This article aims to locate the normative origins of the semi-presidential government in the theoretical contribution of German thinker Max Weber. I argue that Weberian reasoning about the Head of State, when freed from the German background in which it arose, may shed light on how semi-presidentialism can be justified in other national contexts nowadays. Methodologically, this work draws a link between Weber’s constitutional thought and part of the literature concerning forms of government, especially semi-presidentialism. I evaluate particularly whether it is possible to build a normative theory of the semi-presidential system from similar concerns raised by him, that is, goals of national strengthening, selection of political leaders, and a popularly elected presidency working as a check on congressional and bureaucratic particularism. My analysis suggests that Weber’s reasoning may be employed to defend a change to semi-presidentialism, provided the domestic powers of the popularly elected president be curtailed while her or his influence over foreign affairs is emphasized.

RESUMO Introdução: Estudos recentes sobre o perfil das nomeações de ministros em nível federal têm mostrado maior complexidade das lógicas subjacentes a esta decisão e, como consequência, a insuficiência explicativa da dicotomia entre nomeações “técnicas” versus “políticas”. Por outro lado, pouco se conhece ainda sobre os tipos de nomeação para o secretariado de primeiro escalão nos Executivos estaduais. A partir de um estudo de caso, comparamos se as lógicas de nomeações são similares ou distintas daquelas encontradas em nível federal. Materiais e Métodos: A partir da sistematização dos dados biográficos dos secretários nomeados entre 1995 e 2015 no Rio Grande do Norte, no Brasil (RN), foi possível ir além de informações básicas (tais como: formação educacional, ocupação profissional ou filiação partidária) dos secretários, identificando as trajetórias dos indivíduos nos contextos políticos e eleitorais do estado. Propomos, a partir daí, uma tipologia para mensurar competências técnica e política. Resultados: A análise das nomeações para o caso do RN com base nessa tipologia revela que há especificidades locais que explicam parte significativa das escolhas feitas pelos governadores na montagem do seu gabinete. O tipo de nomeação mais frequente é o de uma secretária ou secretário com um perfil misto, técnico e político ao mesmo tempo, o que confirma a insuficiência analítica da dicotomia “técnico” ou “político” como critérios de escolha exclusivos pelos chefes dos Executivos. Discussão: O estudo, a partir dessa análise exploratória de dados de um caso específico, abre avenidas para futuras investigações, entre elas a ideia da existência de uma espécie de presidencialismo de coalizão atenuado em alguns estados a ser entendido a partir de dinâmicas especificamente regionais.

ABSTRACT Introduction: Recent studies on the profile of ministers’ appointments at the federal level have shown greater complexity on the logic underlying such decisions and, consequently, the explanatory insufficiency of a dichotomous distinction between “technical” versus “political” appointments. On the other hand, little is known about the types of appointments in state executives. Based on a case study, We compare whether the naming logics are similar or different from those found at the federal level. Materials and Methods: By adopting a qualitative investigation on the biography of all secretaries appointed between 1995 and 2015 in Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil (RN), it was possible to go beyond basic information (such as educational background, professional occupation or party affiliation) of secretaries, identifying the trajectories of individuals in the political and electoral contexts of the state. From there, we propose a typology to measure technical and political competences. Results: The analysis of appointments for the case of RN based on this typology reveals that there are local specificities that explain a significant part of the choices made by governors in setting up their office. The most frequent type of appointment is that of a secretary with a mixed, technical and political profile at the same time, which confirms the analytical insufficiency of the “technical” or “political” dichotomy as a exclusive selection criteria by the heads of Executives. Discussion: Based on this explanatory data analysis of a specific case, the study opens avenues for future investigations, among them the idea of the existence of a kind of attenuated coalition presidentialism in some states to be understood from specifically regional dynamics.

Resumo: O artigo toma como foco de análise a eleição de senador de duas vagas, definindo seu lugar dentro da família dos sistemas eleitorais majoritários como um tipo de voto em bloco. Eu investigo peças da legislação eleitoral num esforço de descrever a história de sua aplicação no País e faço uma primeira análise dos resultados eleitorais agregados das disputas de 1994, 2002 e 2010. O texto chega à conclusão de que fenômenos como o voto casado e o voto ordinal subjetivo, tipicamente presentes na dinâmica dos dois votos desses pleitos, justificam tratá-los como tendo efeitos estratégicos inteiramente distintos da maioria simples em distritos uninominais.

Abstract: The article focus on analyzing the senatorial election of two seats, defining its place within the great family of majoritarian systems as a kind of block vote. I investigate several pieces of electoral law across Brazilian history in an effort to describe how it was initially employed and later modified. Furthermore, I perform a preliminary analysis of electoral results in the elections of 1994, 2002 and 2010. My main conclusion is that phenomena such as the “married vote” and the subjective ordinal vote, typically present in the dynamics of such competitions for two votes, justifies treating them as entirely distinct in its strategic effects from single-member plurality rule.

Este trabalho percorre as teorias da democracia - desde aquelas que enfatizam o seu caráter competitivo, realista, formal, passando por aquelas que destacam seu aspecto deliberativo, plebiscitário e participativo, até as que consideram primordial enfatizar seu caráter igualitário e substantivo - buscando demonstrar o alcance, as convergências e os limites de tais teorias. Mais do que apenas enfatizar as diferenças, contradições e o caráter normativo entre tais arcabouços teóricos, busca-se evidenciar em que aspectos as instituições e as experiências democráticas contemporâneas respondem de forma significativa e convergente as questões colocadas por essas teorias no Brasil.

This work explores the theories of democracy - from those that emphasize its competitive, realist and formal nature, including the ones that highlight its deliberative, plebiscitary and participative aspects, to those that emphasize its substantive and egalitarian character - seeking to demonstrate the scope, the convergences and the limits of such theories. More than just emphasizing the differences, contradictions and the normative character of such theoretical frameworks, we seek to reveal the aspects in which the institutions and democratic contemporary experiences respond significantly to the questions raised by these theories in Brazil.

O texto tem como objetivo central elaborar uma teoria da ação coletiva pertinente à análise dos problemas de cooperação metropolitanos. Tomando como casos preliminares as regiões metropolitanas de Natal e Recife, o trabalho visa também a definir que incentivos os municípios componentes de tais regiões têm para colaborar na solução de problemas tipicamente intermunicipais. A opção teórico-metodológica do artigo leva à conclusão de que as questões relacionadas à gestão metropolitana não podem ser separadas de variáveis relativas à integração dos municípios à cidade-polo da região. O trabalho empírico efetuado na aplicação parcial do modelo sistematiza dados qualitativos e quantitativos de pesquisas feitas por outros autores sobre as duas regiões mencionadas.

This paper mainly aims to develop a theory of collective action relevant to the analysis of problems of metropolitan cooperation. Taking as such preliminary cases the metropolitan areas of Recife and Natal, this work also aims to establish which incentives municipalities belonging to such regions have to cooperate in solving typically intermunicipal problems. The theoretical and methodological choice of this paper leads to the conclusion that the issues related to metropolitan management can not be separated from variables related to the integration of the counties to the main city in the region.The empirical work done in the partial implementation of the model sistematizes qualitative and quantitative data from research done by others over the two regions mentioned.

L'objectif principal de ce texte est d'élaborer la théorie d'une action collective capable d'analyser les problèmes métropolitains de coopération. Les régions métropolitaines de Natal et de Recife serviront de base pour une étude de cas préliminaire. La recherche se veut également de définir les supports dont disposent les municipalités qui forment ces régions pour apporter leur collaboration en vue de trouver une solution aux problèmes inter municipaux. Le choix théorique et méthodologique de cette étude mène à la conclusion que les questions liées à la gestion métropolitaine ne peuvent être séparées des variables relatives à l'intégration des communes avec la ville-pôle de la région. Le travail empirique, réalisé pour la mise en Œuvre partielle du modèle, systématise les données qualitatives et quantitatives des recherches réalisées par d'autres auteurs sur les deux régions citées.

This article analyzes Brazilian social security reform during the Fernando Henrique and Lula Administrations. After comparing the contexts in which the different Constitutional Amendment proposals (PECs) were submitted and the behavior by Members of Congress during the two periods, we argue that a contextual change (namely a switch in places between government and opposition) affected the distribution of preferences and resources between the players and impacted the government in the various arenas in which the game was being played, and that as a result the reformist agenda has made more progress under the current Workers' Party administration.

Dans cet article, on analyse la réforme de la Sécurité Sociale brésilienne sous les gouvernements de Fernando Henrique et de Lula. Après avoir établi une comparaison entre les contextes où ont été avancées les différentes PECs (Propositions d'Amendement Constitutionnel) et le comportement des parlementaires à ces deux moments, on soutient qu'un changement de type contextuel, c'est-à-dire l'inversion entre majorité et opposition, en modifiant la distribution des préférences et des moyens entre les acteurs et en bouleversant la majorité dans les diverses arènes où se déroulait le jeu politique, a contribué pour que, en somme, le programme réformiste progresse davantage sous le gouvernement du président Lula.

This article analyzes the issue of party unity, investigating the factors that favor or discourage party breaks. Three independent variables are proposed, forming a model that seeks to evaluate the possibilities for splitting or maintaining party organization. The variables are the intra-partisan institutional arrangement, internal ideological dissent, and the electoral costs of a split. The model is applied to the case of the Workers' Party (PT), seeking to evaluate which factors are the strongest in this party, those leading to a split or those favoring maintenance of unity in the party's organization. The study draws on various data sources, including party documents and bylaws, theses proposed by party factions, and election results, covering four national events in the 1990s. The study contends that intra-partisan institutional arrangements and the electoral costs of a split have strongly discouraged any break in the PT as a political party, and that if all else remains constant, these factors will continue to produce the same effects in the foreseeable future.

Dans cet article, on examine la question de l'unité des partis, en cherchant à déceler les facteurs qui provoquent ou empêchent leur scission. On propose trois variables indépendantes formant un modèle qui tente d'évaluer les chances de scission/maintien d'une organisation de parti. Ces variables sont les suivantes: l'aménagement institutionnel et la divergence idéologique internes au parti ainsi que les pertes électorales d'une scission. On applique ce modèle au cas du Parti des Travailleurs (PT), en cherchant à estimer ce qui y prévaut: les tendances qui mènent à la scission ou celles qui favorisent le maintien de l’unité du parti. La recherche se sert de plusieurs sortes de données, telles que documents et statuts du parti, thèses des factions internes et résultats d'élections, concernant surtout quatre rencontres nationales réalisées dans les années 90. On conclut que les aménagements institutionnels internes au parti et les pertes électorales d'une scission éloignent nettement la perspective du fractionnement du PT en tant que parti politique et, toutes conditions gardées, auront le même effet dans un avenir prévisible.