. tacts of a sexual nature, comments of a sexual nature referring to your body or genitals, etc.), which can also be verified in the performance of a series of practices that are discouraged or strictly prohibited (for example, continuous fetal monitoring, use of synthetic oxytocin to speed up the procedure, impaired free movement, Kristeller's maneuver, routine episiotomy, among others). To date, there are no validated scales in our context that allow detecting obstetric violence (OV) in health care. These forms of violence can be a traumatic experience for many women. The scale has been created having as its main reference the so-called “obstetric violence test” prepared by the association El parto es nuestro, which includes the most recurrent situations of lack of respect and abuse in obstetric care. Reliability (alpha and omega) is analyzed and validity tests (confirmatory factor analysis) of the VO scale are provided. The invariance tests aim to ensure that the construct being evaluated (in this case obstetric violence) has the same meaning for women who provide care in the private and public health systems. The participants in the sample were 367 women, all of legal age, from the Valparaíso region (Chile) and who had had a child birth at some point in their lives. These women had their deliveries in both the public and private health systems. Of the total number of women who participated in the study, 58.9% declared having experienced some situation of violence during their delivery. The results support the validity of the VO scale, the proposed unifactorial structure shows a good fit (CFI = .94, NFI = .91, IFI = .94 and RSMEA = .067). The results support the idea of invariance through the samples of women who attended their delivery in the private and public health system (ΔCFI < .01 and ΔRSMEA < .01), since the VO scale proves to be a reliable instrument (α = .83 and ω = .88) and with high levels of internal consistency (either based on total item correlations or factor loadings, which would be the most appropriate method for scales that use ordinal level of measurement). In conclusions, the VO scale is a reliable and valid instrument for the detection of this specific type of violence against women that can contribute to studies that detect abusive practices within the health system. Many of the women who do not report having experienced obstetric violence, do report the presence of some practices that are discouraged or prohibited: genital shaving (66.2 %), enema (45.5 %), prohibition of consuming food or water (51.7 %), indication of lying down during labor (24.5 %), induction of labor using medication (36.1 %), repeated vaginal examinations (24.3 %), compression of the abdomen (34.5 %), episiotomy (33.6 %), cesarean section (54.1 %) ) and uterine scraping without anesthesia (2 %). The previous results indicate the normalization of violent practices and their routine performance in the framework of delivery care in public and private health services, which could make us underestimate their prevalence.

Resumen La violencia obstétrica (VO) es un problema de enorme relevancia social en nuestro contexto, ya que puede afectar psíquica y físicamente a las mujeres, al mismo tiempo que puede socavar la confianza en el sistema de salud y limitar el acceso oportuno a este por parte de las mujeres. La violencia obstétrica se ha definido como la apropiación del cuerpo de la mujer por parte del personal de salud a través de prácticas que redundan en la medicalización y patologización de sus procesos reproductivos. Esta violencia puede ser psicológica (p. e., regaños, negativa a responder a preguntas o realizar un plan de parto ajustado a sus expectativas), física (p. e., uso innecesario de la fuerza o querer causar dolor intencionalmente) y/o sexual (p. e. comentarios de naturaleza sexual referidos a su cuerpo o genitales, etc.). También se puede verificar mediante la realización de prácticas que están desaconsejadas o estrictamente prohibidas (p. e., monitorización fetal continua, uso de oxitocina sintética para agilizar el procedimiento, negación de la libertad de movimiento, maniobra de Kristeller, episiotomía de rutina, entre otros). No existen a la fecha escalas validadas que permitan detectar violencia obstétrica en la atención de salud. Método: Se analiza la fiabilidad (alfa y omega) y se aportan pruebas de la validez (análisis factorial confirmatorio) de la escala de VO. Las participantes de la muestra fueron 367 mujeres, mayores de edad, de la región de Valparaíso (Chile), que habían tenido alguna vez un parto. Los resultados apoyan la validez de la escala de VO y la estructura unifactorial propuesta muestra un buen ajuste (CFI = .94, NFI = .91, IFI = .94 y RSMEA = .067); también apoyan la idea de invarianza a través de diferentes muestras (ΔCFI < .01 y ΔRSMEA < .01), toda vez que la escala de VO demuestra ser un instrumento confiable (α = .83 y ω = .88). Por lo tanto se concluye que la escala de VO es un instrumento fiable y válido para la detección de este tipo específico de violencia contra las mujeres.

Abstract Prejudice and discrimination have important effects on the well-being and quality of life of trans people. Hence, investigating with said population implies, in addition to actions to obtain relevant and truthful information, having the necessary actions to attend to their needs and peculiarities. These are populations that are difficult to access (hard-to-reach), stigmatized, in which there is no defined sampling frame, that have physical and mental health indicators lower than those of any other group with which we have worked and that, therefore, it is necessary to take extreme the precautions not to reproduce types of relationships that may be harmful or offensive. The purpose of the present article was to systematize part of our field experience with transgender people, so that it can be useful for those who study with this population. These recommendations aim to provide some conceptual, methodological and ethical guidelines, useful throughout the research process. In particular, we made a series of recommendations that cover from the moment of taking conceptual decisions about the design of the study, through contact with the organizations, until the completion of the field work and subsequent stage of dissemination of results. In particular, a series of recommendations are made regarding: specifying the definition of the group with which one works, recording the variety of gender identifications as people present them, using to sampling methods for hard-to-reach populations or hidden populations, deliver a retribution for the participation (consider participants as experts to be compensated for their work), including activists as experts in every stage of the study (study design, field work, data analysis and dissemination of results), piloting the instruments in specific population, preferably opt for group applications modality and continue with a debriefing, have specific assistance for participants during the application (special needs derived from their age, educational level, reduced mobility, among others), use non-stigmatizing and inclusive language, call together with trans organizations (in order to establish greater trust in the population), attend to a mobility of the population (so as not to replicate the sample in different places), carry out a committed listening and contemplate referral protocols (if necessary given the type of situations described by the participants and their current degree of elaboration), consider different trajectories of transition, conduct inter-analysis sessions and disseminate appropriately within the transgender population. These propositions are discussed in terms of their effects on trans communities, their usefulness and ethical scope, their articulation with the general requirements of all research, and their implications for activism. On the other hand, these recommendations can serve as criteria for evaluating the ethical dimension of research projects with trans people. It may therefore be important to project reviewers, editors, and reviewers of manuscripts submitted for publication. The perspective that we assume in this work is aligned with those called "evidence-based activism", which implies articulating a variety of knowledge, scientifically accredited and of an "experiential" type, in order to explore situations in which the team members Research staff are part of networks that involve them personally in their study topics. It is precisely the relationship with groups that work for the rights of minorities, activists and members of these groups is essential, since they have knowledge acquired through their experience as part of discriminated groups and they can contribute to the mobilization of knowledge in the governance of health issues.

Resumen El presente trabajo expone y fundamenta recomendaciones basadas en la experiencia de investigación en personas transgénero, con la intención de que puedan ser útiles a quienes realicen estudios con dicha población. Estas recomendaciones incluyen orientaciones conceptuales, metodológicas y éticas, aplicables a lo largo del proceso de investigación. En particular, las orientaciones cubren los siguientes temas: definir con precisión el colectivo con el que se trabaja, registrar la variedad de identificaciones de género posibles al interior del mismo, utilizar métodos de muestreo aptos para poblaciones de difícil acceso, retribuir la participación, incluir líderes e investigadores transgéneros como expertos, pilotar los instrumentos en la población que será investigada, optar por modalidades de recolección grupal de datos, ofrecer asistencia individualizada durante la recolección, utilizar un lenguaje no estigmatizante e inclusivo, convocar la participación en conjunto con organizaciones transgénero, atender a la movilidad geográfica de la población, realizar una escucha comprometida y contemplar protocolos de derivación, considerar las diferentes trayectorias de transición, realizar sesiones de interanálisis y, finalmente, difundir apropiadamente los hallazgos al interior de la población transgénero. Se discuten estas proposiciones en términos de sus efectos en las comunidades trans, su utilidad y alcances éticos, su articulación con exigencias generales de toda investigación y sus implicaciones para el activismo.

Abstract This paper analyzes the social representations of September 11, 1973, the date of the coup in Chile, of a sample of 1053 boys, girls and adolescents from Valparaíso. Participants ranged in age between 11 and 18 (M=14.83; SD=1.89). The Participatory Diagnostic Questionnaire in Childhood and Adolescence was used. The data were analyzed in two phases; first dictionaries were constructed, and then analyses of hierarchical clusters, multidimensional scaling and multiple correspondences were performed. Almost half of the participants failed to associate concepts with the date or associated concepts to other historical events. For those who did relate the concepts, they discuss negative consequences at a social and personal level, such as human rights violations, death, suffering and political violence. This is combined with the belief of a foundational violence that would have made social progress possible.

Résumé Cette étude a exploré les représentations sociales du 11 Septembre, 1973 - coup d’Etat au Chili d’un échantillon de 1053 enfants et adolescents de Valparaíso. Les participants avaient entre 11 et 18 ans (M= 14.83; SD= 1.89). Le questionnaire de diagnostic participatif sur l’enfance et l’adolescence a été utilisé. L’analyse des données a été réalisée en deux étapes, le dictionnaire de contenu similaire, puis une analyse typologique, mise à l’échelle multidimensionnelle et des correspondances multiples ont été effectuées est d’abord construit. Parmi les résultats, il convient de noter que près de la moitié des participants n’associent pas les concepts à la date ou associent des concepts liés à d’autres événements historiques. Parmi ceux qui se rapportent concepts mentionnés niveau personnel et social négatif, qui est associé à une croyance fondamentale de la violence qui aurait permis le progrès social au Chili.

Resumen Se exploraron representaciones sociales del 11 de septiembre de 1973 -fecha del golpe de Estado en Chile- en una muestra de 1053 niños, niñas y adolescentes, 550 mujeres y 503 hombres, de liceos municipales y subvencionados de la comuna de la Ligua, región de Valparaíso. Los participantes tenían entre 11 y 18 años de edad (M = 14.83; DE = 1.89). Se utilizó el Cuestionario de Diagnóstico Participativo en Infancia y Adolescencia. Los datos se analizaron en dos etapas, primero se construyeron diccionarios de palabras, posteriormente se realizaron análisis de conglomerados jerárquicos, escalamiento multidimensional y correspondencias múltiples. Aproximadamente la mitad de los participantes no logró asociar conceptos a la fecha o asoció conceptos relativos a otros eventos históricos. Entre quienes sí relacionaron conceptos, mencionan consecuencias negativas a nivel social y personal, tales como violación a los Derechos Humanos, muerte, sufrimiento y violencia política, lo cual se conjuga con la creencia de una violencia fundacional que habría posibilitado progreso en Chile.

Resumo O presente estudo explorou as representações sociais de 11 de setembro de 1973 - golpe de Estado no Chile - de uma amostra de 1053 meninos, meninas e adolescentes de Valparaíso. Os participantes tinham entre 11 e 18 anos de idade (M = 14.83 e SD = 1.89). Foi utilizado o questionário de diagnóstico participativo na infância e na adolescência. A análise de dados foi realizada em duas etapas, os primeiros dicionários foram construídos com palavras de conteúdo semelhante (Di Giacomo, 1987), análise posterior de conglomerados hierárquicos, escalamento multidimensional e correspondências múltiplas foram realizadas. Entre os resultados, nota-se que quase metade dos participantes não associam conceitos à data ou associam conceitos relacionados a outros eventos históricos. Entre aqueles que relacionam conceitos, mencionam consequências negativas a nível social e pessoal, o que é combinado com a crença de uma violência fundamental que teria possibilitado o progresso social no Chile.

Abstract The Minority Stress Model (Meyer, 2003) has made it possible to explain how sexual prejudice produces negative effects on the health and wellbeing of people belonging to sexual minorities, through distal and proximal stressors. A qualitative study was conducted to investigate the effects of sexual prejudice on the mental health of transgender adults in Chile. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 transgender people, both male and female, in four cities of the country. The results allow us to identify the presence of distal factors associated with overt discrimination, as well as, proximal factors associated with the experience of stigma and its effects on self-concept. Finally, effects on mental health are described, among which the presence of anxious-depressive symptomatology, suicidal ideation and attempts, self-injurious behavior and consumption of alcohol and other substances.

Resumen El Modelo de Estrés de las Minorías (Meyer, 2003) ha permitido explicar de qué forma el prejuicio sexual produce efectos negativos en la salud y bienestar de personas pertenecientes a las minorías sexuales, a través de la identificación de estresores de tipo distales y proximales. Este estudio buscó indagar los efectos del prejuicio sexual en la salud mental de personas transgénero en Chile desde un enfoque cualitativo. Se realizaron entrevistas semi-estructuradas a 17 personas transgénero femeninas y masculinas en cuatro ciudades del país. Los resultados nos permite identificar la presencia de factores distales asociados a discriminación manifiesta y factores proximales asociados a la vivencia del estigma y su relación con el autoconcepto. Finalmente, se describen efectos en la salud mental, entre los que destacan la presencia de sintomatología ansioso-depresiva, ideación e intentos suicidas, conductas autolesivas y consumo de alcohol y otras sustancias.

Resumen Este artículo analiza las memorias sobre el familiar detenido y desaparecido de 19 mujeres de la Agrupación de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos de Santiago de Chile. Se utilizó la entrevista reflexiva-grupal como estrategia de producción de testimonios, los cuales fueron analizados mediante el análisis de datos verbales. Los principales resultados señalan que las memorias familiares transmitidas intergeneracionalmente son de alta intensidad y afectividad, constituyendo una postmemoria (Hirsch, 1998). También se establece que los testimonios de las víctimas se configuran a manera de lucha contra la negación e impunidad de la desaparición del familiar detenido desaparecido. Este estudio aporta conocimiento útil para el desarrollo de políticas de memoria que permitan el reconocimiento social de la historia familiar de víctimas de terrorismo de Estado. Del mismo modo, se considera que tanto la propuesta teórico-metodológica como los resultados obtenidos en este estudio, aportan pistas para el desarrollo de nuevas líneas de investigación, orientadas a la comprensión de la transmisión transgeneracional de experiencias traumáticas.

Abstract This article analyzes the recollections of detained and disappeared relatives of 19 women from the Association for Relatives of the Detained-Disappeared. Testimony was collected using group reflective interviews, with an analysis of the verbal data. The main results indicate that the family memories transmitted trans-generationally are of high intensity and affectivity, constituting a post-memory (Hirsch, 1998). The recollections of the victim's relatives also work against negation and impunity of the disappearance of the detained relative. This study contributes to the development of policies for memory which permit the social recognition of the family history of the victims of State terrorism. Both the theoretical-methodological proposal and the results obtained in this study indicate pathways to new lines of research oriented to the understanding of inter-generational transmission of traumatic experiences.

Resumo Este artigo analisa as memórias sobre o familiar detido e desaparecido de 19 mulheres da Agrupação de Familiares de Detidos Desaparecidos de Santiago do Chile. Utilizou-se a entrevista reflexiva-grupal como estratégia de produção de depoimentos, os quais foram analisados mediante a análise de dados verbais. Os principais resultados indicam que as memórias familiares transmitidas intergeracionalmente são de alta intensidade e afetividade, constituindo uma pós-memória (Hirsch, 1998). Também se estabelece que o depoimento das vítimas se configura como forma de luta contra a negação e impunidade do desaparecimento do familiar detido. Este estudo contribui com conhecimento útil para o desenvolvimento de políticas de memória que permitam o reconhecimento social da história familiar de vítimas de terrorismo de Estado. Do mesmo modo, considera-se que tanto a proposta teórico-metodológica quanto os resultados obtidos neste estudo contribuem com orientações para o desenvolvimento de novas linhas de pesquisa, orientadas à compreensão da transmissão transgeracional de experiências traumáticas.

Resumen El conflicto armado en Colombia ha durado cincuenta años y ha producido numerosas víctimas. Las mujeres constituyen un colectivo que ha sido especialmente afectado e invisibilizado por la violencia. A partir de 935 entrevistas a mujeres colombianas (17-83 años) pertenecientes a diferentes comunidades étnicas (que se identificaron como mestizas, afroamericanas, indígenas o blancas), el presente estudio explora las violaciones a los derechos humanos que sufrieron, el impacto psicosocial de las mismas, las estrategias utilizadas por las mujeres para hacer frente a la violencia y las medidas que consideran relevantes para reparar los daños que les fueron ocasionados. Utilizando una perspectiva metodológica feminista (Harding, 1987), la recolección de datos fue realizada por mujeres entrevistando a otras mujeres que querían compartir experiencias de violencia a menudo invisibilizadas y, a través de ellas, poder generar un aprendizaje colectivo y proceso de empoderamiento mutuo a partir de una resignificación colectiva de los hechos acontecidos. El instrumento utilizado incluyó una metodología ya contrastada en otros contextos donde se han producidoe violaciones a los derechos humanos (Arnoso et al., 2014; Beristain, 2009). Las respuestas fueron codificadas para un tratamiento adicional cuantitativo y cualitativo. Se encontró una relación entre los diferentes tipos de violencia y las regiones de origen de las participantes, siendo las mujeres indígenas y afroamericanas quienes más negativamente afectadas se mostraron por el conflicto. Los resultados indican que los grupos paramilitares fueron los agentes con mayor frecuencia identificados como autores de la violencia.

Abstract The armed conflict in Colombia has gone on for fifty years and produced numerous victims. Women make up a collective that has been especially affected and made invisible by the violence. Based on 935 interviews of Colombian women (17-83 years) belonging to different ethnic communities (who had identified themselves as mixed-race, Afro-Americans, indigenous, or white), the present study explores the Human Rights violations they experienced, the psychosocial impact of these violations, the strategies these women used to cope with the violence, and the measures they consider valuable to redress the damage inflicted. Using a feminist methodological perspective (Harding, 1987), data collection was carried out by women interviewing other women who wanted to bring back often invisibilized experiences of violence and thus contribute to their collective learning and empowerment process. They were to do this based on a shared redefinition of the facts. The instrument used included study methods used in other contexts of human rights violations (Arnoso, Beristain & González Hidalgo, 2014; Beristain, 2009) and the answers were coded for further quantitative and qualitative treatment. A relationship was found between the different types of violence and the regions the sample came from, with indigenous and Afro-American women affected more negatively by the conflict. The results indicate that the paramilitary groups were the agents identified most often as the perpetrators of the violence.

Resumen El objetivo del presente estudio fue evaluar un conjunto de variables predictoras del apoyo de los procesos de justicia transicional (Comisión Nacional de Verdad y Reconciliación, CNVR, 1991). Actualmente no disponemos de estudios que reporten las variables que predicen una valoración positiva de las dichas comisiones en Chile. Un análisis de regresión logística fue realizado con datos de una muestra de población general (N=1267) para evaluar el trabajo realizado por la Comisión (en términos de aprobación o rechazo). Los resultados indican que las emociones de tristeza y esperanza son buenas predictoras de actitudes favorables hacia el trabajo de la CNVR, así como el logro de los objetivos referidos a verdad, justicia y construcción de una historia integradora. Del mismo modo, altos niveles de compartición social de las experiencias, percepción del clima social como positivo, confianza institucional y una percepción positiva de las disculpas institucionales resultan buenos predictores de una positiva evaluación del trabajo de la CNVR. Las personas que a que valoran positivamente el trabajo de la comisión están más de acuerdo a su vez con las medidas de reparación y menos dispuestas a negar el pasado traumático.

Abstract The objective of the present study was to evaluate the predictors of attitudes toward transitional justice process (1991, National Truth and Reconciliation Commission). No studies that report on the variables that could predict a positive evaluation of TRC in the Chilean context are currently available. A logistic regression analysis based on original survey data from Chile (N = 1267) was carried out to evaluate the work of truth commissions as the dependent variable (in terms of “approval” and “disapproval”). Results reveal that predictors of favorable attitudes towards truth and reconciliation commissions (TRC) include emotions such as sadness and hope, TRC contribution to truth and to the construction of an inclusive history (and to a lesser extent to justice), high social sharing, perception of a positive social climate, high institutional trust, and positive perception of official apologies. People supporting TRC also agree with complementary reparation, suggesting that a positive attitude towards TRC and less prone to denial of the traumatic past.

The recognition of same-sex relationships has increased, but same-sex intimate partner violence has been less studied. Historically, this problem had been studied in heterosexual relationships, women being victims and men main aggressors. This heteronormative approach to intimate partner violence (IPV) often neglects same-sex relationships (Finneran, Chard, Sineath, Sullivan, & Stephenson, 2012; Russell, 2015). For this study, IPV is defined as every act causing psychological, physical or sexual damage, within the context of intimate relationships (Harvey et al., 2007) perceived as such. To our knowledge, there are no studies about IPV in same-sex relationships in Chile. Data about this topic is scarce in the Latin American context (Ferreira et al., 2015). Therefore, it is necessary to provide contextualized knowledge about IPV in same-sex relationships to face this psychosocial problem. The aim of this study was to describe IPV in same-sex relationships in gay men and lesbian women and its sociodemographic characteristics. In addition, results are compared to detect possible differences between groups. LGBT populations are considered a difficult-to-reach or hidden population (Paz-Bailey et al., 2013). For this reason, a snowball sampling procedure was used. The sample consists of 467 participants who identify themselves as gay men (57.4%) or lesbian women (42.6%), aging from 18 to 67 years (M = 27.9; SD = 7.9). The sample was recruited in four Chilean cities (Antofagasta, Valparaíso, Santiago, and Concepción). A specially designed questionnaire was administered to collect data for this study. Results were obtained through descriptive and comparative analyses with a Chi-square Test. Analyses indicate that 80 subjects (17.2%) had experienced some form of IPV (psychological, physical, or sexual); 87.7% of them reported psychological violence; and about half of them (47.5%) physical violence. Likewise, 19.3% respondents reported that there had been an IPV perpetrator. For group analysis, 20.1% of lesbian women and 19.3% of gay men reported some IPV experience. Statistically significant differences between gay men and lesbian women respondents were detected for psychology violence perpetrated [x²(1) = 6.37, p = .01, w = .64]. Gay men reported a higher percentage perpetrating psychological violence in their relationship (87.5%), as compared to the group of lesbian women (65.8%). Also, a statistically significant relation was found between IPV experiences and educational levels [x²(3) = 10.53, p = .01, w = .51]. Subjects with higher educational levels report less IPV frequency. Finally, a statistically significant relation was found between IPV victims and IPV perpetrators. This study represents the first approach to describe and characterize IPV in gay men and lesbian women, thus creating a baseline for making comparisons with future findings on LGBT issues in Chile and Latin America. Results support evidence concerning greater prevalence of psychological violence in both gay men and lesbian women, as compared to other types of violence such as physical and sexual (Barrett & St. Pierre, 2013; Finneran y Stephenson, 2013; Hellemans et al., 2015; Messinger, 2011). In addition, this resultis similar to those of previous studies on general population (Russell, 2015). An important result is IPV mutuality in the sample, namely, IPV occurs in two directions: persons experiencing partner violence concurrently perpetrate violence against their partners. Findings support the view that, in general, violence in same-sex relationships takes place gradually from relation al dynamics marked by violence (Barrientos, Rodríguez-Caballería, Escartín & Longares, in press). In this context, although data from this study are exploratory-descriptive, they make up a good approach to the problem since they include gay men and lesbian women from different Chilean areas of varied sociodemographic characteristics. If similar findings are reported in other studies, they could help direct psychosocial interventions, public policies, and future research. In any case, results must be carefully considered since they are non-representative samples and, in theory, not comparable with each other. Limitations and implications for future IPV research in same-sex relationships are discussed.

La violencia en las relaciones de pareja del mismo sexo es un tema poco explorado. Históricamente, esta problemática ha sido estudiada en el marco de relaciones heterosexuales ubicando a las mujeres como víctimas y a los hombres como principales agresores. El propósito de este estudio fue describir las experiencias de violencia de pareja (VP) en una muestra de 268 hombres gay y 199 mujeres lesbianas. Se utilizó un muestreo tipo bola de nieve para reclutar la muestra en cuatro ciudades chilenas (Antofagasta, Valparaíso, Santiago y Concepción). Para la recolección de datos se aplicó un cuestionario especialmente diseñado para este estudio. Se realizaron análisis descriptivos y Chi-cuadrado para indagar posibles relaciones por sexo y características sociodemográficas. Entre los principales resultados se puede señalar que del total de la muestra (N = 467) sólo 80 personas (17.25%) reportaron haber sido receptoras de algún tipo de VP. Se encontraron diferencias estadísticamente significativas en el reporte de violencia psicológica entre hombres gay y mujeres lesbianas [χ²(1) = 6.37, p = .01, w =.64]. Los hombres gay reportaron mayor frecuencia de violencia psicológica (87.5%) en comparación con las mujeres lesbianas (65.8%). También se encontró una asociación estadísticamente significativa entre experiencias de VP y nivel educativo [χ²(3) = 10.53, p = .01, w = .51]. Las personas con mayor nivel educativo reportan frecuencias menores de VP. Finalmente, se encontró una relación estadísticamente significativa entre haber sido víctima de VP y haber sido perpetrador de VP. Los resultados son discutidos y se plantean implicaciones para futuras investigaciones.

El objetivo de este artículo es adaptar y validar la Escala de Apoyo Social Subjetivo (EASS, de Vaux et al., 1986), a la vez que describir su estructura factorial. Esta escala está compuesta por 10 ítems distribuidos en dos dimensiones: apoyo familiar y apoyo de los amigos. Se examinan las propiedades psicométricas de la escala y la dimensionalidad de la misma en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios chilenos (N = 681). Los resultados indican que el EASS constituye un instrumento fiable (α = .86) y válido para la medición del apoyo social subjetivo. Las dimensiones de la EASS obtienen entre sí una correlación significativa y moderada (r = .41; p < .001). Las cargas factoriales para los ítems en el análisis factorial confirmatorio fluctuaron entre .40 y .93, mostrando buenos índices de ajuste para el modelo de dos factores de primer orden correlacionados (CFI = .97, TLI = .93, RFI = .97, IFI = .97, NFI = .96 y RSMEA = .08).

The purpose of this paper is to adapt and validate the Subjective Social Support Scale (Vaux et al, 1986) and to describe its factor structure. The scale consists of 10 items distributed in two dimensions measured in the original instrument: family support and support from friends. The psychometric properties and dimensionality of the scale are examined in a sample of Chilean college students (N = 681). Results show that the scale is a reliable instrument (α = .86) and valid for measuring subjective social support. Its two dimensions show a moderate and significant correlation (r = .41; p < .001). The factor loadings of the items in the confirmatory factor analysis varied between .40 and .93, showing good fit indices for the correlated first order two factor model (CFI = .97, TLI = .93, RFI = .97, IFI = .97, NFI = .96 and RSMEA = .08).

O objetivo deste artigo é adaptar e validar a Escala de Apoio Social Subjetivo (EASS, de Vaux et al., 1986), e ao mesmo tempo descrever sua estrutura fatorial. Esta escala está composta por 10 itens distribuídos em duas dimensões: apoio familiar e apoio dos amigos. Examinam-se as propriedades psicométricas da escala e a dimensionalidade da mesma em uma mostra de estudantes universitários chilenos (N = 681). Os resultados indicam que o EASS constitui um instrumento fiável (α = .86) e válido para a medição do apoio social subjetivo. As dimensões da EASS obtêm entre si uma correlação significativa e moderada (r = .41; p < .001). As cargas fatoriais para os itens na análise fatorial confirmatória flutuaram entre .40 e .93, mostrando bons índices de ajuste para o modelo de dois fatores de primeira ordem correlacionados (CFI = .97, TLI = .93, RFI = .97, IFI = .97, NFI = .96 e RSMEA = .08).

This article proposes to explore the «subject positions» from which the young people approach the phenomenon construction of their political university action. For this purpose a meaningful sample is designed which is composed by students from different traditional universities in Valparaiso region, students were grouped according to their political actions: social action groups, leading groups and groups without action. A focus group is used as technology production of information and as data analysis techniques an approach taken from Jesus Ibanez's discourse analysis. The results of the analysis allow to identify four subject positions: political, neopolitical, pragmatic postpolitical and philanthropic postpoliticial subjects with their respective discourse on the political university action.

El presente artículo se propone explorar las «posiciones de sujeto», a partir de las cuales los jóvenes abordan la construcción del fenómeno de la acción política universitaria. Para esto se diseña una muestra intencionada compuesta por estudiantes de universidades tradicionales de la región de Valparaíso, los cuales fueron agrupados a partir de su relación con la acción política: grupos de acción social, grupos dirigenciales y grupos sin acción. Como técnica de producción de información se utiliza el grupo de discusión y como técnica de análisis de los datos el enfoque de análisis de discurso de Ibáñez. Los resultados del análisis permiten identificar cuatro posiciones de sujeto: sujeto político, sujeto neopolítico, sujeto pospolítico pragmático y sujeto pospolítico filantrópico con sus respectivos discursos sobre la acción política.

Este artigo se propõe a explorar as «posições de sujeito» a partir das quais os jovens lidam com a construção do fenômeno da ação política universitária. Com este objetivo, desenha-se uma amostra intencional composta por estudantes de universidades tradicionais da região de Valparaíso, agrupados conforme sua relação com a ação política: grupos de ação social, grupos dirigentes e grupos sem ação. Como técnica de produção de informação, utiliza-se o grupo de discussão, e como técnica de análise de dados, utiliza-se a abordagem de análise de discurso de Ibáñez. os resultados da análise permitem identificar quatro posições de sujeito: sujeito político, sujeito neopolítico, sujeito pós-político pragmático e sujeito pós-político filantrópico, com seus respectivos discursos sobre a ação política.

El Respondent-Driven Sampling (RDS) es un método de muestreo para poblaciones ocultas o de difícil acceso. Se trata de un procedimiento que permite realizar estimaciones de la representatividad de la muestra en aquellos grupos en que desconocemos el marco muestral. En este estudio, se presenta tanto la descripción teórica de dicha forma de muestreo como el reporte de su aplicación práctica en el caso de minorías étnicas (inmigrantes bolivianos, peruanos y colombianos) en el norte de Chile. El estudio comenzó con ocho semillas y se reclutó una muestra total de 109 personas provenientes de Colombia, Perú y Bolivia. La información resultante del procedimiento RDS informa de un patrón similar de reclutamiento entre hombres y mujeres, reflejando que los tamaños de las redes de ambos grupos no difieren significativamente.

The Respondent-Driven Sampling (RDS) is a method of sampling for hidden or hard-to-reach populations. This is a procedure for estimating the representativeness of the sample in those groups that is unknow the sampling frame. This study presents both the theoretical description of this form of sampling as the report of its practical application in the case of ethnic minorities (immigrants Bolivians, Peruvians and Colombians) in northern Chile. The study started with 8 seeds and recruited a total sample of 109 people from Colombia, Peru and Bolivia. The information resulting from the procedure RDS reports a similar pattern of recruitment for men and women, reflecting the sizes of the networks of both groups did not differ significantly.

Este artículo busca validar la Escala de Actitudes hacia Lesbianas y Hombres Gais ([ATLG], Herek, 1988). El punto de partida son las cinco dimensiones reportadas en estudios anteriores (Cárdenas & Barrientos, 2008). Ninguna investigación ha confirmado la estructura factorial hipotética de la ATLG con una muestra de hispanoparlantes. El estudio examinó tres estructuras factoriales, y los resultados indican que el modelo de dos factores proporciona la mejor descripción de los ítems de la ATLG. Además, se examinaron las propiedades psicométricas con una muestra de 518 estudiantes universitarios. La ATLG se mostró confiable (a = 0.93) y válida para una población chilena.

This paper intends to validate the Attitudes toward Lesbians and Gay Men Scale (Herek, 1988). The starting point is the five dimensions reported in previous studies (Cárdenas & Barrientos, 2008). No research has confirmed the hypothesized ATLG factor structure with a Spanish-language sample. This study tested three factor structures, results indicating that the two-factor second-order model provides the best description of ATLG items. Additionally, psychometric properties were examined using a sample of 518 college students. ATLG proved reliable (a = 0.93) and valid for Chilean population.