Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional]]> vol. 61 num. 1 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> <![CDATA[Brazil in the global anticorruption regime]]> Abstract Brazilian anticorruption law and institutions were significantly transformed in recent decades. This article traces those transformations and explains how the international anticorruption and money laundering regimes contributed to their development. It argues that those international regimes were internalised in the Brazilian system through three mechanisms: inspiration and legitimation, coercion, and implementation support, and were critical to the transformation of Brazilian institutions. <![CDATA[Normative resistance to responsibility to protect in times of emerging multipolarity: the cases of Brazil and Russia]]> Abstract This article assesses the normative resistance to Responsibility to Protect adopted by Brazil and Russia against the backdrop of their international identities and self-assigned roles in a changing global order. Drawing upon the framework of Bloomsfield’s norm dynamics role spectrum, it argues that while the ambiguous Russian role regarding this principle represents an example of ‘norm antipreneurship’, particularities of Brazil’s resistance are better grasped by a new category left unaccounted for by this model, which this study portrays as ‘contesting entrepreneur’. <![CDATA[Brazil and the European Union: from liberal inter-regionalism to realist bilateralism]]> Abstract Brazil-European Union relations punch below their weight. Cooperation takes place at three levels: relations with European Union (EU) member states, Brazil`s partnership with Brussels, and EU-MERCOSUR negotiations. This multilevel governance contrasts with poor results: there is no free trade agreement, development cooperation became irrelevant, and international positions rarely converge. The article explores the reasons for the underperformance by comparing foreign policy shifts in Brazil and the EU, and analyzing multilevel governance in selected sectors of cooperation. It is based on four assumptions: multilevel relations are uncoordinated, idealist inter-regionalism doesn’t work, and crisis-driven, liberal realist foreign policies in Brazil and the EU facilitate bilateralism. <![CDATA[Debating US Military Strategy in the Persian Gulf: What is the Way Forward?]]> Abstract Should the US strategy toward the Gulf be one of offshore balancing or one of deep engagement? The debate on US grand strategy lacks solid empirical ground. I address this issue by providing a study of the US´ role as the Gulf’s security provider. I investigate the extent to which distinct military strategies have affected the stability of the region. My findings show no clear correlation between increased US military presence and a reduction in either the incidence or the intensity of regional armed conflict, possibly lending credibility to the arguments of the advocates of a strategy of offshore balancing. <![CDATA[The Defense-Development Nexus: Brazilian Nuclear Policy under the Workers’ Party Administrations]]> Abstract Focusing on the Workers’ Party administrations (2003-2016), we claim that, among other crucial ideas and interpretations, the framing process of the Brazilian nuclear program by the ruling elites can be understood through the notion of a mendes-pimentelense nexus. To support that claim, Section II discusses the developmentalist thinking in Brazil. Section III, presents a historical overview of the role of the armed forces in issues of national development, defense, and nuclear technology. Section IV proposes the notion of a defense-development nexus as an analytical approach to the issue. Finally, some concluding remarks are pointed out. <![CDATA[Hybrid democracy: electoral rules and political competition in Afghanistan]]> Abstract Departing from the hybridity literature on peacebuilding and electoral studies, this paper treats democratization in Afghanistan as a hybridization process. As a result, to understand the durability of corruption, fragile political parties, and non-democratic practices in the country, one should look more closely at the interplay between the current electoral system and how elites and local people respond to it. <![CDATA[China, the EU and multilateralism: the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank]]> Abstract According to Chinese leaders’ statements, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was created with the main purpose of financing infrastructure in Asia. In this research we analyse to what extent the initiative responds to China’s discontent with its second-level ranking within the existing international financing architecture. We use the Hegemonic Transition Theory to study the diplomatic conflict arisen between China and the US because of the launching of the AIIB, and we complete our work exploring the relevance of EU Members’ support in the acceptance of the AIIB and China’s view of global governance.