Social participation strategies in the community reading of Brazilian municipalities: approximations of occupational therapy with urban policy¹

Abstract

Introduction

There is a technical and epistemic chasm about the production of information about democratic management in city planning. This implies losses in social participation, while collective occupational involvement, in the conduction of the Participative Master Plan, especially in the diagnostic stage of community reading, as provided for in the City Statute.

Objective

To identify methodological approaches to community reading of Participatory Master Plans in Brazilian municipalities and bring their information closer to the area of occupational therapy.

Method

A documentary, hypothetical-deductive, exploratory, and quali-quantitative research was conducted. The set of methodological strategies and professional categories were chosen as analysis variables.

Results

42 documents were surveyed, which in summary comprises five stages in conducting community understanding: Dissemination, Mobilization, Training, Diagnosis, and Agreements. At each stage, strategies are still created under traditional and hegemonic perspectives, conducted mainly by professionals from Architecture, Geography, and Engineering. As a result, interdisciplinary action is insufficient, and participation is treated as an 'act of population adherence' in the construction of urban policy.

Conclusion

Brazilian municipalities find it difficult to implement urban policy, especially the stage of community reading, in which it is considered fundamental for the social participation of the population. With this, this study approaches the issues of urban planning in the area of occupational therapy, in particular by providing contributions related to the technologies of participation and the right to the city, as a human and social right involved in the daily lives of several populations.

Keywords:
Cities; Socioeconomics Rights; Social Participation; City Planning; Occupational Therapy

Resumo

Introdução

Há um abismo técnico e epistêmico sobre a produção de informações a respeito da gestão democrática no planejamento das cidades. Isso implica prejuízos na participação social, enquanto envolvimento ocupacional coletivo, na condução do Plano Diretor Participativo, em especial na etapa diagnóstica da leitura comunitária, como prevê o Estatuto da Cidade.

Objetivo

Identificar as abordagens metodológicas da leitura comunitária dos Planos Diretores Participativos de municípios brasileiros e aproximar as suas informações à área de terapia ocupacional.

Método

Foi conduzida uma pesquisa documental, hipotético-dedutiva, exploratória e de natureza quali-quantitativa. Elegeu-se como variáveis de análise o conjunto de estratégias metodológicas e categoria profissional.

Resultados

Foram levantados 42 documentos que compreendem cinco etapas na condução da leitura comunitária: Divulgação, Mobilização, Capacitação, Diagnóstico e Pactuações. Em cada etapa, estratégias são criadas ainda sob perspectivas tradicionais e hegemônicas, conduzidas, majoritariamente, por profissionais da Arquitetura, Geografia e Engenharia. Com isso, a ação interdisciplinar é insuficiente e a participação é tratada como um “ato de aderência populacional” na construção da política urbana.

Conclusão

Os municípios brasileiros encontram dificuldades para implementar a política urbana, sobretudo a etapa da leitura comunitária, a qual se considera fundamental para a participação social da população. Com isso, este estudo aproxima as questões do planejamento urbano da área de terapia ocupacional, em especial ao fornecer contribuições relativas às tecnologias de participação e ao direito à cidade, enquanto direitos humano e social intrínsecos à cotidianidade de diversas populações.

Palavras-chave:
Cidades; Direitos Econômicos; Sociais e Culturais; Participação Social; Planejamento de cidades; Terapia Ocupacional

Introduction

Occupational therapy in Brazil, throughout its history, has given important attention to the processes of constitution and implementation of public policies in the daily lives of the various populations assisted, especially those who experience vulnerable daily lives. This has promoted significant changes in the debate about the object of knowledge and intervention of occupational therapy, about its technologies of action, and, concomitantly, broadening and deepening the professional insertion in traditional and new fields of action (Silva & Oliver, 2019).

Public policies as a set of instruments for the management of public affairs (Drummond, 2012) express the interests and values of a period. Therefore, there is a relationship between occupational therapy and public policies is a socio-historical phenomenon, highlighted by the expansion of social rights experienced in Brazil during the period of political and civil re-democratization in the 1970s (Barros et al., 2007). From this moment on, occupational therapists were engaged in the debate, construction, and implementation of social policies on health, social assistance, social security, education, and culture. However, little attention has been and still is, given to urban policy as a social right, which is directly related to the occupational involvement of individuals and collectives in the use and appropriation of social space of the cities.

From 1988, with the Federal Constitution (FC), Brazilian municipalities became federative entities with administrative autonomy, legal personality, and organic law to manage institutional processes, becoming the main agents in the planning of cities. With this, the city coexists, both as a philosophical and a legal-institutional category, which, in the Brazilian case, will elevate the city to the status of a social right (Tonella, 2013). However, to understand this perspective, it is necessary, at least in the Brazilian case, to resort to a brief contextualization on socio-territorial inequalities and on how urban policy is created and implemented to ensure participation and belonging to the city, or, in a contemporary version, of the right to the city².

According to data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 2010a), Brazil has 5,570 municipalities that present great differences between them, related to natural, economic, social, political, cultural aspects, among others that, depending on the size of their administration, they place us in governmental power asymmetry. This limits the local development and social capital of its agents to promote necessary social transformations (Martins, 2002), such as the increase and distribution of wealth per capita, fair and qualified work opportunities, housing, health, education, environmental protection, longevity, and a series of other needs that are carried out through social public policies, which therefore demand a portion of self-sufficiency from the municipal administration.

The urban planning policy, as a democratic and citizenship instrument, is the result of the struggles of social movements for Urban Reform, from the 1960s onwards. Such struggles culminated in the creation of chapter II, called “Urban Policy” in the FC, in articles 182 and 183 (Fernandes, 2005). However, the regulation of the articles only took place on July 10, 2001, with the sanction of Law 10,257 (Brasil, 2001), better known as the City Statute. In 2003, the Ministry of Cities was created aimed at managing public policies for the planning, expansion, and economic and social development of cities. However, in the 2019 government, the Ministry was demoted to the secretariat, with a large part of its actions removed and disjointed, currently linked to the Ministry of Regional Development, which has an “exclusively” economic character. In this debacle, some significant changes were made to the City Statute, such as the suppression of articles related to forms of taxation of land and buildings, and, especially, to the management of advisory councils and committees, which fulfill the function of social control. The removal of these instruments infers the precariousness of democratic management, taking the power of governance out of the hands of the population, passing it on to the interests of neoliberal capital (Harvey, 2013).

The City Statute is the public policy that defines the guidelines for urban planning, bringing together a series of instruments, already regulated before the Federal Constitution, as well as new ones, to organize the city's social function. These instruments aim to address the philosophical and legal aspects of the right to social space and, therefore, offer a reading on the use of urban land, as a public and private property to foster local development and ensure the well-being of citizens and the environmental balance (Brasil, 2001).

To ensure social participation as the nature of the democratic management of the city, in chapter IV, article 43, of the City Statute, the following instruments are described:

I – collegiate bodies of urban policy, at the national, state, and municipal levels; II – debates, hearings, and public consultations; III – conferences on matters of urban interest, at the national, state, and municipal levels; IV – popular initiative for a bill and plans, programs and development projects (Brasil, 2001, p. 28).

The City Statute also provides for the “Participative” Master Plan (PMP), which is the basic and mandatory instrument to organize city planning and ensure the well-being of the population. The PMP must be proposed and managed by the municipal manager (mayor), who must appoint a Management Committee that will lead the process, and establish goals, tasks, and responsibilities for its implementation over 10 years, via municipal law (Brasil, 2001). For the conduct of the PMP, the community reading is necessarily proposed, which is a step that aims to ensure the population's understanding of the local reality, register its demands for the foreseen period and insert them in the city's planning plan (Moretti & Rolnik, 2005; Rolnik & Pinheiro, 2004; Silva Júnior & Passos, 2006). However, the absence of statistical and qualitative information on urban planning processes, especially on democratic management in the implementation or revision of PMPs in Brazilian municipalities, generates, according to Maricato (2002), urban illiteracy.

Urban illiteracy weakens the action of public managers in ensuring social participation, deprives various populations of decision-making of which city they want to live in, and hinders the planning of actions by technical teams. Above all, it impoverishes the interdisciplinary character of urban planning.

Urban policy is extremely relevant not only to macroeconomic, social, and environmental development but also to the local development of everyday life. This is because it is in local life where the experiences of work and income production, health, education, community participation, leisure, among others, are territorialized as occupational dynamics. These dynamics are related to what people do in their daily territories and, therefore, fundamentally participate in the urbanization and management processes of the cities' social space. Thus, understanding what people in a given local context do, how they do it, with whom they do it, what they do it with, at what time, and with what resources and opportunities they do it, is crucial to understanding the social space and creating the most effective strategies for urban planning.

This doing can be called “human occupation” and comprises the experience that allows people to carry out life and participate in it socially. Occupations and social space are mutually produced (Kantartzis & Molineux, 2017). Thus, human occupations cannot be considered isolated phenomena from the structuring processes and dynamics of social spaces in the cities.

Likewise, Maricato (2002) defines that urbanization is the territorialization of what people do in the social space, such as taking care of themselves and others, leisure, work, displacements, among others, which imprint human life on the relationship with the environment. In this sense, the processes of constitution and implementation of public policies also comprise experiences of occupational involvement, in which the reasoning and use of strategies for coexistence and disputes between socially distinct groups and with asymmetric powers over the domain and belonging of the social space are at stake (Serpa, 2007). Therefore, public policies are not just strategies to guarantee occupational experiences, but the occupational experiences in a collective dimension.

Collective occupations are what individuals, intentionally identified among themselves, do to engage and form the social fabric (Ramugondo & Kronenberg, 2015). However, throughout their trajectories, these individuals may experience occupational deprivation, as they are unable to engage with the structure and dynamics of the social fabric (Galvaan, 2015), such as poverty, low education, subjugations of gender and color, oppressive political systems, among others, which are imposed more and more with the advent of the globalized world. Therefore, in this debate between human occupations and cities, occupational therapy is interested in the complex understanding of the occupational involvement of different populations in the structure and dynamics that make up the city's social space, allowing or not the social participation of its agents.

The issue of social participation needs to be moved from the private and individual scope of subjects to public, historical, cultural, collective life and to power relationship, emancipatory and inclusion processes, and opportunities for accessing rights. This becomes urgent when society is inserted in the globalization process with a strong presence of neoliberal alternatives for the production and distribution of inequalities, as in the Brazilian case, as there is a centrality in economic growth, technological innovation, and austerity policies, which invest little in guaranteeing fundamental rights (Silva & Oliver, 2019, p. 869).

From the perspective of social participation, the right to the city is a philosophical notion to designate the effect of human beings creating and taking over the use of social space, resisting the exchange relationship imposed by the unequal and asymmetric capitalist system (Lefebvre, 2001). However, considering the dominant capitalism in everyday life, as part of the production of subjectivities and material conditions for the performance of life, the right to the city must also be considered from a legal-institutional perspective of social participation (Trindade, 2012), to guarantee democratic legitimacy and ensure citizenship to social agents. The dialogue between philosophical and legal conceptions, in contemporary times, must converge actions and critical debates, based on democratic processes that face the injustices imposed in reality. Thus, we must consider the historical-social situation that places the right to the city as the right to socially participate in the city and, therefore, in the list of other human and social rights (Harvey, 2008, 2013).

[...] there is an implicit theoretical issue in the attempt to understand our urban spaces, which arises precisely from the coexistence and complement of typical forms of advanced capitalism, alongside other forms of production and ways of life (pre-capitalist or non-capitalist) without immediate correspondence with wage-earning and, thus, with the capital/labor ratio. The links established between these segments or prisms of social reality depend on the understanding of the totality in motion and the analysis of the evolution of social formation, especially in our cities. Our peripheral condition does not allow us to consider ourselves a constitutive part of what capitalism is positive about; we have to face the negative side of the system, which ends up bringing us responsibilities (Nunes, 2006, p. 8).

However, Rolnik & Pinheiro (2004) argue that, even with the advance of urban policy in Brazil, the instruments on the forms of civil society participation are still insufficient, and little known, given the complex Brazilian reality. Especially in the socio-territorial inequalities, power asymmetries in the forms of municipal management, ambiguities in understanding the social function of the city, and, above all, the lack of compliance by the State with public policies to respond to economic and social demands in the contexts of the local life of the population. Thus, the authors recommend that there must be a fertile field of methodological creations that are in line with the population's interests and with their local knowledge and ways of doing daily built and conducted by collectives and social movements engaged in the agendas of the right to the city to implement this way, urban policies. This understanding should guide the technical reasoning and the operationalization of the teams that usually lead the stages of the master plans together with municipal managers. “The method of promoting participation is a defining factor for the success in the elaboration of the MP [master plan]” (Freitas & Bueno, 2018, p. 308).

Literature related to the subject has little research on methodologies for the participation of local agents in urban planning, which reinforces what was exposed by Rolnik & Pinheiro (2004). Those identified demonstrate the methodological possibilities and their effectiveness in community readings in PMP revisions or creations. As in the study by Mussi (2016), for example, intervention research was proposed as a methodological design to meet the demands of the master plan and the engagement of local agents in solving their territorial problems. Saboya & Karnaukhova (2007) presented visualization, problematization, categorization, prioritization, and group work techniques, through training workshops and public hearings. Ferreira & Cardoso (2008) highlighted the importance of territorial articulation, mapping, and using school and health equipment as strategic points for carrying out training and public listening to the population. The mobilization and organization of specific groups, such as women, in forums aimed at specific topics, are presented as methodological strategies in the study by Moreira (2010). In the study by Freitas & Bueno (2018), the authors demonstrated the use of forms linked to training and public hearings to collect information about the demands of the city. Vieira et al. (2013) use graphic-image resources to dynamize conversation circles and workshops to qualify public listening. Correia et al. (2017, 2018) used the participatory local development teaching approach, based on an educational and community perspective, specific in occupational therapy, to engage local agents in Collective Life Projects and meet local demands for the review and creation of a Participatory Master Plan.

According to the studies mentioned, the methodologies for conducting community reading can ensure democratic processes foreseen in Brazilian urban policy. This is of interest to occupational therapy, as the therapeutic-occupational processes are based on occupations, as technologies and intervention resources of several orders, material and immaterial, which fulfill the objective of facilitating and guaranteeing the participation of individuals and collectives, in social life. However, therapeutic-occupational processes in conducting community reading will require knowledge of an overview of existing strategies that are consistent with the legal-institutional instruments provided for in the City Statute to foster debate and structure the specific and general actions in the area from occupational therapy to the field of urban planning.

Given this, this article aimed to identify the methodological approaches of community reading of Participatory Master Plans of Brazilian municipalities and bring the information produced to the area of occupational therapy to corroborate actions in the field of urban planning.

Method

This is documentary research (Kripka et al., 2015) with an exploratory approach and quali-quantitative nature, focusing on community reading procedures in Brazilian municipalities. The arguments that fostered the problematization, hypothesis, analysis, and results are based on logical, explanatory, causal, and not completely generalizable structures, which is why their scope is hypothetical-deductive. Thus, the object of study is wide due to the impossibility of time and resources for its verification, the universe of 5,570 municipalities would not be reached. Thus, there was a need to determine a random sample, randomly selected by the cross-sectional search procedure (Minayo, 1994).

Thus, we sought the Google® database (Pimentel, 2001) to obtain documented information on the methodological processes of community reading in Brazilian municipalities. We used the following search key: “community reading AND master plan”. Then, we accessed 131 links available in 13 Google® tabs and we selected 42 documents in all available formats, from communication sources and/or repositories of municipal bodies, and that was not inferred from scientific methods. The search was carried out between May 2018 and July 2019, and the findings were stored and categorized in an Excel® table.

All data collected comprised documents in the public domain and which, obligatorily, according to Law 10,257/01, must be available to the entire population, research, and government agencies, ensuring their transparency and accessibility.

For data analysis, we used Document Analysis, which, according to Pimentel (2001), consisted of cataloging the findings and distributing them in a table to identify the documentary properties and their main information according to the research objective, anchored in the researcher's experience and the specific literature of the area for its discussion. For this, two outcome variables were proposed: the methodological strategies of community reading, considering periods, stages, instruments, and resources, and the characteristics of the management teams, which enabled a debate on the technical insertion of occupational therapy in the area of urban planning.

Results and Discussion

The documents included in this research are related to community readings in 42 Brazilian municipalities (0.75% of the universe of 5,570), from 13 (48.1%) Federation Units. The states of Minas Gerais and São Paulo also had the highest number of documents identified, 9 (22%), as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1
Percentage of municipalities/documents by Federation Units included in the survey. Source: Correia (2019).

Most of the documents, 35 (83.3%), are reports in PDF format, authored by city halls and private agencies (architectural offices specialized in master plans) and universities (mostly public, based on extension projects), according to Table 1.

Table 1
General information about Brazilian municipalities and their respective documents on community reading.

Municipality	State	Pop.	Year	Authorship	Type/format	Pgs.
Juiz de Fora	MG	516.247	2000	City Hall	Report/pdf	1
Tangará da Serra	MT	83.431	2005	--	Report/word	9
Santa Rosa	RS	68.587	2006	Fundação de Integração, Desenvolvimento e Educação do Noroeste do Estado – FIDENE; Instituto de Políticas Públicas e Desenvolvimento Regional – IPD	Report/ppt	56
Rio dos Cedros	SC	10.284	--	AMMVI	Report/pdf	38
Vinhedo	SP	63.611	--	w/i	--	5
Parobé	RS	51.502	2008	Oliver Arquitetura e Engenharia	--	306
Londrina	PR	506.701	--	City Hall/IPPUL	--	136
Navegantes	SC	60.556	--	City Hall	--	29
Guarulhos	SP	1.221.979	2012	Ambiens Cooperativa	--	113
Juscimeira	MT	11.430	2013	w/i	Report/word	5
Pinheiral	RJ	22.719	2014	Linhas de Taubaté: transmissora de energia S/A, Paralelo 19 Gestão de Projetos Ltda	Report/pdf	27
Jundiaí	SP	370.126	--	Demancamp: planejamento, projeto e consultoria s/s	--	86
Itabira	MG	109.783	--	Fundação Israel Pinheiro	Informative/pdf	6
São José	SC	209.804	2015	City Hall and Associação dos Municípios da Região da Grande Florianópolis - GRANFPOLIS	Report/pdf	13
Aracaju	SE	571.149	--	City Hall	--	110
Carrancas	MG	3.948	--	Fundação João Pinheiro (City Hall) and Centro de Estudos de Políticas Públicas Camilo de Oliveira Pena – CEPP	--	82
Curvelo	MG	74.219	2016	MYR Projetos Sustentáveis	--	73
São José dos Campos	SP	629.921	2016/2017	Instituto de Pesquisa e Planejamento – IPPLAN of the City Hall and UNIVAP	--	612
Lagoa Santa	MG	52.520	2017	MYR Projetos Sustentáveis, Ethos – Arquit+ID Urbana; Geoline Engenharia	--	67
Telêmaco Borba	PR	69.872	--	Funpar (UFPR)	--	322
Juatuba	MG	22.202	2017	UFMG	--	79
Içara	SC	58.833	--	Via Urbi: Vieira+pousadela arquitetura e urbanismo Ltda.	--	124
Caeté	MG	40.750	--	UFMG	--	92
Guaratinguetá	SP	112.072	--	Líder Engenharia & Gestão de Cidades	--	121
Camboriú	SC	62.361	--	City Hall and Univale	--	29
Teresina	PI	814.230	--	Latus: Consultoria, pesquisa e assessoria de projetos Ltda.	--	80
Serro	MG	20.835	--	Fundação Israel Pinheiro	--	184
Campo Grande	MS	786.797	--	City Hall/Planurb	--	320
Monte Alegre	PA	55.462	2018	City Hall	--	10
Piracicaba	SP	364.571	--	Instituto de Pesquisas e Planejamento de Piracicaba – IPPLAP	--	17
Guaxupé	MG	49.430	--	DRZ Geotecnologia e Consultoria	--	46
Santo Amaro da Imperatriz	SC	19.823	--	City Hall	--	79
Confresa	MT	25.124	--	UNEMAT, IFMT	--	140
Votuporanga	SP	84.692	2019	City Hall	Primer/pdf	17
Atibaia	--	126.603	--	--	Report/pdf/video	990
Passo Fundo	RS	184.826	--	--	Report/pdf	850
Pindamonhangaba	SP	146.995	--	Geo Brasilis: planejando o futuro	--	151
São Francisco do Sul	SC	42.520	s/i	AMUNESC	Informative/pdf	16
Recife	PE	1.537.704	--	Diagonal Transformação de territórios; JW Urbana Arquitetura e Urbanismo; Instituto da Cidade Pelópidas Silveira	Report/pdf	36
Distrito Federal	DF	2.570.160	--	Secretaria de Estado de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Habitação/subsecretaria de política urbana e informação	--	5
Natal	RN	803.739	--	s/i	Informative/png	2
Itapema	SC	45.797	--	City Hall	Report/pdf	44

• Caption: w/i – without information; -- idem.
• Source: (Correia, 2019).

Only 6 (14.2%) are Brazilian capitals: Campo Grande/MS, Recife/PE, Teresina/PI, Aracajú/SE, Natal/RN and Distrito Federal/DF; and one metropolis, Guarulhos/SP (2.3%). We only identified 4 (9.5%) municipalities with less than 20 thousand inhabitants. These municipalities are required to carry out the PMP only when integrated into metropolitan regions, as in Santo Amaro da Imperatriz/SC, or inserted in areas of the strong influence of projects with environmental, tourist, and economic impact, as in Carrancas/MG and Juscimeira/MT. Juscimeira/MT, for having in the last 10 years, a significant increase in urbanization due to the exploitation of minerals in the region (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 2010b). In any case, it is expected that small municipalities, even outside the conditions provided for by the City Statute, can also guarantee the implementation of the urbanization policy and its democratic processes, since land disputes are intense and demarcate, historically and politically, the modes of local governance (Rolnik, 1995). In this way, the implementation of PMP in small municipalities can be a control device and the social function of land, in particular, to ensure the survival and work of rural families, as well as the management of local development.

About the period of beginning and end of community reading, only 1 (2.3%) document referring to the municipality of São José dos Campos/SP was identified, corresponding to 2 years. This period included tasks of community reading, training, workshops, and public hearings, drafting the text of the law together with data on technical reading³, deliberations in collegiate bodies, and approval in the city council. The other documents only presented the termination period. More detailed information about the average time for conducting a community reading, as well as the entire process of a PMP, would facilitate the planning of the work teams and a better allocation of financial resources for the foreseen tasks.

Regarding the processes of conducting community readings in each municipality, there was a series of “strategies” (Correia et al., 2017), which generally comprise the exploration and creation of means to materialize ideas and values of distinguished professionals to carry out the participation and understanding of local agents about the city they wish to have. Thus, as shown in Figure 2, we identified 5 steps: 1) Dissemination; 2) Mobilization; 3) Training; 4) Diagnosis, and 5) Agreements. These steps were named considering the consistency with the instruments provided for in the City Statute, in its chapter IV, article 43.

Figure 2
Synthesis of the methodological processes of community reading, according to the strategies, resources, and professionals involved. Source: Correia (2019).

The steps for creating and exploring strategies in community reading have a decreasing relationship in population reach and participation as they progress. According to data from this research, half of the documents informed 117,463 participants throughout all stages of community reading, with an average of 5,593 participants per municipality. Of these, 115,629 were reached in the dissemination stage, and only 1,834 participants in the agreement stage. The number of people varied between 100,000 and 254 people in the dissemination in the cities of Londrina/PR and Carrancas/MG, respectively, and between 60 and 69 in the cities of Juatuba/MG and Caeté/MG, respectively.

This data seems to be a trend of collective processes that demand daily engagement associated with some previous technical or procedural knowledge (Freitas & Bueno, 2018; Machado et al., 2016; Maricato, 2002). This implies the fragility of monitoring and evaluation of public policies (Moretti & Rolnik, 2005), which can be caused by the bureaucratization of processes and the inaccessible legal language, which is often exclusionary for a large part of the population.

Thus, the first focus of possible occupational therapy interventions would consist of making the language of legal instruments accessible, understanding them as tools that encourage social participation. Occupational therapists can fulfill this task, through educational materials in the dissemination stage, and in workshops and groups operated with activities and resources in sensory multi formats for the assimilation of contents.

According to the data collected in this research, in the first stage, called Dissemination of community reading, the objective was to guarantee ample information about the opening of the implementation or review of the PMP. However, this did not mean the effective participation of the population, as well as a trustworthy perception of the city. Furthermore, it seems to comply with the transparency and mandatory dissemination of the processes, as governed by the City Statute. Thus, the population reach at this stage is broad and quite diffuse, with diversified and informational strategies. Therefore, most of the municipalities, according to the documents included in this survey, used social media, such as websites and Facebook, and information printed on bills from a water and electricity supply company. It is noteworthy that, as most of the municipalities included in this survey are small and medium-sized, the use of sound cars in the neighborhoods was also a widely used strategy.

To obtain a wide reach of dissemination, it would be necessary to create and explore strategies that consider the diversity of functioning of the local population. This includes the need for multi formats of informational strategies, such as the use of accessibility resources for the population with disabilities and illiterate people, for example, as well as specific languages for people in different age groups, such as young people, or from cultures that dissident from the heterocisnormative, such as the LGBTQI+ community, the black population, women, traditional peoples, among others, so that motivation and interest were valued at this time.

Therefore, occupational therapy considers that social spaces determine the conditions and life situations of populations in specific ways (Kantartzis & Molineux, 2017). Thus, the strategies used to mediate relationships are marked by socio-historical-cultural values that form this social space. In this way, the strategies can assume the character of a transformation device, as well as maintenance of the status quo of invisibility and structural violence instituted by State bodies.

When thinking about certain content of collective interest, as in the case of the PMP, is materialized in forms of communication that can only be accessed by literate people, or who can see, or who have a certain linguistic domain over laws, among others, it excludes a portion population that may have, in this first stage of dissemination, the opportunity to gain insight into an instrument that gives them voice and recognition of their experiences in the city. Thus, dissemination in multi formats can ensure greater representation of different segments, organized or not, of people who live in the city and have specific experiences. This understanding can be useful for increasing civil society participation in the next steps of community reading.

The second stage identified in the documents was the Mobilization of community reading, which comprises the use of strategies to register public opinion about the city and its respective demands. For this purpose, were mostly used online questionnaires and/or posted in the information bulletins of the water and energy supply companies. Most documents registered the difficulty in handling the immediate demands of the population for 10 years, as foreseen in the PMP. Therefore, there was, unanimously, in the questionnaires, a question or a guiding statement “what do you want for your city in 10 years from now?”. After that, the population should answer the questionnaires, with multiple choice answers, about “sectors” or “areas” already pre-defined by the management committee, such as health, education, transport, economy, among others, which are part of the basic demands of the PMP, but which induce, in a way, the population's perception of their ways of meaning reality. This type of strategy seems to work more as a kind of evaluation of the already existing actions of the municipal government than the collection of perception, in addition to being an easier strategy to “count” responses.

As examples, different from the above, according to the documents included in this research, there is the program “Teresina Participativa”, Teresina/PI. For the stage of Mobilization of community reading in this city, we used the free application COLAB. It is a startup created in 2013 that uses technology to bring citizens closer to their governments. Through a website and application, citizens can be consulted by public managers about the city, can monitor the implementation of public policies, and suggest projects for the city. Another action was the “City of Tomorrow Project”, by the city of Passo Fundo/RS. The project aimed to understand and record the child's vision of the city, their expectations, their sense of belonging, their vision of the neighborhood and the city. The project understood children as citizen people who made up and formed the city, and who, therefore, would be the main agents of transformation of the future. Thus, the project used playful workshop strategies on urban planning, including a conceptual lecture, permanent exhibition of a poster with a city timeline, puppet theater, Quiz about the city, route in the city recorded on plotted maps, and maps of the ideal city made by hand.

However, in most of the documents included in this research, the notion of participation presented in the Mobilization stage ignores face-to-face strategies for community reading. From a community perspective in occupational therapy, face-to-face strategies guarantee, above all, greater participation of the population, especially of specific population groups that present important agendas that deserve better listening and greater depth and unique referrals of their demands (Correia et al., 2017). In face-to-face strategies, the knowledge and ways of doing things already incorporated by social segments and movements are taken into account, as argued by Mussi (2016). In this way, mobilization strategies that value the face-to-face meeting, such as conversation circles, workshops, and playful and festive events about the city, for example, as well as the identification of community leaders, approximation with neighborhood associations, home visits, and network mappings (Correia et al., 2018) can be excellent opportunities for community reading teams to be able to awaken the interest of the general population in a broader way. It is also an efficient strategy to monitor community health, harm reduction, and social assistance agents, who are professionals linked to health and social services, respectively, who work directly in territorial articulation and with a focus on families (Ferreira & Cardoso, 2008). Also, educational and cultural equipment can be great spaces for holding workshops with graphic resources, plastic and verbal materials that can facilitate understanding about the proposal and obtaining data (Gonçalves, 2020; Vieira et al., 2013), aggregating diverse audiences and sensory multi formats of perception and decision-making by the local population.

The Training was the third stage of community reading identified in the set of documents, which aims to ensure the understanding and assimilation of local agents about the conceptual information involved in the master plan. It is a stage in which technical and political knowledge is necessary to conduct the demands of public opinion at the stage of technical reading. Thus, at this stage, as already mentioned, there is a decrease in the number of participants, especially due to the barrier, possibly, that the legal communication of the City Statute establishes. There was, almost exclusively, the participation of delegates or community leaders, representatives of social movements, and, above all, representatives of professional class bodies, such as Engineering. This last segment comprises key local agents in issues involving the use and appropriation, especially private, of the cities' social space. We also observed that the agendas for the meeting strategies had different days and times from those experienced by the majority of the working population in Brazil, such as meetings in the morning or mid-afternoon, as well as places that probably did not allow the participation of certain social segments, such as residents of rural areas, for example. At this stage, the discourses and manifestations about the city's games of interest emerge with greater strength, since language is used as a device of control and power over certain groups, demanding more attention to the ways of organizing time of tasks and the choice of strategies, in order not to prevail the dominance of certain social groups over others (Maricato, 2002).

In this context, we mostly used expository presentations through slides, with images and texts, in spaces called meetings, seminars, forums, and workshops in the Training. These spaces were intended, firstly, to expose the contents of Law 10,257, the stages of the PMP, the roles and functions of the Management Committee, and the requirements for compliance with the municipal law, and, subsequently, to answer the population's doubts about the exposed contents. We observed that the structured, hard, and banking nature of communication is made with the same legal harshness as the language of the City Statute. This, in a way, meets the profile of the majority public that remains at this stage of community reading.

A distinct experience, on the strategies for Training during community reading, was that of the extension team of the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG), in the cities of Juatuba and Caeté. The team, made up of professors and students from various undergraduate courses, with greater concentration on Architecture and Urbanism, and Geography, created a methodology, replicated in several municipalities, which consisted in the creation of a training and monitoring network on activities, information, and knowledge produced about the master plan, called Lugar de Urbanidade Metropolitana – LUMEs. The network is aimed at the qualification and citizen participation of the population.

As a network strategy, the UFMG extension team created the “Master Plan Space” for meetings and periodic debates with the population about the strategies and referrals collectively and continuously. In this same space, monitoring groups of the master plan were built, which, in the future, were included in the Management Council of the City. Such groups were formed by community members, representative entities, and the government. The LUMEs strategy enabled the development of skills and capacities of the population for the democratic management of the city, as well as the participation of a multi and interdisciplinary team, and, above all, the technical-political training of undergraduate students, understanding the importance of the role, current, and future, of these as agents of social articulation to guarantee the right to the city.

Another example was the community reading of the city of Recife – PE, in which the guiding team explored different strategies, such as a photography workshop and the use of old and new photos to verify changes in the city's landscape, based on the methodology of participatory mapping or spoken map.

Participatory mapping is a research methodology that seeks to recognize people's spatial knowledge as a tool to generate knowledge and geographic information about people and places (Herlihy & Knapp, 2003, apud Acserald & Coli 2008, p. 15).

Therefore, it used the memories of the population, promoting an intergenerational perspective on the city.

In these examples, we highlight that the joint participation of different social segments is necessary for the construction of community reading, and in all stages of the PMP. However, it is important to consider strategic moments so that specific groups can expand and deepen their demands, based on the specificities of their realities (Moreira, 2010). When attention and listening to the specificities of groups are not guaranteed, constraints are generated among local agents, accentuating power asymmetries between groups. The constraints can range from silencing in spaces of debate and decision, from coercion to violence. In this sense, the conduct of Training strategies must balance open collective spaces with specific ones closed to key agents. It is about providing opportunities that, between one space and another, the skills of local agents are developed and converted into capacities for the transformation of the social space (Sen, 2001).

In this regard, occupational therapy shows opportune experiences of how urban planning and local development content can be constituted as knowledge learned through teaching-learning processes, ensuring more accessible and diverse strategies, according to the different population segments (Correia et al., 2017). The intention is not to have a manual of possible strategies, but a technical-political-epistemic component that guarantees professional attention to population diversity and its complex demands in the city's social space.

[...] we have to consider the enormous heterogeneity of the models of practices and social bonds present in our cities, in addition, of course, to the fact that global influences in our daily lives collide in different ways with also specific sociocultural contexts. The daily life in our cities is, therefore, a universe specific to the place, regardless of the fierce and constant attempts to homogenize space and its logic. The result is that we have different practices of producing cities according to physical, cultural, economic, and social conditions, which makes it difficult to generalize the process, even if we are all from the perspective of global capitalism. In this sense, it is in the ability to create and reproduce social bonds that we must seek to understand the logic of our urban formation in its particularity (Nunes, 2006, p. 9).

The fourth stage of community reading is the construction of the Diagnosis. This is the moment to analyze the population's perceptions about the city they live in and the demands for the next 10 years. These perceptions become data, based on the public opinion raised in the third stage, which will be organized and forwarded to the final text of the PMP.

The main strategy identified at this stage was the workgroup, which consisted of organizing the various social segments, now reduced to a few key agents, with interests in the use of the city's social space. The workgroups had structured spaces with specific tasks, such as reviewing the data, organizing them by sectors, characterizing the profile of the participants, and producing reports from the previous stages until the diagnosis. The presentation of the data from this stage was mostly transcribed in texts, with the inclusion of graphs and tables, and accompanied by photographs of the processes, especially the Mobilization and Diagnosis, and the attendance lists for all meetings were attached. The transcription of the data specifically comprised the documents that were included in this research, and, as mentioned, they are mostly reported in PDF format, with few being in other formats, such as informative HTML on city hall websites. There were difficulties in searching for the documents, mainly to understand the way to access them. This can be an important barrier for the wider population to have access to the data produced.

The Diagnosis stage follows a more rigid process, as it must have a calendar and activities published in a public notice, as provided for in the City Statute. The work of occupational therapy, at this time, would then be that of advising the city's Management Council, especially to ensure the execution of deadlines and activities. However, there are other strategies, as verified in the study by Correia et al. (2017), such as the opportunity to qualify the management of data produced in community reading. The author presents, for example, training workshops with municipal managers and management councils that were used during the stage of community reading diagnosis in the review of a PMP. Topics related to the qualitative analysis of data, strategies for participation in social networks, and themes related to the community and territorial context, especially the governance of the most vulnerable populations, were proposed. The study presents positive results from the participants in the changes in attitudes with the analysis and management of population demands and the attention given to the limits that certain strategies have when referring to the population's perception of reality, such as questionnaires.

The last stage is the Agreements, which includes the time to agree, vote, and sign the agreements surrounding the proposals for the community reading. The main intention is to think about whether the data produced express an “average” reality of the population's demands. The community reading data will be related, combined, and evaluated together with the technical reading data, especially on the structural and economic impact and feasibility studies of the PMP (Kirzner, 2006). During the public hearings, the agreements will be deliberated and forwarded to the final text of the PMP and, later, approved as municipal law by the city council.

The Agreements stage also strictly follows the provisions of the City Statute with public hearings, conducted by the Management Committee and with little interference from new proposals and debates. As already mentioned, the participation of local agents decreases, highlighting, among them, the hegemonic presence of interest groups, especially councilors, businessmen, and professionals linked to civil construction and real estate corporations.

Even considering the legal and restricted requirements of this stage, occupational therapy can contribute by articulating networks of social movements to ensure that both the different social segments can participate in the agreements of the final stage of community reading and the PMP text and to spread the attention to the debate on the PMP in the city's public, non-governmental and private facilities, such as health and social assistance councils, schools, temples and churches, residents' associations, among others. The Agreements stage, as proposed by Rolnik & Pinheiro (2004), is the moment when the asymmetries and disputes of power between social groups are evident, which start to lead and participate in the PMP in restricted spaces of the city, like public hearings.

Occupational therapy, by taking the steps of community reading as moments of occupational involvement in public, political, and shared life, has the possibility of creating strategies to facilitate that different social groups can carry out the activities expected for each stage and, thus, participate in a democratic form of social life in the city. In this sense, community reading needs to be read by occupational therapy as a collective occupation that organizes, orders, and projects the political and community life of social agents in the city and, therefore, is a political occupation of social and community interest, of defense of citizenship, as well as social rights.

The second variable analyzed in the set of documents referred to professionals in conducting community reading, as well as in the entire PMP. These are essential, as they are the ones who guide urban policy guidelines and that must articulate it through sensitive techniques that are capable of balancing legal needs with those of local life. Therefore, they must promote and create opportunities for a variety of strategies to carry out the methodological steps to broaden and relativize perceptions about the city, beyond the administrative aspects related to the municipality. Thus, interprofessionalism, plural knowledge, and interdisciplinary action are necessary for the field of urbanization policies, as they offer contributions that are more coherent with the complexity of social spaces in the cities (Moretti & Rolnik, 2005).

Thus, 29 (69.04%) of the 42 municipalities relied on the hiring of companies or universities with specialized teams to conduct all or part of the process of creating or revising the PMP, which includes the community reading stage. Figure 3 described the professional categories.

Figure 3
Professional categories identified in the documents of participatory master plans of Brazilian municipalities. Source: Correia (2019).

We identified 23 professional categories, comprising 160 technicians involved in conducting community reading. The area of Architecture and Urbanism had the most professionals with 67 (41.87%), which reflects the domain, importance, and tradition of this area of knowledge in urban planning contexts, being coherent with its object of study - planning of social spaces. The second area was Geography, with 29 (18.12%) technicians, which leads to an understanding similar to Architecture and Urbanism since it has as an object of knowledge the constitution and dynamics of the natural and social space. Two other areas that together presented the third-largest number of professionals involved were Economics and Civil Engineering, 9 (5.62%). The first, on the analysis of the economic development of social space, and the second on the structure of space such as urban roads and buildings. In the case of Engineering, 5 different qualifications were identified (Figure 3). Thus, if Engineering is considered as a single category, it remains alone in the third position, with 18 professionals (11.25%). We speculate that it is around the intellectual and economic capital of Architecture and Engineering that the large companies in civil construction, geotechnics, materials, production, sanitation, and, above all, housing, are located, which mobilize interests for the appropriation and control of the social space of the cities.

Other areas appear less frequently such as Sociology, 8 (5%), Law, 7 (4.37%), and Administration and Systems Analysis, both with 4 (2.5%) technicians. The presence of Social Service and Pedagogy stands out, even quantitatively without expression, as areas historically involved with public policies and more complex social issues, such as housing.

However, it will not always be possible to count on a broad multidisciplinary team in a PMP management team, because it involves costs and specific technical knowledge. However, the work of consultants, in specific stages, is necessary, as stated by Rolnik & Pinheiro (2004). Thus, in this research, we found a multidisciplinary reference restricted to an average of three professional categories, Architecture and Urbanism, Geography and Engineering, which appeared more frequently in the documents, linked to a fragile notion of interdisciplinarity.

Dealing with fields that separately assume some large and complex objects, such as the city, can easily be reduced to a pseudo-interdisciplinarity, that is, the false belief that any arrangement between professional categories (multiprofessionality) will guarantee the production of an action based on complex knowledge, maintaining, in most cases, only the status quo of a dominant discipline, with generic actions displaced from reality, in which they use similar instruments of analysis (Silva & Gracioso, 2018). The production of knowledge is directly related, especially nowadays, with disputes between professional areas that “carry” such knowledge as definers of their areas and professional identity. With this, the possibilities of creating more complex “categories of action” are closed (Fazenda, 2012, p. 28) that can contribute to the resolution of social issues raised by the fields.

Silva & Gracioso (2018, p. 206) argue that to avoid false interdisciplinarity or disciplinary domain for a given phenomenon, it is necessary to understand the importance of interdisciplinarity as a communicative action, which places the object of knowledge within an interactive system knowable among specialists and the general population. Thus, when considering community reading as directly determined by the population's perception of the city and conducted by technical agents, its interdisciplinary nature is therefore considered, which, according to the authors, is “an untransferable need and unavoidable”.

Also, as seen in the documents included in this research, the administrative simplification of community reading means reducing its participatory nature as “population adherence” to the hierarchically proposed strategies by the teams. As a result, the data does not manage to inform the changes in the capacities and opportunities of populations resulting from the processes of community reading. Social participation, against this sense, should be the experience of leadership, protagonism, and continuity of local agents in the city's transformations, as Franco (2002) calls local power – the governance of the structures and dynamics of the territory in which one lives. And this is lived, at least in theory, in the conversion of skills into capabilities.

For occupational therapy, the city can be a territory formed by occupational involvement and other dynamics that imply social participation. As argued by Kantartzis & Molineux (2017), when referring to the participation of collective occupations in the formation of the social fabric. Thus, the actions that take place in the microsocial scope of the city, such as a neighborhood, a square, or health, school, or cultural facility, express the inseparable articulation with the territorial whole that is the city. In this sense, considering that various population groups experience daily impediments to getting involved in the processes of urban planning, and that, therefore, they have their participation, as a social right, weakened or broken, occupational therapy must collaborate with the interdisciplinary processes of urban policy to facilitate that social agent become capable of carrying out the activities involved in the planning processes, and ensure that through this performance, effective social participation takes place.

However, social participation seems to work, at least in occupational therapy, as an amalgam that allows cohesion in contexts where the social fabric is fragile and broken. This amalgamation takes place in the identification, articulation, and processes of carrying out activities that comprise the occupational involvement in the social space of the cities. Therefore, occupational therapists are ideal professionals to work in the interdisciplinary context of urban planning, in which participation is the means and the end of the entire process, especially when focusing on those most vulnerable populations with a long history of exclusion, such as the people with disabilities, with mental disorders, on the streets, in traditional territories, among others. The practice of occupational therapy, centered on occupations and instrumentalized by activities, allows for a creative, critical, complex, and contextualized technical action in everyday ways of life that take place through an intersubjective communication, in which individuals are socially contextualized subjects who need symbolic and material conditions to get involved occupationally. With this, occupational therapists can assume technically and ethically the responsibilities with the urbanization public policies, as well as using them as devices to guarantee social rights and defense of citizenship in the cities.

Final Considerations

This study addressed community reading as a mandatory instrument of the Participatory Master Plan, provided for in the City Statute. Based on the identification of processes in Brazilian municipalities, we sought to approach issues relevant to the interests of the occupational therapy area, demonstrating their possible contributions in the area of urban planning.

Thus, we identified that community reading strategies are created and explored through five stages: Dissemination, Mobilization, Training, Diagnosis, and Agreements. In each of the stages, the strategies still represent traditional and hegemonic perspectives, not very accessible and participative, conducted, for the most part, by professionals from Architecture and Urbanism, Geography, and Engineering. Thus, the interdisciplinary action, which the field of urban planning requires, is insufficient, and participation is treated as a simple notion of “population adherence” in the construction of public policy.

According to the City Statute, the municipal public manager (mayor) who does not guarantee democratic management through the instruments provided for by law, incurs a process of administrative improbity. Thus, it is very possible that the treatment of social participation as “adherence” is a consequence of an excessive interpretation of administrative institutional management and legal pressure, and, therefore, insufficient for a critical understanding of the democratic management of the city. Contrary to the above, the “mandatory” of participation means the “guarantee of democratic management” in the city's planning. Such management implies processes that take into account the law and its foreseen instruments, situated and coherent with the local life of the population, as it is in local life that the existence and materialization of democracy can be understood.

In this sense, the processes that involve social participation, or its absence, are of interest to occupational therapy. The profession can contribute with strategies guided by a local commitment, respecting local ways of life and value systems, as this is how the understanding of human occupation is structured and its technical intervention is instrumentalized. The objective of occupational therapy is to collaborate, with general and specific approaches, in the development of human skills so that individuals and groups can acquire capacities to perform, manage and participate in the structures and dynamics of their social spaces. However, this assimilation (recognition) of occupational therapists in the field of urban policies is still a process under construction.

So far, this research was based on primary and not completely generalizable data, which has limitations both in the results and in the discussions presented, which may be the result of the method and procedures adopted. Thus, further studies are needed to validate these and other propositions, and perhaps the constitution of a new field of professional insertion and knowledge for occupational therapy.

We also highlight the importance of the city as a social right and urban planning public policies as instruments that participate in the defense of citizenship, especially of the most vulnerable populations. Community reading retains social participation as its foundation and contributes to guaranteeing the right to the city and, therefore, a field that offers the responsiveness of occupational therapy.

• 1
  This article is an original and unpublished contribution, derived from the Course Term Paper entitled Methodological Strategies on Community Readings in Participatory Master Plans of Brazilian municipalities, as a requirement for obtaining the title of Specialist in Social Projects and Public Policies at the Centro Universitário SENAC-SP , defended by the author in November 2019.
• 2
  The expression “right to the city”, used by philosopher Henri Lefebvre, in the late 1960s, in France, is not a concept, much less a term related to public policies or social right to the city. For Lefebvre, the right to the city is a philosophical notion to claim the right to use cities, against the capitalist domination after the Industrial Revolution in European countries. The debate on the right to the city as a social right is only held in the late 1990s, according to Harvey (2013), when the city becomes, theoretically and politically, placed as the centerpiece of issues of justice, democracy and citizenship in the States democratic-capitalists. In the Brazilian case, with the creation of the City Statute, the expression “right to the city” is used to guide the instruments of urban policy as a social right. Therefore, it does not mean to say that the expression was incorporated based on Lefebvre's notion. Also, because Brazilian urban policy defends, for example, a perspective of the city's social function linked to the acquisition and maintenance of private property, strongly contrary to what Lefebvre proposes when coining his expression.
• 3
  The technical reading comprises the diagnosis of the demands of the environment, economy, housing, neighborhood impact, infrastructure, among others, carried out by specialized professionals.
• How to cite: Correia, R. L. (2021). Social participation strategies in the community reading of Brazilian municipalities: approximations of occupational therapy with urban policy. Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional, 29, e2752. https://doi.org/10.1590/2526-8910.ctoAO2079

Referências

• Acselrad, H., & Coli, L. R. (2008). Disputas cartográficas e disputas territoriais. In H. Acselrad (Org.), Cartografias sociais e território (pp. 13-43). Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ.
• Barros, D. D., Lopes, R. E., & Galheigo, S. M. (2007). Novos Espaços, Novos Sujeitos: a Terapia Ocupacional no trabalho territorial e comunitário. In A. Cavalcanti & C. Galvão (Orgs.), Terapia Ocupacional: fundamentação e prática (pp. 354-363). Rio de Janeiro: Guanabara Koogan.
• Brasil. (2001, 10 de julho). Lei 10.257, de 10 de julho de 2001. Regulamenta os arts. 182 e 183 da Constituição Federal estabelece diretrizes gerais da política urbana e dá outras providências. Diário Oficial [da] República Federativa do Brasil, Brasília.
• Correia, R. L. (2017). Processos de ensinagem em desenvolvimento local participativo: a articulação comunitária e a produção do conhecimento fronteiriço enquanto capital social (Tese de doutorado). Faculdade de Medicina do ABC, Santo Andre. Recuperado em 18 de abril de 2019, de https://sucupira.capes.gov.br/sucupira/public/consultas/coleta/trabalhoConclusao/viewTrabalhoConclusao.jsf?popup=true&id_trabalho=4994383
  » https://sucupira.capes.gov.br/sucupira/public/consultas/coleta/trabalhoConclusao/viewTrabalhoConclusao.jsf?popup=true&id_trabalho=4994383
• Correia, R. L. (2019). Estratégias metodológicas sobre Leitura Comunitária em Planos Diretores Participativos de municípios brasileiros. São Paulo: Centro Universitário SENAC.
• Correia, R. L., Costa, S. L., & Akerman, M. (2017). Processos de ensinagem em desenvolvimento local participativo. Interações, 18(3), 23-39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20435/inter.v18i3.1526.
  » https://doi.org/10.20435/inter.v18i3.1526
• Correia, R. L., Costa, S. L., & Akerman, M. (2018). Processos de inclusão Quilombola nas políticas urbanas da cidade. Revista Interinstitucional Brasileira de Terapia Ocupacional, 2(4), 827-839.
• Drummond, A. (2012). Cidades & políticas públicas de cultura: diagnóstico, reflexão e proposições. Belo Horizonte: Artmanager.
• Fazenda, I. C. A. (2012). Interdisciplinaridade: história, teoria e pesquisa. Campinas: Papirus.
• Fernandes, E. (2005). Direito e gestão na construção da cidade democrática no Brasil. Revista Oculum Ensaios, 4, 16-33.
• Ferreira, M., & Cardoso, E. M. (2008). Experiência de apoio técnico à construção dos Planos Diretores Participativos de cinco municípios de Minas Gerais pela FESP| UEMG. Ciência et Práxis, 1(1), 39-46.
• Franco, A. (2002). Pobreza & Desenvolvimento Local. Brasília: ARCA Sociedade do Conhecimento.
• Freitas, E. L. H., & Bueno, L. M. M. (2018). Processos participativos para elaboração de Planos Diretores Municipais: inovações em experiências recentes. Urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana, 10(2), 304-321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2175-3369.010.002.ao09.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/2175-3369.010.002.ao09
• Galvaan, R. (2015). The contextually situated nature of occupational choice: marginalised young adolescents’ experiences in South Africa. Journal of Occupational Science, 22(1), 39-53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14427591.2014.912124.
  » https://doi.org/10.1080/14427591.2014.912124
• Gonçalves, M. V. (2020). A mobilidade urbana de jovens em projetos sociais do complexo do alemão, no Rio de Janeiro, e suas relações com a terapia ocupacional social (Tese de doutorado). Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos.
• Harvey, D. (2008). The Right to the City. New Left Review, (53), 23-40.
• Harvey, D. (2013). O enigma do capital. São Paulo: Boitempo.
• Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística – IBGE. (2010a). Brasil Recuperado em 03 de junho de 2019, de https://cidades.ibge.gov.br/brasil/panorama
  » https://cidades.ibge.gov.br/brasil/panorama
• Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística – IBGE. (2010b). @cidades: Brasil/Mato Grosso/Jucimeira Recuperado em 03 de junho de 2019, de https://cidades.ibge.gov.br/brasil/mt/juscimeira/panorama
  » https://cidades.ibge.gov.br/brasil/mt/juscimeira/panorama
• Kantartzis, S., & Molineux, M. (2017). Collective occupation in public spaces and the construction of the social fabric. Canadian Journal of Occupational Therapy, 84(3), http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008417417701936.
  » https://doi.org/10.1177/0008417417701936
• Kirzner, V. (2006). Planos diretores participativos: balanço dos processos de elaboração e das temáticas emergentes - aplicação dos instrumentos de democracia participativa durante o processo de elaboração e aprovação dos planos diretores. In Anais do 4º Congresso Brasileiro de Direito Urbanístico (pp. 1-15). São Paulo: O Instituto Brasileiro de Direito Urbanístico.
• Kripka, R. M. L., Scheller, M., & Bonotto, D. de L. (2015). Pesquisa Documental: considerações sobre conceitos e características na Pesquisa Qualitativa. In Anais do 4º Congresso Ibero-Americano em Investigação Qualitativa e 6º Simpósio Internacional de Educação e Comunicação (pp. 243-247). Aracaju: Universidade Tiradentes.
• Lefebvre, H. (2001). O direito à cidade São Paulo: Centauro.
• Machado, E. G., Freire, G. M. C. A., & Almeida, A. P. (2016). Extensão universitária, planejamento urbano e democracia na elaboração de um plano diretor participativo no semiárido nordestino. Revista Ciência em Extensão, 12(1), 63-79.
• Maricato, E. (2002, março). Erradicar o analfabetismo urbanistico. Revista FASE, pp. 1-4.
• Martins, S. R. O. (2002). Desenvolvimento Local: questões conceituais e metodológicas. Interações, 3(5), 51-59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20435/interacoes.v3i5.570.
  » https://doi.org/10.20435/interacoes.v3i5.570
• Minayo, M. C. S. (1994). Pesquisa Social : teoria, método e criatividade. Petropólis: Editora Vozes.
• Moreira, A. D. S. (2010). A participação das mulheres na leitura comunitária do plano diretor participativo de Florianópolis. In Anais do Seminário Internacional Fazendo Gênero 9: Diásporas, Diversidades, Deslocamentos (pp. 1–11). Florianópolis: UFSC.
• Moretti, R. S., & Rolnik, R. (2005). Planos diretores participativos. Oculum Ensaios, (4), 110- 115.
• Mussi, A. Q. (2016). Leitura comunitária do futuro loteamento Canaã: senso de comunidade, expectativas e prioridades. Interações, 17(4), 607-620. http://dx.doi.org/10.20435/1984-042X-2016-v.17-n.4(05).
  » https://doi.org/10.20435/1984-042X-2016-v.17-n.4(05)
• Nunes, B. F. (2006). Sociologia de capitais brasileiras: participação e planejamento urbano Brasília: Líber Livro Editora.
• Pimentel, A. (2001). O método da análise documental: seu uso numa pesquisa historiográfica. Cadernos de Pesquisa, (114), 179-195. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0100-15742001000300008.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0100-15742001000300008
• Ramugondo, E. L., & Kronenberg, F. (2015). Explaining collective occupations from a human relations perspective: bridging the individual-collective dichotomy. Journal of Occupational Science, 22(1), 3-16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14427591.2013.781920.
  » https://doi.org/10.1080/14427591.2013.781920
• Rolnik, R. (1995). O que é cidade. São Paulo: Brasiliense.
• Rolnik, R., & Pinheiro, O. M. (2004). Plano diretor participativo: guia para a elaboração pelos municípios e cidadãos. Brasília: Confea.
• Saboya, R., & Karnaukhova, E. (2007). Uma metodologia para a obtenção de possíveis objetivos e eixos estratégicos para planos diretores a partir dos dados da leitura comunitária. In Anais do 12º Encontro da Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa em planejamento urbano e regional. Belém: ANPUR.
• Sen, A. (2001). Desenvolvimento como liberdade. São Paulo: Cia. das Letras.
• Serpa, A. (2007). O espaço público na cidade contemporânea. São Paulo: Contexto.
• Silva, M. D. P., & Gracioso, L. S. (2018). A interdisciplinaridade como instrumento de ação comunicativa. Revista em Questão, 24(2), 188-209. http://dx.doi.org/10.19132/1808-5245242.188-209.
  » https://doi.org/10.19132/1808-5245242.188-209
• Silva, A. C. C., & Oliver, F. C. (2019). Participação social em terapia ocupacional: sobre o que estamos falando? Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional, 27(4), 858-872. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.4322/2526-8910.ctoAR1883
  » https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.4322/2526-8910.ctoAR1883
• Silva Júnior, J. R., & Passos, L. A. (2006). O negócio é participar: a importância do plano diretor para o desenvolvimento municipal. Brasília: SEBRAE.
• Tonella, C. (2013). Políticas urbanas no Brasil: marcos legais, sujeitos e instituições. Sociedade e Estado, 28(1), 29-52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0102-69922013000100003.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-69922013000100003
• Trindade, T. A. (2012). Direitos e cidadania: reflexões sobre o direito à cidade. Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, 87, 139-165. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0102-64452012000300007.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-64452012000300007
• Vieira, R., Pereira, L. N., Anjos, F. A., & Schroeder, T. (2013). Participação popular no processo de planejamento urbano: a universidade como decodificadora de um sistema de muitos códigos. Urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana, 5(20), 115-130. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/urbe.05.002.AC03.
  » https://doi.org/10.7213/urbe.05.002.AC03

Edited by

Section editor

Prof. Dra. Sandra Maria Galheigo

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  09 Aug 2021
• Date of issue
  2021

History

• Received
  06 Apr 2020
• Reviewed
  06 Dec 2020
• Accepted
  28 Feb 2021