Resumo O artigo analisa o perfil dos dirigentes públicos de quatro ministérios: Fazenda e Planejamento, representando a área econômica, e Saúde e Educação, como exemplos da área social. Baseado em dados empíricos, propõe uma comparação de perfil dos ocupantes desses altos cargos no período de 1995 a 2012. A pesquisa demonstra as especificidades do padrão de recrutamento nessas duas áreas do campo burocrático e evidencia que os dirigentes públicos da área econômica são provenientes de setores sociais mais favorecidos, apresentam padrão mais técnico e são menos engajados em questões de ordem política, social e sindical. Mas nem por isso são intelectualmente superiores em termos de titulação. Nossos dados permitem dialogar com as teses de Pierre Bourdieu sobre as elites do campo burocrático e ajudam a desmontar mitos sobre a maior qualificação acadêmica dos setores burocráticos da área econômica e financeira.

Abstract This article analyzes the profile of the public managers of four ministries: Finance and Planning, representing the economic area, and Health and Education, as examples of the social area. Based on empirical data, a comparison of the profile of the occupants of these senior positions from 1995 to 2012 is proposed. The research demonstrates the specificities of the recruitment pattern in these two areas of the bureaucratic field and shows that the public leaders of the economic area come from the most favored social sectors, present a more technical pattern and are less engaged in political, social and union matters. However, they are not intellectually superior in terms of qualifications. The data allow to discuss Bourdieu`s theses on the elites of the bureaucratic field and help to demonstrate the myths about the greater academic qualification of the bureaucratic sectors of the economic and financial areas.

Resumen El artículo analiza el perfil de los funcionarios públicos de cuatro ministerios: Finanzas y Planificación, en representación del área económica, y la Salud y la Educación, como ejemplos del área social. Basado en datos empíricos, sugiere una comparación del perfil de los ocupantes de estos puestos de responsabilidad en el período de 1995 a 2012. La investigación muestra la especificidad de lo patrón de reclutamiento en estas dos áreas del campo burocrático y evidencia que los funcionarios públicos de la zona económica provienen de los sectores sociales más privilegiados, tienen un carácter más técnico y son menos dedicados a las cuestiones de la orden política, social y sindical. Pero no por ello son intelectualmente superiores en términos de titulación. Nuestros datos permiten dialogar con las tesis de Bourdieu sobre las élites del campo burocrático y ayudan a desmontar mitos sobre la mayor calificación académica de los sectores burocráticos del área económica y financiera.

RESUMO Introdução Analisa-se a composição ministerial da Nova República a partir de cinco fatores: sexo, etnia, idade, procedência regional e escolaridade. Métodos A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de trabalho empírico e qualitativo sobre o perfil dos ministros da Nova República. Utilizou-se entrevistas, questionários e informações online de vários sites oficiais. Resultados Mostra-se a tímida democratização do ministério no que toca ao gênero e etnia, a idade média avançada dos ministros ao longo de todo o período, o recrutamento prioritário nas regiões mais ricas e mais populosas, mas contemplando todas as regiões do país. Por fim, destaca-se a surpreendente escolarização desse grupo. De outra parte, verifica-se que, na área econômica, a qualificação acadêmica profissional dos ministros é superior à dos demais e que esse aspecto tem sido constante em todos os governos. Discussão Sem levar em conta as alianças político-partidárias, inerentes ao presidencialismo de coalizão, mostra-se que, em termos regionais, o gabinete atesta a validade de um dos princípios desse modelo, qual seja, o do equilíbrio federativo. Ademais, ministros altamente educados e com longas carreiras não têm necessariamente habilidades específicas para as pastas que ocupam. São pessoas acima dos 50 anos de idade, do sexo masculino, recrutadas nos estados mais ricos e que estudaram nas melhores escolas. O recrutamento do ministério reflete o arranjo político do Brasil (o “presidencialismo de coalizão”) e a desigualdade estrutural do país.

ABSTRACT Introduction The ministerial composition of the New Republic is analyzed through five factors: sex, ethnicity, age, regional origin and education. Methods The poll was performed through empirical and qualitative work about the profile of the ministers of the New Republic. Interviews, questionnaires and online information from many official websites were used. Results The timid democratization of the ministry is shown, in terms of gender and ethnicity, the advanced average age of the ministers throughout the whole period, the priority recruitment in the wealthiest and most populous regions, but contemplating all regions of the country. Finally, it is noteworthy the astounding schooling of this group. On the other hand, it is stated that in the economic area, the professional academic qualification of the ministers is superior to the others’, and that this aspect has been constant in all governments. Discussion Not taking into account the political-partisan alliances, inherent in the coalition presidentialism, it is shown that in regional terms, the cabinet affirms the validity of one of the principles of this model, which is the principle of the federative balance. Furthermore, highly educated ministers who have long careers do not necessarily have specific skills to the functions they occupy. They are people over the age of 50, male, recruited in the wealthiest states, who studied in the best schools. The recruitment of the ministry reflects the political arrangement of Brasil (the “coalition presidentialism”) and the structural inequality of the country.

This essay reviews the main analyses produced for publication in 2014 alluding to the 50th anniversary of the 1964 coup and the dictatorship that followed (1964-85). It is noteworthy that most of these analyses, authored by historians and journalists, relativize several Manichaean concepts and versions; chiefly, they enhance society's responsibility for this authoritarian experiment. The coup, they claim, was not an atypical event in the country's political history; it simply expanded conservative and authoritarian values. In daring fashion, they point out the precarious or absent democratic vocation of the forces of the Left, as well as the advances in terms of the country's economic and social modernization under the military governments. The duration of the dictatorship is also questioned. In the eyes of some, it lasted only from 1964 to 1979, and arguments to this end are exhaustively presented. The fact that the report of the National Truth Commission (NTC) was released also in 2014 raised an intense debate in the press and in academia about repression and the crimes of the dictatorship, especially against urban guerrilla organizations, which are also examined in instigating fashion in this bibliography.

Abstract We focus here on a new theme among studies on the Social Sciences in Brazil, namely, the presence of social scientists in high-level office in the federal government, whether as directors or advisers. In general, studies on the social sciences in Brazil are devoted to examining the academic profile of their founders, the contents prioritized in the disciplines, processes of institutionalization and methodologies adopted, among other aspects. However, there has never been an examination of the place of the social scientist in the division of labour of the state bureaucracy, in the market and close to those in power. By means of empirical research, we have ascertained that individuals with this academic background have a notable presence in the Lula da Silva government (2003-2006; 2007-). Our hypothesis is that this presence cannot be explained chiefly by the specificity of the knowledge produced by this set of disciplines. Instead, one has to look at other variables, especially social scientists’ link with the public service.