Resumen: Este artículo explora posturas que se oponen al uso de categorías y conceptos raciales en la vida pública, al afirmar que dicho uso refuerza la realidad biológica del concepto raza y, por lo tanto, refuerza el racismo. Éstos son argumentos válidos y la refutación de la realidad biológica de la raza es una lucha que sigue vigente. Luego exploro argumentos que favorecen el uso de categorías y conceptos raciales, alegando que son h erramientas valiosas para combatir el racismo, entendido como un sistema que, si bien ha hecho uso de la idea de raza como una realidad biológica, no depende de esta idea. Esbozo las formas en que las categorías y conceptos raciales van más allá de la idea de realidad biológica. El uso de categorías y conceptos raciales en la vida pública es productivo, siempre que el uso esté ligado a la lucha contra la desigualdad racializada y evite ser desviado por completo hacia una política de la identidad.

Abstract: This article explores arguments that oppose the use of racial categories and concepts in public life, contending that such usage reinforces the biological validity of race and thus reinforces racism. These are valid arguments and refuting the biological reality of race is an ongoing battle. I then explore arguments that favour using racial categories and concepts because they are valuable tools to combat racism, understood as a system that, while it has made use of the idea of race as a biological reality, does not depend on this idea. I outline the ways in which racial categories and concepts go beyond the idea of biological reality. The use of racial categories and concepts in public life is productive, as long as their use is tied to the fight against racialized inequality and avoids being diverted entirely into a politics of identity.

Abstract: I propose that, to understand the reproduction of racialized inequality and the operation of racism, we must appreciate how the intersection of society and space historically ac- cumulates racialized dimensions. In Colombia, the racialized differences that emerged and took shape in the colonial order simultaneously acquired spatial dimensions. In this article, I first address the theoretical relationship between society and space and then describe the historical processes by which racialized differences acquired regional di mensions in Colombia. I show how these racialized structures of region influence racialized social relations, through frontier colonization and urban migration. The conclusion reflects on the Colombian nation seen as an entity constituted by relational dynamics that have both spatialized and racialized dimensions.

Resumen: Propongo que, para entender la reproducción de la desigualdad racializada y la ope ración del racismo, hay que apreciar como la intersección sociedad-espacio acumula dimensiones racializadas a través de la historia. En Colombia, las diferencias racializadas que iban surgiendo y tomando forma en el orden colonial al mismo tiempo iban adquiriendo unas dimensiones espacializadas. En este artículo, primero se aborda la relación teórica sociedad-espacio y, luego se describen los procesos históricos por los cuales las diferencias racializadas iban adquiriendo dimensiones regionales en Colombia. Se muestra cómo estas estructuras racializadas de región influyen en las relaciones sociales racializadas, por medio de la colonización fronteriza y la migración a las urbes. La conclusión reflexiona sobre la nación colombiana vista como entidad constituida por dinámicas relacionales que tienen dimensiones espacializadas y racializadas a la vez.

Resumen En esta mirada selectiva de los estudios afrodescendientes en Latinoamérica, comienzo con los temas de designación y clasificación racial, antes de explorar aspectos de discriminación racial y racismo, y la manera como estos son abordados por los gobiernos y los movimientos sociales negros. Esto trae la pregunta sobre la blancura y el privilegio. Luego analizo el estatus de las ideologías y las prácticas de mestizaje, luego de 30 años de movilización política negra.

Abstract In this selective view of Afrodescendant Studies in Latin America, I start with issues of naming and racial classification, before exploring issues of racial discrimination and racism, and how these are addressed by governments and black social movements. This raises the question of whiteness and privilege. I then review the status of ideologies and practices of mestizaje, in the wake of 30 years of black political mobilization.

Resumo Na presente visão seletiva dos Estudos afrodescendentes na América Latina, começa-se pelas questões de nomeação e classificação racial para depois explorar questões de discriminação racial e racismo, e como são direcionadas por governos e movimentos sociais negros. Surge então a questão da branquitude e de privilégios. Por fim, o estado das ideologias e práticas da mestiçagem é revisado na trajetória de trinta anos de mobilização política negra.

Purpose To assess the oncologic and functional outcomes of salvage renal surgery following failed primary intervention for RCC. Materials and Methods We performed a retrospective review of patients who underwent surgery for suspected RCC during 2004-2012. We identified 839 patients, 13 of whom required salvage renal surgery. Demographic data was collected for all patients. Intraoperative and postoperative data included ischemic duration, blood loss and perioperative complications. Preoperative and postoperative assessments included abdominal CT or magnetic resonance imaging, chest CT and routine laboratory work. Estimated glomerular filtration rate (eGFR) was calculated according to the Modification of Diet in Renal Disease equation. Results The majority (85%) of the patients were male, with an average age of 64 years. Ten patients underwent salvage partial nephrectomy while 3 underwent salvage radical nephrectomy. Cryotherapy was the predominant primary failed treatment modality, with 31% of patients undergoing primary open surgery. Pre-operatively, three patients were projected to require permanent post-operative dialysis. In the remaining 10 patients, mean pre- and postoperative serum creatinine and eGFR levels were 1.35 mg/dL and 53.8 mL/min/1.73 m2 compared to 1.43 mg/dL and 46.6 mL/min/1.73 m2, respectively. Mean warm ischemia time in 10 patients was 17.4 min and for all patients, the mean blood loss was 647 mL. The predominant pathological stage was pT1a (8/13; 62%). Negative surgical margins were achieved in all cases. The mean follow-up was 32.9 months (3.5-88 months). Conclusion While salvage renal surgery can be challenging, it is feasible and has adequate surgical, functional and oncological outcomes.

This research sets out to answer a problem involving whether or not the first church was established across the Vaal River in the 1860s at Gerlachshoop (Maleoskop). An incidental And of an unknown publication may corroborate an answer to the problem. Anecdotal notes in a hymnal songbook record the first inauguration of a bell of one of the earliest Berlin Missionaries north of the Vaal River. This may clarify the location within the landscape and whether the structure of a church at Gerlachshoop or Thabantsho was erected, as opposed to being a deception or a historical figment of imagination by a subsequent director of the Berlin Missionary Society. The national heritage value of such rare early documentation of European/African literature and the built environment is of great significance and serves as one of the earliest records of German translations into the Sekopa language almost 150 years ago, with several early hymns set to musical notation, that marked the occasion when the actual Sekopa hymns were sung at the event of the inauguration of an early church and its bell.

Resumen Las ideologías y prácticas latinoamericanas de mestizaje contienen dentro de sí la dinámica de la igualdad y la diferencia y de la democracia racial y el racismo al mismo tiempo. Aquí se explora cómo esta coexistencia simultánea opera en gran parte mediante complejos enmarañamientos de sexualidad, género y raza/etnicidad, que tienen lugar en el ámbito del cuerpo y de la familia así como de la nación. Esto se analiza mediante varios ejemplos concretos de diferentes periodos históricos y regiones de Latinoamérica. Se termina con un breve examen de los procesos de formación de las subjetividades, en los que las relaciones ser-otro, o en términos de Bhabha, la «Otredad del Yo», asumen una forma particular que permita la coexistencia normalizada de prácticas ciudadanas, de convivialidad democrática y racistas antidemocráticas.

Abstract Latin American ideologies and practices of mestizaje contain within them dynamics of equality and difference and of racial democracy and racism at the same time. I explore how this simultaneous co-existence operates in large part through complex entanglements of sexuality, gender and race/ethnicity, which take place at the level of the body and the family as well as the nation. I examine this through a number of concrete examples from different historical periods and regions of Latin America. I end with a brief look at processes of the formation of subjectivities, in which self-other relations, or in Bhabha's terms the 'Otherness of the Self', take on a particular shape that allows the normalised co-existence of citizenly, democratic conviviality and anti-democratic racist practices.

Resumo As ideologias e práticas latino-americanas de mestizaje abarcam as dinâmicas de igualdade e diferença e, simultaneamente, de democracia racial e racismo. Explora-se aqui como essa coexistência simultânea opera, em grande medida, mediante complexos emaranhados de sexualidade, gênero e raça/etnicidade que, por sua vez, se localizam no âmbito do corpo, da família e da nação. Essa questão é analisada mediante vários exemplos concretos de diferentes períodos históricos e regiões da América Latina. Finaliza-se com um breve exame dos processos de formação de subjetividades, nos quais a relação ser-outro ou, em termos de Bhabha, a «Outredade do Eu», empreende uma forma particular que permite a coexistência normalizada de práticas cidadãs, de convivência democrática, e racistas antidemocráticas.

Este ensayo repiensa el papel que desempeña la racialización en Latinoamérica, y la pone en relación con el multiculturalismo. El multiculturalismo oficial no necesariamente conduce a la disminución del racismo y puede quedarse en gestos retóricos. Es necesario enfocar el racismo y el concepto de raza como fenómenos con historia y fuerza social propias. En este artículo se mira cómo este concepto ha sido marginado en las discusiones sobre la desigualdad en Latinoamérica, y por qué es necesario ver a Latinoamérica como parte integral de las Américas negras. Además, cómo el concepto de raza se ha manifestado en Latinoamérica más de lo pensado. Se propone también que las cuestiones de raza y de racismo están ganando más espacio público en Colombia (y en Brasil). El multiculturalismo se tiene que entender como un campo de batalla, para definir sus efectos políticos.

This article rethinks the role that racialization plays in Latin America and relates racialization to multiculturalism. Official multiculturalism does not necessarily lead to reducing racism, and may even remain as a set of rhetorical gestures. It is necessary to focus on racism and the concept of "race" as phenomena with their own history and social strength. The marginalization of the concept of "race" in discussions about inequality in Latin America is examined here, and it is argued that it is necessary to see Latin America as an integral part of the "black Americas". I argue that the concept of "race" has been manifest in Latin America more than has been commonly assumed. I propose that issues of "race" and racism are gaining more public space in Colombia (and Brazil). Multiculturalism has to be understood as a battle ground in order to define its political effects.

La mayoría de los académicos sostienen que «la raza» no tiene relación con la naturaleza humana. Una minoría asevera que la tiene. Yo creo que «la raza» es una categoría cultural que puede convertirse en parte materializada de la experiencia humana. Dicha materialización ayuda a explicar la idea de la raza.

Most scholars argue that "race" has no relation to human nature. A minority contend that it does. I argue that "race" is a cultural category which can become an embodied part of the human experience. This embodiment helps account for the power of the idea of race.

A maioria dos acadêmicos defende que a «raça» não tem relação com a natureza humana. Uma minoria garante que tem, efetivamente, uma relação. acredito que «raça» é uma categoria cultural que pode converter-se em parte materializada da experiência humana. Essa materialização ajuda a explicar a idéia da raça.

The dualism in social science between practice and discourse has begun to be questioned, amongst others, by perspectives that are trying to overcome the division between culture and politics. This questioning can be supported by an examination of the tension between culture as a human activity of presence in the world, in which there is a unification of the material and symbolic, and culture as a manufactured object in the context of hegemonic constructions of culture. This article analyzes this tension in relation to the activities of black youths in Aguablanca, Cali, who use rap to create a cultural identity as a way of life and at the same time create their culture as an object designed to facilitate their presence in the market, the state and the NGOs. The local state and the voluntary sector also work on culture as more limited set of expressions, seeking to depoliticize it.

En este artículo se exploran las posibles bases para una identidad negra en América latina. Empezando con una consideración general de la posición de las poblaciones negras en el marco del nacionalismo latinoamericano, se pasa a la dimensión transnaCional de esta posición, antes de analizar en términos teóricos la tensión entre el particularismo y el universalismo en ideologías del nacionalismo y el racismo. En la segunda parte del artículo, se miran algunos casos históricos concretos de movilización afrodescendiente y/o de apertura hacia la diversidad racial para evaluarlos como bases para la identidad negra latinoamericana en general (la guerra racial de Cuba de 1912, la Frente Negra Brasileira de los años 30, los Creoles bajo los Sandinistas en Nicaragua, el multiculturalismo oficial de varios países latinoamericanos de los años 90s, y la imagen de «Africa» como base de identificación afrodescendiente).

In this article, I explore the basis for black identity in Latin America. I begin with a general consideration of the position of black populations in the framework of Latin American nationalism, taking into account the transnational dimensions of this position and then analyzing in theoretical terms the tension between particularism and universalism in ideologies of nationalism and racism. In the second part of the article, I examine some concrete historical cases of Afrodescendent mobilization and/or opening towards racial diversity in order to evaluate these as bases for a Latin American black identity in general (the racial war in Cuba in 1912, the Frente Negra Brasileira of the 1930s, the Creoles in the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, the official multiculturalism of various Latin American countries in the 1990s, and the image of "Africa" as the basis for Afrodescendant identification).

Neste artigo se exploram as possíveis bases para uma identidade negra em América Latina. Começando com uma consideração geral do posicionamento das populações negras no marco do nacionalismo latino-americano, se passa à dimensão trans-nacional deste posicionamento, antes de analisar em termos teóricos a tensão entre particularismo e universalismo nas ideologias do nacionalismo e do racismo. Na segunda parte do artigo, se observam alguns casos históricos concretos de mobilização afrodescendente e/o a abertura à diversidade racial para avaliá-los como bases para a identidade negra latino-americana em geral (a guerra racial de Cuba em 1912, a Frente Negra Brasileira dos anos 30, os Creoles sob o controle dos Sandinistas na Nicarágua, o multiculturalismo oficial de vários países latino-americanos nos anos 90 e a imagem de África como base da identificação afrodescendente).

Este artículo revisa en primer lugar evidencia de la exclusion económica, política y social de los grupos descendientes de África e indígenas. A continuación se inspeccionan la multitud de reformas legales y políticas multiculturalistas que tuvieron lugar en la región durante los últimos 15 a 20 años, antes de analizar los diferentes argumentos que se han propuesto para explicar este cambio en las políticas del Estado hacia las minorías étnicas, balanceando argumentos que destacan los intereses del Estado y del capitalismo contra aquellos que enfatizan los organismos de los movimientos de minorías étnicas. Finalmente, el artículo intenta evaluar el impacto de las reformas sobre los pautas de exclusión social de las minorías étnicas, con enfoque especial en la región costera del Pacífico Colombiano como estudio de caso.

The article first reviews evidence of the economic, political and social exclusion of Afro-descendent and indigenous groups in Latin America. Then it surveys the array of multiculturalist legal and political reforms that have taken place in the region in the last 15-20 years, before analyzing the various arguments that have been proposed to explain this shift in state policy towards ethnic minorities, balancing arguments that highlight the interests of the state and capitalism against those that emphasize the agency of ethnic minority movements. Finally, the article attempts to assess the impact of the reforms on patterns of social exclusion of ethnic minorities, with a focus on the Colombian Pacific coastal region as a case study.

LA IDEOLOGÍA DEL MESTIZAJE EN AMÉRICA LATINA HA SIDO VISTA CON FRECUENCIA como un proceso que involucra la homogeneización nacional y el ocultamiento de una realidad de exclusión racista detrás de una máscara de inclusión. Se cuestiona esta posición usando el argumento que el mestizaje implica una dimensión permanente de diferenciación nacional y que, mientras que la exclusión es sin duda alguna una realidad, la inclusión es más que una máscara. Usando estudios de caso sobre música popular colombiana, religión popular venezolana y cristianismo popular brasilero se ilustra este argumento, presentando la inclusión como un proceso ligado a relaciones de parentesco e identidades personificadas. En conclusión, se critican las aproximaciones a la hibridez que resaltan su potencial para desestabilizar los esencialismos.

THE IDEOLOGY OF MESTIZAJE (MIXTURE) IN LATIN AMERICA HAS FREQUENTLY BEEN seen as involving a process of national homogenization and of hiding a reality of racist exclusion behind a mask of inclusiveness. This view is challenged, with the argument that mestizaje inherently implies a permanent dimension of national differentiation and that, while exclusion is an undoubted reality, inclusion is more than a mask. Case studies drawn from Colombian popular music, Venezuelan popular religion and Brazilian popular Christianity are used to illustrate these arguments and present inclusion as a process linked to embodied identities and kinship relations. In conclusion, a critique is made of approaches to hybridity that highlight its potential for destabilizing essentialisms.

Neste artigo, o autor analisa o caso dos estilos musicais associados ao "negro", persistentemente vistos pelas pessoas não negras como "primitivos", mas, ao mesmo tempo, "excitantes". Por isso, o conteúdo principal do artigo é a análise dos termos "África" e "negritude" através da música popular colombiana das décadas de 1920 a 1950, em particular a música da costa caribenha, porém vendo esses termos em relação à ideologia da mestiçagem. Descreve o fenômeno da nacionalização de formas musicais populares (cumbia e porro) durante esse período, formas estas que, ao final dele, converteram-se na música de representação nacional. Aborda, no caso da cidade de Cáli, a presença de grupos de jovens negros que se identificam com a cultura negra. Alguns desses grupos têm ligações com circuitos acadêmicos e resultam de processos liderados por agentes externos. Para esses grupos, a referência à África tem um peso simbólico muito grande. Por isso, é essencial para o autor mostrar o papel dos contextos sócio-históricos urbanos e rurais naqueles que se reinventam e que recriam os termos "negritude" e "África".

The notions of "negritude" and, at minor grade, "Africa", have had a cultural and political importance during the Colombian history since the XIX century. These terms and their different lexical variations have changed historically, according to several social factors, where play the racial, social class and gender hierarchies. In this article the autor does an analysis of the musical s associated to "negro people", constantly seen by non-black people as "primitive" but, at the same time, as "exciting". Therefore, the main content of this article is the analysis of the terms "Africa" and "negritude" through Colombian popular music between the decades of 1920s to 1950s, in particular the music from the Caribbean Coast, although these terms are studied in relation to the mestizo cross-bred ideology. It describes the phenomenon of nationalization of popular music s (cumbia and porro) during this time when they became music of national representation. The article talks about, in the case of the city of Cali, the presence of groups composed by young black people that identify with the black culture. Some of these groups have connections with academic groups and result from processes led by exterior agents. To these groups, the reference to Africa is a very important symbol. So, it is essential to the author to show the role of the urban and rural social - historical contexts of those people that reinvented and recreated the terms "negritude" and "Africa".

Les notions de «négritude» et, in mineur grade, «Afrique» ont eu une importance politique et culturelle dans la histoire de la société colombienne à partir du XIX siècle. Ces termes et leurs différentes associations lexicales ont changé historiquement selon plusieurs facteurs sociaux, où ils jouent des hiérarchies de race, classe et genre. L'auteur dans cet article montre qui les genres de musique associés «aux noirs» sont constamment perçus par les non-noirs comme «primitifs», mais en même temps «excitants». C'est pour cela que le thème central de cet article est l'analyse des termes «Afrique» et «négritude»- tout en rapportant ces termes à l'idéologie du métissage-, à travers la musique populaire colombienne des années 1920 à 1950, spécialement la musique de la côte des Caraïbes. Décrire le phénomène de la nationalisation des formes musicales très populaires (la cumbia et le porro) pendant cette période et qui, à la fin, sont devenues de la musique de représentation nationale. On y traite le cas de la ville de Cali avec la présence de groupes de jeunes noirs qui s'identifient à la culture noire. Certains de ces groupes sont en rapport avec des milieux académiques et sont le produit de processus commandités par des agents extérieurs. Pour ces jeunes-là, la référence à l'Afrique a un très grand poids symbolique. C'est pour cette raison que, pour l'auteur, il est essentiel de montrer le rôle des contextes sócio-historiques urbains et ruraux, ceux-là même dans lesquels se réinventent et se récréent les termes de «négritude» et d' «Afrique».