Necropolitics, State of Exception, and Violence Against Indigenous People in the Amazon Region During the Bolsonaro Administration*

This study presents a reflection on violence and socioenvironmental conflicts in indigenous territories in the Brazilian Amazon based on policies implemented during the Bolsonaro administration. It adopts an approach based on the statistical description of the data. In ‘Amazônia Legal’ violence against indigenous peoples and their territories has been marked by the consequences of economic development policies and the capitalist reappropriation of nature. State inefficiency in recognizing the territorial rights of indigenous peoples, even when the latter establish forms of (re)existing marked by political mobilizations, has led in recent years to multiple forms of violence evidenced in the violation of human rights, the state of exception, and the submission of life to the power of death.

of rights, expressed in a narrative of the sovereign state and the concentration of political power.
In the Brazilian Amazon, this process has simultaneously led to 'epistemicides' and 'ecocides' expressed in environmental and economic policies implemented by the Brazilian government against indigenous peoples, their territories and knowledge. Evidence for this can be found, for example, in the favoring of large economic development enterprises and the marketized appropriation of nature as a value reserve, or also in the absence of policies for territorial protection and the maintenance of the modes of living of traditional peoples. In the last instance, they are revealed as the consequence of the socioenvironmental conflicts materialized by the institutionalized violence of 'state actions' (BOURDIEU, 2014).
In recent years economic development programs and the fronts of expansion of agri-business have gained space. These still propel in the twenty-first century a discourse of demographic emptiness and the neo-colonist necessity for the occupation and integration of the Amazonian geopolitical frontiers (BECKER, 2004;IANNI, 1979;PICOLI, 2006;RAPOZO and SILVA, 2020).
The political events which led to the coup and removal of President Dilma Rousseff, the subsequent Michel Temer administration, and the ascension in 2018 of the Jair Bolsonaro administration resulted from the strengthening of the extreme right conservative political mobilization which consolidated the conditions for the establishment of strategic economic interests, including those linked to the strengthening of agri-business.
A consequence of this are the current rates of deforestation, violence, and conflicts in the rural Amazonian world. Although in previous governments this information was also concerning, the increased violation of indigenous peoples' rights has become latent, revealing itself to be an extermination project in the middle of the economic and political crisis established in the current government.
As an object of discussion, we will present an analysis and reflection on the violation of human rights and threats to indigenous territories expressed in the typification of violence in the Brazilian Amazon, which occurred between the transition process of the Michel Temer administration and the Jair Bolsonaro administration in 2019. The analysis starts by considering the

Let the cattle herd pass: environmental policies and the violation of indigenous territories in Amazônia Legal
The occurrence of violence motivated by the advance of productive systems, mega-ventures, and networks of illegality and criminality in the twentyfirst century reveal the dynamics of capitalism in the Amazon region and its impacts The obstacles to the judicial security of the recognition of indigenous territories have become another latent problem. Combined with these factors numerous aspects revealed the socio-environmental vulnerability of indigenous territories in the Amazon region, among those marked by the historic threats of socio-environmental conflicts which put at risk the right to live and remain in their territories.
We understand that these conflicts also reveal the inequalities of political and economic capital, which in the Amazonian case is historically represented by  territories. In addition to bringing legal uncertainty to indigenous peoples, this normative instruction (jointly created by FUNAI and IBAMA) reveals a threat to indigenous peoples' right to exclusive use of territories, it also establishes legislation that will allow, for example, the absence of environmental licensing, the presence of Although they can be understood as a traditional political mechanism of the Brazilian representative democracy system, the 'bancadas' came to have greater expression in the twenty-first century with their interconnection at the level of economic and ideological interests. In this way, they reveal, for example, the stratified interests of commercial sectors which, consequently, impact on ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 10 Currently, the federal Chamber of Deputies, responsible for the presentation and voting for proposals in the national legislation has a configuration expressed in 11 groups linked to various sectors of interest, becoming more important than those of the national economy, with these 'bancadas' or groups being: 01. Contractors and Construction Companies; 02. Evangelicals; 03. Agriculture (known as 'ruralistas'); 04. Pro-Gun groups (the so-called 'bancada da bala'); 05. Trade union representatives; 06. Human rights; 07. Mining; 08. Commercial/business; 09. Sport; 10. Health, and 11. Political Relatives (the 'parentes' group).  In addition, they also have an impact on the production and reproduction of exclusion, isolation, and segregation experienced in the different forms of violence, including the violence institutionalized by the 'necropolitics' of the 'state of exception'. Although they are categories thought of based on situations of war in states of political crisis, Mbembe (2003) and Agamben (2004)  The data presented in the last report of the international monitoring organization Global Witness on violence in the rural world, (2019), related to the murder of environmental activists and leaders in the world, reveals that Brazil is among the countries with the most deaths resulting from conflicts 11 , above all those related to agri-business, land speculation, and mineral extraction ventures.
In general, the studies also shows that around 80% of these murders in  The expression of these conflicts in many cases is configured by the condition of use of the territory. In the case of indigenous peoples in 'Amazônia Legal' insecurity and violence also reveal that the attacks on material and immaterial patrimony in traditionally occupied territories 13 . In the majority of cases, conflicts occur through distinct forms of occupation of spaces and due to the advance of agribusiness in lands which, even though they are recognized as being for the use of indigenous peoples, still suffer from a delay in regularization by competent institutions and the lack of inspection and public security (Figure 02). According to the report on violence against indigenous people published by CIMI (2020), the events reported in Figure 03 generally involved situations in which ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 13 The category of traditionally occupied lands is understood as something more than its normative judicial perspective (VIEGAS, 2017), as an indispensable territory for the maintenance of activities which allow the material and symbolic reproduction of collective life.    Another data of concern is related to rising rates of child mortality and selfinflicted violence through suicide in the states of 'Amazônia Legal', which points to a serious flaw in the extension of public health care (Figure 06). Indigenous child mortality expressed in the statistics of public institutions reveals a concerning scenario in states such as Amazonas, where difficulties of access is also due to numerous problems faced in indigenous territories with the absence of specialized professionals in the accompanying of pregnancy, pediatrics, and social assistance in difficult to access places.
In general, the data from Figure 06 is explained by the fragility of institutional support for workers specialized in indigenous health which, in situations of precariousness and compromised by the complex logistics of movement in the majority of indigenous territories, find themselves impossible to implement in a more effective manner actions compatible with regional reality.  Another situation in the field of public health which also represents a threat to indigenous peoples is in the occurrence of suicide which, in recent years, has become an element of discussion in the field of indigenous health care policies.
Although numerous factors can lead to self-inflicted violence, it is a recurrent chronic and complex problem, which should be considered in light of the different ethnic groups. However, the fragility of actions by the public authorities to establish measures of prevention and education against self-inflicted violence has been preoccupying, above all in territories where the presence of the state is partial or absence, which hinders still more formal notifications.
In Figure 07 it is possible to note that the states of Amazonas and Roraima have a significant number of cases of suicide, although it can be considered that the results obtained are due to greater state capacity to register this information, which significantly indicates that the other states have a problem of sub-notification.  and other historic partners of indigenous peoples in this regional context, since they are revealed to be crucial in the production of qualified information and in the monitoring of data which helped in the construction of policies aimed at the improvement of quality in their ways of life.
These initiatives imposed the need to understand the socio-cultural, environmental, and economic particularities of these territories as essential for the maintenance of good living. They also put in question the need to recognize the diversity of conceptions about disease and cure among the indigenous peoples, as well as the emergency adoption of public policies for combat and prevention of their territories, making visible and respecting this knowledge. However, the actions of collective mobilization led by indigenous people throughout the Brazilian Amazon demonstrate that solidarity is a path to resistance and for the production of a socially just world in difficult moments. where the 'non-existence of the state' and its governmental policies is evident.

Conclusions
The maintenance of the scenario of violence in Amazon in recent decades, as well as revealing the disputes over access to the use of land, becomes even more complex during the period which runs from the institutional coup which resulting in Michel Temer becoming president, to the neo-fascist and conservative ascension, representative of an ultraliberal economy, and to the current Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro.
The notion of a state of exception, here considered under the perspective of the current government, reveals, according to Agamben (2004), the negation of law and popular sovereignty in an assault on democracy, in a diagnosis which understands that 'exception is the absolutism of contemporaneity', or also an expression of the judicial forms of neoliberalism (VALIM, 2017). Moreover, the exception also expresses the process of the depoliticization of society and the transformation of democratic dialogue in an authoritarian, subordinated to economic policies.
In addition, the impossibility of conflict resolution not only reflects judicial insecurity and the improbable guarantee of territorial rights aimed at indigenous peoples, but also makes explicit a policy of death, exception, and the violation of rights. These events increasingly impose the necessity among the indigenous peoples of an emancipatory political project against all forms of violence, exclusion, inequality, and the death of culture and knowledge. This process is now presented in the Brazilian Amazon in many joint experiences and aspects, constructed with various agents, but with the protagonism of the political and ethnic mobilization of indigenous peoples in the process of resisting and existing.
Translated by Eoin Portela Submitted on January 21, 2021 Accepted on February 05, 2021