Resumo: As especificações conceituais são importantes para identificação dos atributos que compõem um fenômeno político, mas é a operacionalização que permite a mensuração empírica. De modo a entender as implicações práticas de abordagens teóricas sobre o poder e como elas se traduzem em aferições com diferentes leituras da realidade, este trabalho discute versões de um indicador de poder regional sul-americano, o Relevance Index for South American Politics (RISAmP). A partir das perspectivas (I) material, que considera o poder como a posse de recursos, e (II) relacional, que compreende o poder como um fenômeno político e social relativo, foi possível conceber variações dos elementos duros e brandos, e suas aplicações relativas e brutas, gerando efeitos objetivos na construção de um indicador unificado que avalia a performance dos países no período 1990-2018. O desafio superado foi o de minimizar as discrepâncias apresentadas pelo Brasil e equilibrar as variáveis para que o indicador final correspondesse ao que se observa nas relações interestatais da América do Sul. Espera-se que os termos aqui apresentados possam ser aproveitados, adequados, ou sirvam como estímulo para estudos que busquem coesão entre conceitos e instrumentos de medição, entre a teoria e a prática.

Abstract: Conceptual specifications are important for identifying the attributes that make up a political phenomenon, but it is mensuration that allows for empirical operationalization. To understand the practical implications of theoretical approaches of power and how they translate into measurements with different readings of reality, this paper discusses versions of a South American regional power indicator, the Relevance Index for South American Politics (RISAmP). Departing from the (I) material perspective, which considers power as the possession of resources, or the (II) relational perspective, which understands power as a political and social and relative phenomenon, we conceptualize variation in the hard and soft elements of state power, along with their relative and gross applications. These changes contributed to the construction of a unified indicator that assesses the performance of countries in the period 1990-2018. The challenge was to minimize the discrepancies presented by Brazil and to balance the variables so that the final indicator corresponds to observed interstate relations in South America. We hope that the terms presented here can be used and adapted, or can encourage further studies that attempt to build cohesion between concepts and measurement instruments, and between theory and practice.

Abstract Brazil has claimed the status of a key player within the international arena for the past decade, particularly during the two administrations of Lula da Silva (2003–2010). The Brazilian foreign policy team acted in relation to issues such as the Palestinian-Israeli Affairs and the Iranian Nuclear Program imbroglio with the international community presenting the country as a potential negotiator in matters of high politics. Yet, despite the success of the Tehran Declaration, Brazil faced some limitations due to the reactions of countries such as the United States, which displayed discontent towards Brazil’s engagement in areas normally assigned to them. Making use of official documentation, speeches from authorities, and press articles we concluded that despite Brazil’s status as a global power, it has not been able to face the great players such as the US in the world high politics.

Abstract This article discusses arms trade policies from an international security perspective. Arms transfers are widely treated as political issues even when economic incentives exist. They affect bilateral and multilateral relations among suppliers, countries receiving the arms, non-state actors, taxpayers, and victims. Following the agreement to build Swedish SAAB Gripen NG fighter jets in Brazil, more may be produced for sale to third countries. This, in turn, calls for a review of Brazil’s arms transfer policy. In this instance, Sweden’s principled arms sales model could serve as a basis for a revised Brazilian arms transfer policy as well.

Duas iniciativas importantes ocorridas nas duas últimas décadas produziram a contra-hegemonia brasileira. Uma resulta da ação da comunidade de negócios e da alta burocracia nacional e busca a formação de um bloco regional de caráter político e econômico. A outra resulta do surgimento do Partido dos Trabalhadores e visa promover a democratização radical e a redução da exclusão social. Ambas produziram políticas e mudanças que convergem para criar uma emergente contra-hegemonia regional brasileira.

There have been two key initiatives taken in the last two decades in Brazil to create a counter-hegemonic project for the country. One initiative resulted from Brazil's business community and high-level State bureaucracy and aimed at forming a regional economic and political bloc that would guarantee and enlarge a relative independence from the hegemonic powers. The other resulted from the emergence of the new unionist movement in São Paulo and from the formation of Partido dos Trabalhadores and aimed at promoting radical democratization and reducing social exclusion. Both initiatives have created policies and changes that have converged to enhance Brazil's counter-hegemonic position as a regional and emerging power.