Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Contexto Internacional]]> http://www.scielo.br/rss.php?pid=0102-852920170001&lang=en vol. 39 num. 1 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.br/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.br <![CDATA[Neo-Agro-Colonialism, Control over Life, and Imposed Spatio-Temporalities]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract The control over what Dillon and Lobo-Guerrero (2008) conceptualise as ‘pluripotent’ life has become an essential factor of capitalist agriculture; this occurs through the regulation of strategic genetic resources. We recognise this course as part of a larger project of neo-agro-colonialism, which takes place by controlling both biotechnology and territories as an expression of a fungible power, turning geopolitics into biopolitics and vice-versa. While assessing the power relations and manipulation of spatio-temporalities in the process of life fabrication, we discuss the mechanisms of control over ‘pluripotent’ life – genetically modified seeds and biopiracy through patentisation of traditional knowledges – which turns life into a commodified good. This is to say that the instrumental use of life fabrication within the rationale of globalised capital (re)creates post-colonial temporalities that legitimise (re)new(ed) colonial ties. We ascertain that it is the manipulation of life’s temporality that allows capital to be (re)produced in the agricultural context of the molecular age. <![CDATA[From the Backstage of War: the Struggle of Mothers in the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100035&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract This article analyses the political status of mothers whose children have been killed by members of the Brazilian military police and armed forces in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro in the course of the ‘war against drugs’. These mothers bear witness to the reality of state interference in the lives of their families. The loss of a child interrupts their intimate affective bonds and temporal linkages between the past, present and future, thereby requiring a resignification of the meaning and temporality of their lives. The war waged by the state and the mothers’ struggle for justice gives rise to a social dynamic that positions these mothers in a reordering of space and a redefinition of time, creating a spatio-temporal existence of pain, despair and hope. <![CDATA[An Inquiry into the Moral and Religious Dimensions of International Politics: the Thought and Contribution of Rui Barbosa]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100053&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract The purpose of this paper is to introduce the thought of Brazilian statesman Rui Barbosa (1849–1923) on foreign policy and international relations from the vantage point of doctrinal reflection. In recent years, scholars have thoroughly sought to find the existence of a distinct Brazilian national thinking, building on the premise that there is no great diplomacy without a consistent foreign policy perspective. Thus, it would be mandatory to search for ideas and reflections that had assisted the foreign policy construction of the country, considered by many as well succeeded in most respects. In this context, the paper seeks to identify the possible foundations of Rui Barbosa’s vision on foreign policy and international relations, which is highlighted by a strong moral and religious foundation and settled on his contemporary conceptions on the pursuit of international peace. <![CDATA[Narratives of Change and Theorisations on Continuity: the Duality of the Concept of Emerging Power in International Relations]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100075&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract This essay aims to discuss the appropriation of the concept of emerging power to the field of international relations, the theoretical impact it inflicts on the discipline, and the duality of its formation as a theoretical category. The adjective emerging has been appropriated into the vocabulary of international relations, but such lexical novelty comprises a debate with earlier theorisations on intermediate states. It is argued that this dialogue between the transience in the narratives of change, brought up by the qualifier emerging powers, and the stasis from the theoretical accumulation on the condition from which it breaks through is a constitutive foundation for the concept as an analytical device for international relations. <![CDATA[The Place of the Region in IR]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100097&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract This article focuses on the problem of regarding regions as secondary features of the international/global dimension, and on the prevailing geopolitical imagery for thinking about and arguing with regions in IR. However, in contrast with the supposedly value-free vocabulary utilised for discussing regions in IR, the act of defining them in cartographic terms, or as a middle ground between national and international politics, is always a political one. In this article, I explore the politics of scaling in respect of regions and regional politics, and suggest that, if regions are understood as artifacts instead of self-evident entities fitting into a neat framework of levels, and disconnected from political struggles, this would assist the analysis and discussion of regions in theory as well as highlight other dynamics surrounding the complex and varied political projects, geographies and subjectivities that could be characterised as ‘regional’. <![CDATA[The Mercosur Experience and Theories of Regional Integration]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100117&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract This article examines the degree to which Mercosur conforms with theories of regional integration, taking into consideration its institutionalisation, its particular characteristics, the characteristics of its member states, and its impact on policy arrangements among those member states. It also compares Mercosur to the European Union. I conclude that theories of integration fail to provide a full explanation of the process of regional integration in Mercosur. <![CDATA[Arms Transfer Policies and International Security: the Case of Brazilian-Swedish Co-operation]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100135&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract This article discusses arms trade policies from an international security perspective. Arms transfers are widely treated as political issues even when economic incentives exist. They affect bilateral and multilateral relations among suppliers, countries receiving the arms, non-state actors, taxpayers, and victims. Following the agreement to build Swedish SAAB Gripen NG fighter jets in Brazil, more may be produced for sale to third countries. This, in turn, calls for a review of Brazil’s arms transfer policy. In this instance, Sweden’s principled arms sales model could serve as a basis for a revised Brazilian arms transfer policy as well. <![CDATA[Foreign Policy’s Role in Promoting Development: the Brazilian and Turkish Cases]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100157&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract Foreign policy’s role in promoting a country’s development is a matter of great importance for understanding its national trajectory, especially in the case of an emerging country. This article aims to analyse lines of action of foreign policy that help emerging countries’ development. In order to do so, it has as its main hypothesis that six lines of action work together towards that goal: (a) trade promotion; (b) investment policy; (c) economic, financial, and commercial negotiations; (d) resource exploration rights; (e) international co-operation; and (f) international projection. To verify their applicability, it analyses the cases of two emerging countries, Brazil and Turkey. <![CDATA[The Transparency Frontier in Brazilian Foreign Policy]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100179&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract In 2011, Brazil finally approved a Freedom of Information (FOI) Act that recognises and regulates the right to public information. However, scholars have paid insufficient attention to its impact on Brazilian foreign policy. How has the Brazilian ministry of foreign affairs responded and adapted to this new law? Has it been adequately implemented, and if not, in what ways? Also, how do these challenges in promoting transparent foreign policy connect to the broader debate about democratising Brazilian foreign policy? This article analyses the implementation of the FOI Act by mapping all the requests for information refused by the foreign affairs ministry since 2012, and exploring its legal and political justifications for withholding information. We further argue that the ministry’s adherence to the law is an important factor in the democratisation of foreign policy-making in Brazil. <![CDATA[When and How do Bureaucratic Conflicts Matter in Trade Policy? Evidence from the US Trade Policymaking Process during the Clinton Administration (1993–2001)]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100201&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract The study of the role played by bureaucracies contributed substantively to the analysis of the domestic determinants of foreign policy outcomes, particularly by softening the premise of the state as a unitary-rational actor. However, the potential of focusing on bureaucracies to analyse US trade policy outcomes has been severely underestimated by the most recent IPE scholarship, which tends to focus on the Congress and interest groups, and to consider the Executive a unitary actor. Based on elements of the bureaucratic politics model, this article uses evidence from the US trade policy during Clinton’s administration (1993–2001) in order to present arguments regarding how and when bureaucratic conflicts matter the most, and highlight the relevance of these conflicts in the trade decision-making process. <![CDATA[Governing Disasters: Beyond Risk Culture]]> http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102-85292017000100223&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract The study of the role played by bureaucracies contributed substantively to the analysis of the domestic determinants of foreign policy outcomes, particularly by softening the premise of the state as a unitary-rational actor. However, the potential of focusing on bureaucracies to analyse US trade policy outcomes has been severely underestimated by the most recent IPE scholarship, which tends to focus on the Congress and interest groups, and to consider the Executive a unitary actor. Based on elements of the bureaucratic politics model, this article uses evidence from the US trade policy during Clinton’s administration (1993–2001) in order to present arguments regarding how and when bureaucratic conflicts matter the most, and highlight the relevance of these conflicts in the trade decision-making process.