Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar a simulação eleitoral como um novo modelo para estudar o comportamento eleitoral, partindo do pressuposto de que as interações sociais são fundamentais para a decisão de cada eleitor. Como as pesquisas de opinião pública utilizam informações referentes apenas ao momento da entrevista, elas não conseguem assimilar as alterações na escolha de cada eleitor dadas pela influência que eles recebem a todo momento, seja pelas interações com a mídia ou com outros eleitores. Ao contrário das pesquisas de opinião, o simulador demonstra ser uma interessante ferramenta de análise eleitoral justamente por ter como premissa essas interações. Pretende-se aqui fazer uma revisão bibliográfica dos principais estudos sobre comportamento eleitoral, pesquisas de opinião e trabalhos que já apresentaram, de alguma maneira, a simulação eleitoral. Em seguida, pretende-se descrever os avanços no modelo teórico e no modelo interativo do simulador eleitoral como sendo uma ferramenta de pesquisa científica. Finalmente, apresentaremos os resultados obtidos, bem como análises para as simulações feitas nas eleições de 2002 e 2004.

This article presents complex systems simulation as a new method for the study the electoral behavior, assuming that social interactions are the key for each voter's decision. Insofar as public opinion polls uses information limited to the moment the interview is conducted, they cannot forecast changes overtime in each voter's choice that may be caused by interactions with the media or others voters. In contrast, the electoral simulator shows to be an interesting tool for electoral analysis because it introduces such interactions as premises. In this article, we present the theoretical model of the simulator, followed by simulations made for the 2002 and 2004 elections in Brazil.

In this article we intend to demonstrate that mainstream interpretations of international survey results on the value of interpersonal trust are often imprecise and mistaken, since they ignore the different roles conflict-adjudicating institutions play in mediating interpersonal relations in the societies the survey is applied, and thus the capacity this institutions have in fashioning civic and political cultures. Consequently, the answers obtained in public opinion polls referring to the concept of trust end up translating a very distinct dimension from that originally intended by those conducting the study. At the same time, the assumption that culture is an independent variable that determines social and political relations runs unchecked by the methodology and is confirmed in the final interpretation of results. In short, due to such analytical weakness, the concept of interpersonal trust is turned ineffective as a tool for empirical measurement, thus leading to erroneous nomological conclusions.

Dans cet article, on cherche à montrer que les interprétations des résultats obtenus dans des enquêtes internationales sur la question des valeurs, sont souvent imprécises ou erronées, puisqu'elles ne tiennent pas compte des différences importantes existant entre les sociétés étudiées quant à leurs cultures civique et politique. On avance qu'une part de cette équivoque découle de la faiblesse analytique dans l'expression du concept de confiance interpersonnelle, puisque cette expression ne prend pas en considération le rôle joué par des institutions adjugeant des conflits lors de leur médiation des relations interpersonnelles dans une société. Par conséquent, les réponses obtenues dans les enquêtes d'opinion au sujet du concept de confiance présentent une portée différente de celle prétendue à l'origine par ceux qui les mènent. Bref, l'idée est que, à cause de sa fragilité analytique, le concept de confiance interpersonnelle n'est pas valable en tant qu'outil de mesure empirique, menant donc à des conclusions nomologiques - c'est-à-dire des généralisations théoriques inductives fondées sur des évidences empiriques - erronées.

Este artigo examina o papel do medo na legitimação da autoridade política. Seu argumento é que o medo é um sentimento moral importante na constituição de um soberano legítimo, e para tanto mobiliza exemplos da teoria política e das práticas políticas do século XVI para ilustrá-lo.

This article analyzes the role of fear in the legitimation of political authority. It argues that fear is an important moral sentiment in the constitution of a legitimate sovereign, and utilizes examples from political theory and political practices of the sixteenth century to illustrate this argument.

OBJETIVO: A inativação de radicais livres (RL) foi estudada para determinar as alterações do fluxo capilar pancreático (FCP) na pancreatite aguda induzida por ceruleína em ratos. MÉTODOS: Um laser-Doppler fluxímetro determinou o FCP e o composto N-t-Butyl-Phenylnitrone (PBN), para inativar os RL, foi utilizado. Quarenta ratos foram divididos em 4 grupos: 1) controle; 2)ceruleína; 3) PBN; 4)ceruleína+PBN. Dosagens bioquímicas e análise histopatológica foram realizadas. RESULTADOS: O FCP foi em média 109.08 ± 14.54%, 68.24 ± 10.47%, 102.18 ± 10.23% e 87.73 ± 18.72% nos grupos 1, 2, 3 and 4, respectivamente. O FCP nos grupos 2 e 4 diminuíram em média 31.75 ± 16.79% e 12.26 ± 15.24%, respectivamente. A média da amilase sérica foi de 1323,70 ± 239.10 U/l, 2184,60 ± 700,46 U/l, 1379,80 ± 265,72 U/l e 1622,10 ± 314,60 U/l nos grupos 1, 2, 3 e 4, respectivamente. Observou-se diferença significante no FCP e na amilase sérica quando comparados os grupos 2 e 4. Vacuolização citoplasmática estava presente nos grupos 3 e 4. Não foram observadas outras alterações qualitativas. CONCLUSÃO: A inativação de RL melhorou o FCP e minimizou a elevação da amilase sérica na pancreatite aguda induzida por ceruleína. A presença de RL parece ser um evento precoce neste modelo de pancreatite aguda experimental.

PURPOSE: Reactive oxygen species (ROS) inactivation was studied to determine alterations in the pancreatic capillary blood flow (PCBF) during caerulein-induced pancreatitis in rats. METHODS: A laser-Doppler flowmeter to measure PCBF and N-t-Butyl-Phenylnitrone (PBN) compound to inactivate ROS were used. Forty rats were divided in groups: 1) control; 2) caerulein; 3) PBN; 4) caerulein+PBN. Serum biochemistry and histopathological analyses were performed. RESULTS: PCBF measured a mean of 109.08 ± 14.54%, 68.24 ± 10.47%, 102.18 ± 10.23% and 87.73 ± 18.72% in groups 1, 2, 3 and 4, respectively. PCBF in groups 2 and 4 decreased 31.75 ± 16.79% and 12.26 ± 15.24%, respectively. Serum amylase was 1323.70 ± 239.10 U/l, 2184.60 ± 700.46 U/l, 1379.80 ± 265.72 U/l and 1622.10 ± 314.60 U/l in groups 1, 2, 3 and 4, respectively. There was a significant difference in the PCBF and serum amylase when compared groups 2 and 4. Cytoplasmatic vacuolation was present in groups 2 and 4. Otherwise, no qualitative changes were seen. CONCLUSION: ROS inactivation improves PCBF and minimizes the serum amylase increase during caerulein-induced pancreatitis. ROS effect may be one of the leading causative events in this model of acute pancreatitis.

OBJETIVO: O fluxo capilar pancreático (FCP) foi estudado para determinar suas alterações durante a pancreatite aguda induzida por ceruleína, em ratos. MÉTODOS: Vinte ratos foram divididos em grupo controle e grupo ceruleína. Um laser-Doppler fluxímetro foi empregado para determinar, continuamente, o FCP durante 120 minutos. A pressão arterial média (PAM) e a freqüência cardíaca (FC) foram determinadas, durante o experimento. Análise bioquímica sérica e estudo histopatológico, por microscopia ótica, do tecido pancreático foram realizados, ao final do experimento. RESULTADOS: O FCP foi em média 109,08 ± 2,17% e 68,24 ± 16,79% nos grupos controle e ceruleína , respectivamente. No grupo ceruleína, houve uma diminuição média de 31,75 ± 16,79%. Os níveis de amilase sérica foram de 1323,70 ± 239,10U.I-1 e 2184,60 ± 700,46U.I-1 nos grupos controle e ceruleína, respectivamente. Houve diferença significante (p<0,05) no FCP e na amilasemia, quando comparado o grupo controle com o grupo ceruleína. Embora micro e macrovacuolização estivessem presentes no grupo ceruleína, não houve diferença histológica entre os grupos. CONCLUSÃO: A diminuição do FCP parece um evento precoce, antecedendo o aparecimento de alterações histopatológicas, por microscopia ótica, que caracterizam este modelo de pancreatite edematosa aguda.

PURPOSE: The pancreatic capillary blood flow (PCBF) was studied to determine its alterations during caerulein-induced pancreatitis in rats. METHODS: Twenty rats were divided in groups: control and caerulein. A laser-Doppler flowmeter to measure PCBF continuously was used. Blood pressure (BP) and heart rate (HR) were monitored. Serum biochemistry analyses were determined. Histopathological study was performed. RESULTS: The PCBF measured a mean of 109.08 ± 14.54% and 68.24 ± 10.47% in control group and caerulein group, respectively. Caerulein group had a mean decrease of 31.75 ± 16.79%. The serum amylase was 1323.70 ± 239.10U.I-1 and 2184.60 ± 700.46U.I-1 in control and caerulein groups, respectively. There was a significant difference in the PCBF (p<0.05) and serum amylase (p<0.05) when compared to control and caerulein groups. Although micro and microvacuolization were seen in 30% in caerulein group, no significant difference was seen between the groups. CONCLUSION: A decrease in the PCBF may be one of the leading events and it is present before histopathological tissue injury had been established in this model of acute pancreatitis.

This article proposes both a critique of the principal watersheds in philosophical interpretation of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) and a political theory of social communication that is capable of comprehending the impact of such technologies on contemporary societies. The principal argument is that we are experiencing a political and intellectual struggle over the forms of appropriating electronic communications media, and that the search for democratization of these media requires a reformulation of some central principles in the political theory of social communication and its relationship to democratic theory.

Dans cet article, on examine d'un œil critique les principaux versants d'interprétation philosophique des nouvelles technologies d'information et de communication (TICs) afin de proposer une théorie politique de la communication sociale effectivement capable de comprendre son impact sur les sociétés contemporaines. L'argument principal consiste à dire que nous vivons une lutte à la fois politique et intellectuelle visant les formes d'appropriation des moyens électroniques de communication, et que la recherche de démocratisation de ces moyens exige une révision de quelques principes fondamentaux de la théorie politique de communication sociale ainsi que des rapports entre celle-ci et la théorie démocratique.

This article aims to reconstruct the issue of legitimation of democratic orders based on a typology of deliberative consensuses, relating different initial positions by actors to the principles of justification and application of the norms by which they operate. Based on Habermas’ model of the ethics of discourse, the article argues that a democratic order’s legitimacy depends on a "virtuous circle of democracy", defined as the circulation of forms of consensus that are able to avoid the characteristic crises in legitimation for each type of consensus.

Dans cet article, on cherche à reconstruire le problème de la légitimation d’ordres démocratiques depuis une typologie de consensus délibératifs, en reliant des positions initiales différentes des acteurs et des principes de justification et d’application de normes avec lesquelles ils opèrent. Prenant comme point de départ le modèle de l’éthique du discours de Habermas, on pose que la légitimité des ordres démocratiques dépend d’un "cercle vertueux de la démocratie", défini par une circulation de formes de consensus capables d’éviter les crises de légitimation propres à chaque type de consensus.

O texto resenha Ao leitor sem medo, de Renato Janine Ribeiro (Belo Horizonte, UFMG, 1999).

This text is a review of Ao leitor sem medo by Renato Janine Ribeiro (Belo Horizonte, UFMG, 1999)