Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional]]> http://www.scielo.br/rss.php?pid=0034-732920170001&lang=pt vol. 60 num. 1 lang. pt <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.br/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.br <![CDATA[International Leadership as a Process: The case of China in Southeast Asia]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100201&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract Leadership theory in IR still lacks a coherent approach, and it is analytically useful to use eclectic lenses by combining all factors related to power and the usage of power to gain leadership status. I define the term "international leadership" as a process in which a state mobilizes its resources to influence a group of other states (followership) in order to achieve a common goal. In the empirical investigation, I will focus on China's abilities to lead in Southeast Asia. Despite the fact that there are many advantages for China, the mechanism of transforming power resources into regional leadership is still questionable. <![CDATA[What is the relation between Brazilian Foreign Policy and the implementation of bilateral technical cooperation projects in African Countries? Lessons from a South-South cooperation project implemented by the Brazilian National School of Public Administration - ENAP (2009-2012)]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100202&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract Based on the "street-level" and the "theory of the bureaucracy" approaches, the article contends that national bureaucracies may play an important role in explaining the relation between Brazilian foreign policy and international technical cooperation. Drawing lessons from a 2009 ENAP-ISAP project in Mozambique, we concluded that the Brazilian National School of Public Administration - ENAP's interests and autonomy in the implementation process may influence Brazilian bilateral relations. <![CDATA[Brazilian Foreign Policy Towards Internet Governance]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100203&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract Snowden´s whistleblowing on the NSA program had a powerful impact in Brazil, prompting Dilma Rousseff´s administration to promote, at the United Nations, resolutions on Internet privacy, freedom of expression, as well as to host important multistakeholder conferences and, domestically, to approve the innovative legislation known as Marco Civil. These answers were only possible due to a network of officials and activists. However, Brazil´s global leadership in Internet governance is fragile, with many internal contradictions. <![CDATA[The weight of ideology on the attitude of Latin American countriestoward the United States]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100204&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract The article tests the effect of ideology on the attitude of Latin American countries toward the United States, as well as alternative explanations, to respond to the expectation that left-wing governments are critical of the US and right-wing governments are friendly. The findings are that the alternative explanations are less relevant and that ideology has the expected effect. <![CDATA[Politicising financial foreign policy: an analysis of Brazilian foreign policy formulation for the financial sector (2003- 2015)]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100205&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract At the start of the 21st century, there was a reconfiguration of the Brazilian domestic political dynamic, as its actors gradually became more interested in the formulation of foreign policy and tried to safeguard their interests. When analysing the country's foreign policy for the financial sector, it becomes quite clear that to consider foreign policy simply as one type of public policy is insufficient to assess its decision-making process. This paper seeks to contribute to the debate by arguing that the analysis of foreign policy should be carried out by taking into consideration specific issue-areas. This paper explores the movement to rearrange domestic decision power, seeking to gain leverage in international negotiations. <![CDATA[Monetary impacts and currency wars: a blind spot in the discourse about Transnational Legal Orders]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100206&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract The literature on transnational legal orders (TLOs) establishes new criteria for the elaboration of analyses regarding complex legal and economic issues which transcend the nation state. By looking into the so-called "currency war" controversy of 2010-2013, the paper argues that TLO theory remains limited in its ability to shed light on relevant aspects of cross-border impacts of monetary policy changes. <![CDATA[A comparative reassessment of regional parliaments in Latin America: Parlasur, Parlandino and Parlatino]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100207&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract The present article assesses and compares the MERCOSUR Parliament, the Andean Parliament, and the Latin American Parliament as instruments to insert political representation and parliamentarians in their respective integration projects. It is argued that the development of regional parliaments in Latin America, however, has not produced substantial changes in regional decision-making processes, which remain the exclusive domain of intergovernmental or interpresidential exchanges. <![CDATA[The Brazil-European Union strategic partnership, from Lula to Dilma Rousseff: a shift of focus]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100208&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract The article concentrates on the role which the strategic partnership with the European Union played in Brazilian foreign policy from 2007 to 2015, and the shift of focus that took place during the Lula and Dilma Rousseff administrations. It analyses the progress of such strategic partnership and the exchanges per sector carried out within related frameworks. It also discusses and segregates the so-called sector dialogues into two types and argues that, since the beginning of the Rousseff administration, multilateral exchanges encountered growing obstacles to becoming successful, whereas bilateral dialogues found increasingly favorable ground. <![CDATA[Global justice and environmental governance: an analysis of the Paris Agreement]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100209&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract Based on the major normative political theory contributions on global climate justice, the present paper analyzes the new international agreement on climate change, adopted at COP 21 in Paris (2015). Therefore, a literary review of the extensive normative theoretical discussion about global climate justice is made, with special attention to the two approaches that have permeated multilateral political negotiations - historical responsibility and equal per capita emissions. From this normative discussion, this paper recalls the global climate change negotiation process, focusing on the Kyoto Protocol. Next, the analysis emphasizes on the Paris Agreement in an effort to evaluate the normative questions on justice and equity within the environmental governance regime. Finally, the set of conclusions indicates that, although the flexibility of the Agreement has encompassed some dimensions of responsibility, necessity and ability to bear the costs, the most complex dimensions of justice and equity has not been completely solved, which may hinder the operation of environmental governance in a near future. <![CDATA[A coalition approach to trade policymaking in the United States: the fast-track authority fiasco of 1997 and the approval of Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) with China in 2000]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100210&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract This article proposes a framework centered on coalitions between the executive, the congress and interest groups for the analysis of the US trade policymaking process. Such a framework is focused on two main concepts, “willingness to bargain” and “pivotal actor”. The work advances two main hypotheses related to the ability of pro-free-trade actors to come to an agreement and anti-free-trade actors to effectively oppose trade liberalization. Two case studies are undertaken in order to check the plausibility of such hypotheses: the fast-track fiasco (1997) and the approval of Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) with China (2000). <![CDATA[Managing Security in a Zone of Peace: Brazil´s Soft Approach to Regional Governance]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100211&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract Given Brazil’s regional prevalence, its low, late and soft investment in regional security governance appears puzzling. We approach the puzzle through an analysis of contextual features, institutional overlap and policy networks, especially regarding nuclear energy and the environment. Our findings show that Brazil’s behavior is explained by a combination of low regional risks, scarce domestic resources, a legalistic regional culture of dispute settlement, and transgovernmental networks that substitute for formal interstate cooperation and deep regional institutions. <![CDATA[Paradiplomacy and the International Competitiveness of Cities: the case of Rio de Janeiro]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0034-73292017000100212&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract This paper aims to evaluate paradiplomacy as regards the city of Rio de Janeiro, by investigating the city’s actions, policies and international integration strategies. The method used involved both secondary data analysis and semi-structured interviews with public actors of municipal organizations. The results show that the city’s international involvement grew considerably after its announcement as host of the 2016 Olympics.