SCHIZOANALYSIS AND INTERSECTIONALITY: MACROPOLITICAL ACHIEVEMENTS AND MICROPOLITICAL SETBACKS

Abstract

This article aims to analyze conceptual approaches between theories that work with the intersectional perspective and the ideas of Deleuze and Guattari. To this end, we begin with reflections on the origin of intersectionality as a conceptual and empirical field, through American contributions, with Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins and Angela Davis, and Latin American and Brazilian, with Lelia Gonzalez, Gloria Anzaldúa, Sueli Carneiro and Carla Akotirene. Then, we present the Schizoanalytic perspective, through some fundamental concepts, such as micropolitics, macropolitics, microfascisms. We seek to analyze the conceptual-experiential field constituted by intersectional reflections in the light of schizoanalytic micropolitical analysis. We conclude that the two fields are found in the analysis of the multiple intersections that cross each other incessantly in the expression of life, producing oppressions and exits.

Keywords:
Intersectionality; Feminism; Schizoanalysis; Micropolitics

Resumo

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar aproximações conceituais entre teorias que trabalham com a perspectiva interseccional e as ideias de Deleuze e Guattari. Para tanto, iniciamos com reflexões acerca da origem da interseccionalidade como campo conceitual e empírico, através de contribuições estadunidenses, com Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins e Angela Davis, e latino-americanas e brasileiras, com Lelia Gonzalez, Gloria Anzaldúa, Sueli Carneiro e Carla Akotirene. Em seguida, apresentamos a perspectiva Esquizoanalítica, através de alguns conceitos fundamentais, como micropolítica, macropolítica, microfascismos. Buscamos analisar o campo conceitual-vivencial constituído pelas reflexões interseccionais à luz da análise micropolítica esquizoanalítica. Concluímos que os dois campos se encontram na análise das múltiplas intersecções que se atravessam incessantemente na expressão da vida, produzindo opressões e saídas.

Palavras-chave:
Interseccionalidade; Feminismo; Esquizoanálise; Micropolítica

Resumen

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar enfoques conceptuales entre las teorías que trabajan con la perspectiva interseccional y las ideas de Deleuze y Guattari. Para ello, partimos de reflexiones sobre el origen de la interseccionalidad como campo conceptual y empírico, a través de aportes estadounidenses, con Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins y Angela Davis, y latinoamericanos y brasileños, con Lelia González, Gloria Anzaldúa, Sueli Carneiro y Carla Akotirene. A continuación, presentamos la perspectiva esquizoanalítica, a través de algunos conceptos fundamentales, como micropolítica, macropolítica, microfascismos. Buscamos analizar el campo conceptual-vivencial constituido por reflexiones interseccionales a la luz del análisis micropolítico esquizoanalítico. Concluimos que los dos campos se encuentran en el análisis de las múltiples intersecciones que se cruzan incesantemente en la expresión de la vida, produciendo opresiones y salidas.

Palabras clave:
Interseccionalidad; Feminismo; Esquizoanálisis; Micropolítica

Introduction

Currently, the effects of the immense social inequality that rages Brazil become more present each time. Although already existent and affecting part of the population, these were increased with Covid-19. In the year 2020, we experienced a coronavirus pandemic, a disease caused by the virus SARS-CoV-2, on a world scale. In mid March, 2021, officially more than 280 thousand accumulated deaths sum up in the country (Ministério da Saúde, 2021). Certainly this scenario has sanitary, economic, financing and political repercussions and shakes us all. We have subjectively lived moments of fear, unpredictability and lack of guarantees. Habits are altered, conflicts emerge, daily life is crossed by lines of indetermination. We need changes in the modes of subjectivation on a planetary scale, which are still imprecise for Psychology. Thus, each time it is more necessary to produce complex analyses for the also complex Brazilian reality.

One of these strands is the study of intersectionality, which operates not through the separation of the categories of gender, race, class, sexuality and other possible ones, allowing visibility to social problems, revealing structural and dynamic consequences of the complex intersections between two or more subordination axes, that get intercrossed and potentialized. These intersections subject vulnerable ones and women to precarizations, humiliations and invisibilities. On the other hand, sustaining the complexity and the displacements of reality and subjectivity, Deleuze and Guattari's ideas help us think not only how these oppressions and captures are maintained, but also how to create escape lines, resistances facing subjectivity management.

In this context, we review ideas of fundamental authors in the intersectionality field in this text in order to dialogue with schizoanalysis' perspective. We believe that this articulation is necessary considering the complexity of several vulnerabilities, as well as the importance of the analysis of power relations that cross socially excluded people's daily lives. We understand that the dialogue between sex and race is important, not only to think about the inequalities between men and women, but also about the differences between white and black men, and between white and black women, breaking the racial democracy myth. This because these hierarchies can be lived not only in men and women relationships, but in a broad way, which affects many modes of getting subjectified. Beyond that, the uso of the concept allows us to reveal the overlap of several disqualifications. By studying poverty disqualification, James Moura and Verônica Ximenes (2016) point out that the same may be lived as an oppression practice, subjetifying who is found in this condition with inferiority attitudes, of passivity and of violence.

Although we recognize here the existence of different strands of intersectionalities³, as Adriana Piscitelli (2008) places, we choose to work without differentiating them, approaching more of the conceptual aspects that allow us to dialogue as we seek to establish here. It is a conceptual effort to enlarge the analysis of the articulate oppressions in the experience of women, especially, the black, poor, Latin-American ones, with whom we face our professional and academic performance, through the researches in the public policies field. As our fundamental base is schizoanalysis, whose base are white and European men, we seek to tension the field of emergence of this knowledge in order to pass other voices, that appear on black and Latin-American feminism, contributing and enriching our local analyses.

U.S. intersectional perspectives

The origin of the term intersectionality is attributed to the American jurist Kimberlé Crenshaw, at the end of the 1980s, However, before the emergence of the concept, we have the previous record that enabled it, as shown by Gabriela Kyrillos (2020). Starting with Sojourner Truth's speech, a suffragist, abolitionist and U.S. black feminist, spoken in 1851 in Akron, Ohio, in a women convention. This occurence hightened the urgency of race on feminist agenda, at the same time in which it denounced racism and elitism on white feminism (Davis, 2016). On Sojourner Truth's speech, she enunciates the voice of black women through her history, facing the received hostility in the event.

I have plowed, and planted, and gathered into barns and no man could head me! And ain’t I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man-when I could get it-and bear the lash as well! And ain’t I a woman? I have borne thirteen children and seen them most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother’s grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain’t I a woman? (Davis, 2016, p. 57)

As Angela Davis (2016) states in “Women, Race and Class”, still during the nineteenth century in the United States, the organization of the black women movement placed the combat of racism on the agenda, which was disregarded by the movements of white middle class and a movement for all women. This movement also argued that the, essential, factor "class" was out of white elite feminists' agenda that discussed the right to vote and to work, ignoring what black women had been working on their whole life. But in the beginning of the twentieth century black feminism had already faced institutionalized racial segregation, which stopped the access of black men and women to different spaces, being their insertion precarious, when there was beyond the combat to the lynching of black populations and racist violence. Angela Davis (2016) identifies the potential of feminism's third wave, in the 1980s and further, in not invisibilizing and diminishing the movements of "black, Latin, indigenous, Asian and white working class" In this sense, she proposed the idea of a fusion of women movements, unifying fights contemplating different agendas and benefiting all, what was called a "multiracial unit".

This discussion paved by the black women movement is the emergence context of the term "intersectionality", presented for the first time by Kimberlé Crenshaw, in 1989. This term was created in the scope of the guarantee of human rights, facing the complexity of oppressions that are present in women's life. Creenshaw (2002) affirms that the debates on Human Rights world conferences, still centered on universal rights, allowed the conceptual advance that enlarged its scope on what concerns gender issues. This advance's focus is on differences between men and women and it indicates that, "currently the difference of women indicates the responsibility that any human rights institution has of incorporating a gender analysis in its practices" (Crenshaw, 2002, p. 172). This analysis highlights the tension between universal and particular, when regarding women's experiences, that are crossed by features such as class, religion, ethnicity, race, territory, among others. How to guarantee universal rights for women, considering their differences, without erasing or making them reason for the rights' guarantee's impossibility?

In another text, Crenshaw (2020) points out the need of change in the comprehension of violent actions, such as rape and domestic aggression, usually associated to the private sphere, for a systemic and social comprehension, of maintaining the domination over women. In this direction, she states how the feminist and anti-racist discourses are only based on their problems, as if they were mutually excluding, producing more visibility to black women.

In this path, Patrícia Hill Collins (2015) talks about the ease for us to recognize discriminations that we suffer and elect the most important ones, and about the difficulty of recognizing how we collaborate with the same, through our actions and thoughts. Inserted in this system of multiple oppression, we are not only victims or only oppressors, existing many degrees of privileges and punishments. Thus,

Only when we realize that there exists few that are purely victims or oppressors, and that each one of us tries many punishments and privileges of a system of multiple oppressions that frame our life, we will be in condition to see the need for new forms of thought and action. (Collins, 2015, p. 14)

Collins, still, defines class, race and gender as analysis categories and seeks ways of connection and coalition between the people that surpass the barriers of these categories. For that, he avoids summation analyses, that part from the dichotomic and hierarchical premises and sustain that the oppressions are imbricated on singular experiences, in a way that certain oppression may assume primacy for a specific group of women, in a specific place and time.

In this sense, Davis (2020) points out that we need to comprehend how the relations between multiple ways of violence, such as sexism, homophobia, racism, classic etc., originated from the same political and economic institutions, are articulated.

The roots of sexism and homophobia meet in the same economic and political institutions that serve as base for racism in this country and, mostly, the same extremist circles that cause violence motivated by sexist and homophobic prejudice. Our political activism ought to evidently express our comprehension of these relations. (Davis, 2020, p. 22)

In this sense, we are called to analyze the social phenomenons in their nature embricated by relations and institutions, expressing the articulation of different modalities of oppression, and also political action. Danièle Kergoat (2010) emphasizes that his imbrication must be analyzed at each social reality analyzed, considering the joint and indissociable construction of the categories of oppression, exploitation and domination. Not even due to that one ought to consider that women will only be in condition of submission to oppressions; it is needed to take them as political persons and to strengthen the collective as a way out. Then, Davis (2020) places her revolutionary and radical position, pointing capitalism as a priority agenda: "Our women empowerment agenda must, therefore, be unequivocal in the contestation of monopolist capitalism as the biggest obstacle for equality's conquering." (p. 24).

Latin-American and Brazilian intersectional perspectives

In Brazil, the black population also suffers slavery's effects, invisibilized by the myth of racial democracy. The servitude of black women is presented in its identification with satisfaction objects of feminine needs, as wet nurses, and masculine, as sexual objects. The Brazilian miscegenation, supposedly responsible for the racial democracy, as Gilberto Freire and Darcy Ribeiro made us believe, it is a result from the rape of black and indigenous women. That is, the racial issue is central in its composition with the place of women in Brazil and in Latin America (Kyrillos, 2020), and that was intensely worked by intellectuals such as Lélia Gonzalez, Gloria Anzaldúa, Sueli Carneiro and Carla Akotirene.

The intellectual production of Brazilian black women was also intense and rich during the 1980s. Lélia Gonzalez (1988) in “Por um feminismo afro-latino-americano” (For an Afro-Latin-American feminism) begins saying that, regarding the celebration of the centenary of Áurea Law, the fight for black women and men's freedom began long before, turning its reflection to racial and sexual inequalities in Brazil, that affect overall black and indigenous women. Here, in opposition to the United States, the racial discussion was not precursor of the discussion about other discriminations, which, for Gonzalez (1988), may be attributed to "racism by omission", intimately articulated to patriarchy and colonialism.

Gonzalez (1988) brings back two Lacanian concepts in order to back this phenomenon in the subjective dimension, which regards the infant and the supposed-knowledge-person. Infant is the child spoken by others, to whom voice is not given, nor attributed to the condition of a human person. This happened to non-white women, infantilized, subjected by the patriarcal-racist system, denied in their condition of human persons. Supposed-knowledge-person is that to whom, in an imaginary way, it is attributed that he/she does not know, promoting identification. This way, the colonizer is sustained in this place by the colonized, an effect articulated to eurocentrism. Finally, Gonzalez (1988), calls attention to the intrinsic and undeniable articulation between historical, political, cultural and subjective factors that maintain the patriarcal, colonial, racist structure of domination over non-white people.

In the same decade, Gloria Anzaldúa publishes many texts. Among them, “Falando em línguas: uma carta para as mulheres escritoras do terceiro mundo” (Speaking in Tongues: A Letter to 3rd World Women Writers -Anzaldúa, 2000), where she begins telling about the dangers lived by non-white women. As a Chicana, poor, writer, worker woman, she traces lines that get interconnected in her life experience, showing vividly the intersections that compose it. In this sense, she bets on writing as a political act of creation and salvation or survival, from the place that white men and women place them, the 3rd world women.

Sueli Carneiro (2003) also brings back the experiences plan, only in the collective scope by referring to the fights of Brazilian women movements, which were fundamental to the combat of gender violence, with the creation of public policies, such as the women sheriff stations, the shelter for women in violence situations, beyond the recognition of gender inequalities in the market. She highlights the role of black women in this movement, and their transformation in political persons, whose experience particularities associated with racism are fundamental for women's conquerings. Black women placed racism in the center of the white feminism's debate: the fact of being in the labor market; the fact of suffering intensely the facets of the racist violence in their affectivity and sexuality; the fact of being targets of forced sterilization practices. As states Carneiro (2003), all of these aspects are fundamental for the Brazilian political agenda, in an antiracist and feminist perspective, valorizing and highlighting the protagonism of black women.

Carla Akotirene adds and enriches the presented discussions with her book “Interseccionalidade” (Intersectionality) that compose the “Feminismos plurais” (Plural feminism) collection. Akotirene (2020) recovers the concept's history, presenting it from a decolonial and Afro-centered feminist perspective, recovering the Atlantic ocean as that one that bathes the African and Latin-American lands; as that one that, although marks the locus of many violated lives, flows, moves and allows to heal them always through the presentification of ancestral memories.

Vulnerable and inventive lives, lives in movement

Also worried about power relations, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari propose a reading of reality and subjectivity that sustains the complexity and procedural⁴. For that matter, they believe in the juxtaposition of different reality functionings, which sometimes tend to the reproduction, and other times tend to the invention.The reproductive functioning is made by interiority, by the need to make the life differences equal and homogenized. On the other hand, the inventive is linked to the exterior, to what is out of us, opening to a dimension of agencies and connections that conduce us to displacements. Reproduction and invention that compose everything that surrounds us in a procedural way.

In this direction, the comprehension of the subjectivation processes is an alternative to the models that structure not only theoretical currents in the sociology and psychology fields about "the person"⁵, but modes of existence based on limitant structures that can be oppressors and violent. In this sense, Guattari (1992) summons us to question such models of subjectivity based on interiority, stanched and tied to closed structures. For this author, subjectivity is mutant and intensive and has nothing to do with the inside, with the personal nor the identity, but with events, happenings. We produce modes of existence, which are displaced by associations that we make in an intensive mode and that allow us to resist power and submission. In the text, “Micropolítica e Segmentaridade” (Micropolitics and Segmentarity), Deleuze e Guattari (1996) affirm that “Everything is political, but every politics is simultaneously a macropolitics and a micropolitics” (p. 90), presenting reality's functioning by productions and connections. In this sense, macropolitics and micropolitics coexist, are procedural, and inseparable. The macropolitics plans, or molar, and micropolitics, or molecular, refer one to the other incessantly, being irreducible one to the other. What distinguish them is their way of functioning: while the molar operates by segmenting, dividing, classifying, organizing in a binary way (good-bad, right-wrong, human-non-human), based on reference centers (race, class, gender, species), the molecular operates by fluxes that refer to the outside, that seek connections, expansions, out of the circles of significant (Deleuze & Guattari, 1996).

Thinking intersectionality from these plans is to think about the coexistence of macropolitics and micropolitics, which means that the official and instituted strategy surrounding social exclusion, the administration of social equality, gender and race relations also have micropolitics actions, and the day by day of men and women, of the privileged and the vulnerable is also crossed by macropolitics issues, regarding a process of juxtaposition and entanglement. This way, these two domains are in constant relation, regarding that in macropolitics the intensity of life gets diluted to get institutionalized and the micropolitics departs to a new creation. It is fit to highlight that we agree with Ana Kiffer (2020) when she affirms that, in order to claim the decolonial in us, we need to avoid classical authors, repeating the (self)destructive logics of colonial cis-heteronormative racism, and to use their critical potential and produce singular knowlege assemblages.

Besides that, the contribution of Deleuze and Guattari's immanent thinking allows us to recognize that, in the molecular plan, we do not have only inventions, but also microfascism, when the desire wishes its own repression (Deleuze & Guattari, 1996). The desire gets inserted in inventive assemblages, but also in micro-formations that seek to format, equalize, compare, and double the difference. The microfascism blossoms from fear and insecurities and emerges as a reactive micropolitics, as Suely Rolnik (2015) affirms, and not an active micropolitics in favor of life. Exploring this reactiviness, Domenico Hur (2020) proposes a reflection on the desire's 'machinic' assemblages, including what the author names as neofascist machine, mechanism that operates with the forces of active desiring fluxes, that become reactive, sustained by the affections of resentment, disenchantment and pessimism. This system acts to part subjectivity from what is different and strange to it, endorsing its identity, its beliefs, its way of existing, acting and thinking. Thus, the other one is taken as the enemy. "This management of desire and affections is based on the culture of insecurity, anxiety, uncertainty towards the future and the fear of difference. The desire for destruction of difference that threatens me" (Hur, 2020, p. 192). In our understanding, this mechanism of the fascist machinery in the micropolitical plan is fundamental for the maintenance and reproduction of racism, sexism, homophobia, xenophobia's macropolitical management, or in summary, of different discriminatory and excludent processes in the State and daily culture's bossom. Fascism that makes life's power precarious, directing it towards repetition.

Certainly, micropolitics, coexisting with macropolitics, is the movement plan and it is inhabited by tensions between the subjections and the expansion of life. Although very necessary, macropolitics is not enough to guarantee gender equality, social rights on the work field, on education and health's field because the laws and norms cannot control the way people daily live the power relations between sexes, vulnerabilities and inequalities. We know the fight against the intersections of vulnerability must develop on macrosocial spheres, inside of the human rights' mark, but we also know that the support of these conquers in microsocial relations is needed. This way, dialoguing with schizoanalysis, we believe that facing the oppressions pointed by the intersectional perspectives is done in the transversalizacion of the macropolitical dimension and the micropolitical dimension, of the forms and forces that constitute us men and women, white and black, privileged or vulnerable.

Audre Lorde (2019a), in “Sister Outsider”, initiates telling how a rupture of the silences that she cultivated due to the fear of speaking out, assuming herself as a woman that possesses voice and visibility. In the way to this appropriation, she mentions the many women that supported and took care of her when the cancer was discovered: different women - white, homosexual, old, black - “... we all shared a war against the tyrannies of silence”, facing and fighting “... with the forces of death” (Lorde, 2019a, p. 52⁶). The fight against death, the biggest and irreversible silence, is the daily struggle for women's survival, specially, the black women, who live the paradox of being viewed and invisibilized by race simultaneously. Audre, then, states to her readers that, “in the cause of silence, each of us draws the face of her own fear _ fear of contempt, of censure, or some judgment, or recognition, of challenge, of annihilation” (Lorde, 2019a, p. 53 ⁷). Fear maintained by molar and molecular stiffening not only on our family and social conviviality.

These crystallizations spread beyond the silences, and the sensation of inferiority may get transformed in a reaction of superiority, in which the privileges must be guaranteed at any cost, through the naturalization of economic, racial, gender, physical hierarchies, among others. We face the same type of binary functioning that separates and classifies, not considering the differences and variations, fixating life in determined evaluating forms and models, which get molecularized in our daily relations. Certainly, we are being subjectivized by polarization each time more, by the binary logic of truths and destitutions, because the fear of life in its heterogeneity also may hide in certainties and oppositions. At the point of living today a(n) (un)government that maintains a series of violences, sustained in the cruelty of neoliberalism, as Vladimir Safatle (2020) states, in a fascist way of governing that unveils each time more the combination of capitalism and slavery, specificity of our history, of our mutism and the belief that there are lives that do not matter.

The tough lines that cross us, in the composition of our existence in a misoginistic, racist, homophobic, patriarcal society, get constituted with the affections that circulate in the encounters we signed for. Affections that produce variations of power in us and in our bodies, at times turning us more powerful, at times acting in a way of provoking, subtly, until it is not anymore a power field where we orbit, repulsively attracting what kills us. Each one of us, in the encounter with the "out of us", in the displacements of our interiority, may produce escape, creation and expansion lines, but also black holes, while an attractive force that captures life in its surroundings to annihilate it, which does not allow the connections through the intensity of abolition, self-destruction passions, that we make pass in ourselves until there is nothing left. Deleuze and Guattari (1996) indicate that this is precisely the danger of escape lines, that they are so intense that, instead of linking to other lines and getting potentialized, they can destroy themselves. Therefore, what silences do we nurture in order to reproduce inequalities and legitimize privileges, feeding back the system that subjects, silences, excludes us and makes us desire our own repression? What fears do we cultivate in our words and actions that are exactly what makes us sustain macropolitical processes that affirm it is not possible to be a black, white or Latin-American, hetero, bi or homosexual woman, and "be someone", or "have a voice", or "be capable"? We need to be attentive to the modes through which we compose with other people, with the work and judicial systems, the regimes of truth, the places we circulate and live, in order to identify how and in what situations we dissipate forces of invention and/or strengthen destruction lines. This is because uncritical postures maintain the naturalization of privileges and superiorities.

Another aspect highlighted by Audre (2019a) is about the fissures of disagreement between women, based on the belief that we have different experiences. She says:

That we not hide behind the mockeries of separations that have been imposed upon us and which so often we accept as our own. For instance, "I can't possibly teach Black women's writing - their experience is so different from mine." Yet how many years have you spent teaching Plato and Shakespeare and Proust? Or another, "She's a white woman and what could she possibly have to say to me?" Or, "She's a lesbian, what would my husband say, or my chairman?" Or again, "This woman writes of her sons and I have no children." And all the other endless ways in which we rob ourselves of ourselves and each other. (Lorde, 2019a, p. 55 ⁸)

We need to assume our daily responsibility of facing what has been given as a fact and truth, breaking with the hegemonic discourses and strengthening the community of women, by sharing their words, experiences, voices. In no way erasing the differences between women, as some liberal speeches advocate, but taking these differences to strengthen us, parting from them, recognizing, valuing them, and becoming a common strength link.

James Moura, Vilkiane Barbosa, Jorge Sarriera, Damião Almeida Segundo and Antonio Lima (2020) discuss the production of discriminatory processes in the intersection between race, class and gender, and place the feeling of shame felt by poor black women as the result of the complex articulation between racial violence and the construction of whiteness' ideals, of social status, life style, of sexuality, of religion. The process of scapegoating poverty is so intense that it is many times reproduced by the same people in situation of poverty, also as a way of distinguishing themselves from other poor - for instance, there are the ones who "run after"; there are the "workers" and the "tramps"; there are the "calm" ones and the "scandalous". In this sense, Lorde (2019b) places as a Western logic, operating through binary oppositions, systematizing oppression in a way that a group of people will always be in a condition of dehumanization.

Facing this, Lorde (2019b) points out a strategy for the oppressed: "knowing the language and the attitudes of the oppressor, adopting them certain times in order to have some idea of protection"⁹ (p. 239). This statement is extremely relevant so that we do not scapegoat black people for the reproduction of racism, women for the reproduction of sexism, lesbians, homosexuals and transexuais for the reproduction of homo, lesbo and transphobia. It is about thinking that, beyond the reproduction due to the extreme violence of such discourses in identity formations, for such people they are strategies for them to get integrated, to feel part of the society that excludes them, of the groups that oppress them, and with which they have to live at work, in interpersonal and affective relations, in daily life as a whole.

In order to deepen even more this critical posture, more than to question black people, charging a permanent activism and homogenizing subjectivations that are heterogeneous, it is needed to sustain a critical whiteness, as Lourenço Cardoso (2010) suggests. We, white people that produced this article and that acted in the education processes of psychologists, need to be attentive to the fact that we are racialized persons, and we produce violences of many orders by putting ourselves as a pattern facing non-white "otherness", emphasizing the differences as a form of expropriating people of their human condition. This way, to think of a critical whiteness needs to be from these assumptions to arrive in other places, through public complaint and active posture facing the oppressions and in resonance with the singular production of lonely existence modes.

Regarding the epistemological differences of the conceptual bases in which the articulations on intersectionality and Schizoanalysis are located, we seek to understand how they get articulated, in the attempt of sustaining the complexity of daily maintaining vulnerabilities. Thus, we recognize the effort of the two fields by transcending the binarisms of the analyses of the oppressions, in a way to complexify them, adding more layers and forms of inter-relations between gender, race, class, local, political system, and so many other categories as possible, according to the analyzed context. Besides, as previously seen with the intersectional feminist theoreticians, the macropolitical dimension is articulated with the micropolitical dimension at every instant on Schizoanalysis' terms, not being reduced to one another, but recognizing the institutional aspects that sustain or not the multiple violences, at the same time as it bets in the invention of subjectivity, especially, in collective.

The black intellectuals always remind us of the collective's strength and the movements of non-white women as a form of facing the macropolitical scope (Davis, 2020; Gonzalez, 1988). Would not marxism, which persists as the epistemological base of theoreticians of great renown and analytical capacity, be reminding us of the difficulty of operating significant changes in the macropolitical through the micropolitical? At the same time, would not the women movements be a micropolitical fissure that has been installed in the bosom of middle class white women's movement, promoting tensions and other agendas, on Schizoanalysis' readings? These are questions that occur to us when we seek to correlate these two epistemological fields, seeking a complex and non-binary analysis of the oppressions and the exits built by women in their singularity.

Final considerations

In the interlocution proposed in this text, we highlighted the importance of intersectionality and macropolitical conquers effectuated by black feminists. However, we highlighted the immanence of this dimension with the micropolitical one that is constituted in the way we get tension between our own submissions and inferiorities, between connections of life expansion in its different insertions in the social plan. Thus, we understood that, in order to comprehend and face gender, class, race, sexuality and local oppressions, macropolitical conquers are necessary, but these advances must still be sustained in active micropolitics so that in fact there is a social transformation. In our brief path, we noted the presence of interventions, feminist struggles, potent social movements, active micropolitics in order to give visibility to the oppressions, but we also identified the following microfascisms that prevent its effective base: the reproductions of fears and insecurities; the misunderstanding between women maintained by patriarchal, ethnic-racial and colonial logics; the naturalization of economic inequality.

Schizoanalysis frequently takes back the plans of the un-significant and the un-bodied as ways of facing the crystallizations that are characteristic of the molar functioning, in the individual plan as in the group and social plan. This is an important notation that goes against the difference markers when it is read as structures that are only crossed and submitted to power, allowing us to bet in these connections, or in the singularity, as a motto for tracing escape lines among forms. As psychologists, we know that we live each time more challenges in the interventions with vulnerable populations in the guarantee of minimum rights for the citizens, mainly in a moment when the pandemic is prolonged and generates effects in every sphere of life.

Beyond the fascination for hierarchical/homogenic centers of knowledge, the dialogue with the European authors insists on our invention and problematization capacity in the singular use of these ideas, which can be articulated in a way to strengthen a complex perspective of reality, as we intended to do in this text. Psychology is born in our country with strong inspirations on the north hemisphere, but, affected by this great and extremely unequal territory and based on critical readings of power relations, we can create new socials in which we do not need to be submitted to the ideas and reproduce the notion of an universal subjectivity, as affirmed by the majority of north thinkers, a perspective still present in the "not said" of our education. Repeating dominations is opportune for perpetuating silences and social invisibilities, also from microfascism. The logic that still masters hierarchies and the legitimization of privileges needs to be diluted to begin new compositions between people, of different ethnic-racial belongings, of different social classes, sexualities and places; including, seeking to advance to comprehend our compositions with non-human, not meaningful and immaterial othernes, such as architectures, landscapes, affections.

Referências

• Akotirene, Carla (2020). Interseccionalidade Jandaíra.
• Anzaldúa, Gloria (2000). Falando em línguas: uma carta para as mulheres escritoras do terceiro mundo. Revista Estudos Feministas, 8(1), 229-236. https://doi.org/10.1590/%25x
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• Financing

  RCR: Productivity scholarship (Process n. 302844/2018-0)
  BCS: CAPES-PROSUC PhD scholarship (Process n. 88887.496113/2020-00)

• Consent for image use

  It does not apply.

• Approval, ethics and consente

  It does not apply.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  29 Apr 2022
• Date of issue
  2022

History

• Received
  17 Mar 2021
• Reviewed
  20 Dec 2021
• Accepted
  21 Dec 2021