For a Minor Administration: The Case of the Bailinho da Tia Naná

Abstract

Adopting the collaborative work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari as a theoretical and methodological framework, the primary objective of this article is to argue for a minor administration . To this end, we seek to provide clues, hints, and glimpses of other forms of being and coexisting that expand, re-elaborate and tighten the conventional practices of the management universe – whether in terms of their ways of thinking and producing knowledge or their ways of organizing. Through the mapping of the immanent forces operating in the lives of women who gather to dance at the Bailinho da Tia Naná – a popular dance venue targeted at the elderly, located in downtown Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil – we aimed not only to reveal rigid segmentarities but also (and this is where the difference lies) to focus our attention on the appositions, inventions, that which leaks, and escapes, that which resists binary and functionalist organizations, that which escapes the colonization of our vital forces of creation and transcreation in micropolitical relations. As far as the concept of ordinary management and Organizational Studies are concerned, we sought to identify in everyday life whatever breaks with, changes, deviates from the norms, and gives birth to difference; a form of management that cares about the potency, joy, multiplicity, complexity, and interdependence inherent to the ways of organizing and composing the betweenness of ordinary, historicized, localized and real lives.

minor administration; ordinary management; cartography

Resumo

Tomando como suporte teórico e metodológico o trabalho conjunto de Gilles Deleuze e Félix Guattari, este artigo tem como objetivo principal argumentar em prol de uma administração menor. Para isso, buscamos levantar pistas, dicas, lampejos de outras formas de estar e conviver que tensionam, expandem e reelaboram as práticas convencionais do universo administrativo – seja em suas formas de pensar e produzir conhecimento, seja nas suas formas de organizar. Por meio de uma cartografia das forças imanentes da vida de mulheres que dançam no Bailinho da Tia Naná – baile popular de terceira idade, localizado no centro da cidade de Belo Horizonte/MG –, objetivamos não apenas explicitar as segmentaridades duras, mas também, e aí se faz a diferença, direcionar nossa atenção às aposições, invenções, ao que vaza, ao que foge, ao que escapa às organizações binárias e funcionalistas, ao que escapa à colonização de nossas forças vitais de criação e transcriação nas relações micropolíticas. Em relação ao conceito de gestão ordinária e aos Estudos Organizacionais, buscamos identificar, no cotidiano, o que rompe, o que modifica, o que inventa desvios às normas, o que cria diferença; administração cuidadosa com a potência, a alegria, a multiplicidade, a complexidade e a interdependência inerente aos modos de organizar e compor o entre das vidas corriqueiras, historicizadas, localizadas e reais.

administração menor; gestão ordinária; cartografia

Introduction

With the advent of the capitalist mode of production, meaning and importance were attached to administrative knowledge in Western social organizations. Capitalists began to exercise the functions of directing, planning, and controlling work, tying the labor force exclusively to the realization of the production process, stripped of the power to control things as well as themselves ( Paço Cunha, 2018 ). The need for controlled, managed, and specialized labor was consolidated with the Industrial Revolution and the intensification of Western urbanization in the 18th century. During that period, the emergence of factories stands out as a significant milestone for the emergence of a new pattern of social discipline and a new work ethos. Management became a privileged activity inserted in a political and social model of control ( Dellagnelo & Machado-da-Silva, 2000 ).

Contrary to the hegemonic modus operandi of looking at the modern organization from a functional and instrumental perspective, disseminated and diffused by the management culture and by the contemporary administration mainstream, studies and critiques have been conducted to deconstruct the structure of social control linked to the conception of the subject, the epistemological choices and the management models employed, by denouncing forms of oppression and exploitation existing in these power relations, perpetuating inequalities among certain groups and classes. According to the contributions of Wood Jr. and Paula (2002), management culture – which we refer to here as “major administration” – can be defined, in general terms, as a set of assumptions shared in companies and, to a considerable extent, in the social fabric. This culture manifests itself in the form of “artifacts such as business books and magazines, in the rhetoric of consultants and business gurus, and in the syllabuses and content of management courses” (Wood Jr. & Paula, 2002a, p. 95).

Critical studies have acknowledged the significance of alternative management systems to hegemonic patterns ( Barcellos & Dellagnelo, 2014 ; Misoczky, Flores, & Böhm, 2008). In this scenario, organizations concerned with autonomy and the active participation of subjects at work, horizontality, dialogicity, and transdisciplinarity of actions, as well as the need to think about the social and ecological sustainability of their respective activities ( Souza, 2016 ; Souza & Paula, 2020) , have gained momentum. We emphasize that autonomy is understood here “as exercise, movement, transformation practices, and it refers to the present, to reality, to the circumstances in which we produce the quotidian” ( Rocha & Aguiar, 2003, p , p. 67).

Among these studies, we highlight the work of post-structuralist scholars, who, based on authors such as Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari, Suely Rolnik, Ernesto Laclau, and Chantal Mouffe, broke with the modern functional logic, starting from the fragmented conception of the subject and the notion that discourses do not constitute structures, but events belonging to the historical order. The political action of these authors is linked to the search for an ethical life as an expansion of the diverse and multiple forms of possible subjectivities and the non-replication of ready-made models that perpetuate modes of exclusion that they try to combat.

As Rodríguez-Amat and Brantner (2016) point out, organizational processes are constantly produced and (re)produced through the counterpoints that impose themselves on the dominant forms of social organization. There is no linearity but multiplicity. Constructions take place in their paths, crossroads, counterpoints, in their comings and goings. As Foucault (2013) points out, one must pay attention precisely to these nodal points, that is, to the spaces in which social relations produce heterogeneous configurations that are other, different, and even bizarre. By doing so, we are free to expand our possibilities of perception and the creation of something new.

By acknowledging the complexity of organizational relations – the complexity of the ways in which we organize ourselves – this article bets on researching the quotidian as a force that can trigger the encounter of relations different from those most people are accustomed to seeing in productive systems. The interest pervades all the social and political meanings of practices expressed subjectively, entangled in an organized web but filled with contradictions ( Barros & Carrieri, 2015 ; Lasater-Wille, 2018) . These practices are built through daily movements as byproducts of the set of activities performed by social actors and may unfold in events that cause changes in the mesh of events (Ribeiro, Ipiranga, Oliveira & Dias, 2019), providing us with clues, arguments, and new ways of organizing ourselves.

We are not interested in discussing big, global, or international businesses. We are interested in addressing the everyday life of the small family businessperson, the ordinary individual ( Martins, 2008 ), and their established social relationships, their way of organizing their business, and their survival strategies. Furthermore, we try to embrace the uses and meanings of these spaces and the network of relationships woven within them by those who experience them every day. This has to do with the daily choices and ways of listing, prioritizing, and performing a routine activity, at home, on the street, in the company of family and friends, with which the common, ordinary person, without titles or distinction of birth ( Ribeiro et al., 2019 ), manages to survive in the face of mishaps and difficulties. In the details of ordinary, common, everyday life, one’s existence is reinvented and thus made possible; for ordinary people, living (and surviving) is anything but a simple, easy task.

With the same interest in what is “insignificant,” and in life's details, Deleuze and Guattari (1996) wrote "Micropolitics and Segmentarity,” which was published in a book called A Thousand Plateaus . In the essay, the authors explain the relations between life forces are identified by how they operate, by their effects on bodies, and that they take place in the spheres of macro and micropolitics. Macropolitics is organized into classifications, segments, and lines. In this sphere of forces, we are segmented in binary, circular, linear ways, which somehow fall into a center. Macropolitics is stratified into categories that condition life in the scope of the organization, as we explained earlier, and subdivide us into different classes, genders, skin colors, educational levels, nationalities, and addresses. Indeed, these molar segmentarities operate by overcoding, classification, and exclusion. They “go around life in rigid lines and manage everyday life and experience in visible and instituted forms” ( Romagnoli, 2017, p , p. 424).

In turn, micropolitics shows itself in the flow of beliefs and desires, in the movement of intensities that cross the strata, the territories, and the bodies, by the nature of its “matter.” Situated on the plane of consistency or composition, micropolitics pulsates and is not subdivided into strata. It refers to the molecular segmentarities, the molecular assemblages, the unpredictable movements of forces, the micropolitics of desire, the “microformations already shaping postures, attitudes, perceptions, expectations, semiotic systems, etc.” ( Deleuze & Guattari, 1996 , p. 85). Micropolitics is molecular and always invisible. It deals with microfascism and the inventions conquered in relationships. Thus, “it can act both to oppress and to sustain assemblages with unprecedented forces, to produce inventive processes” ( Romagnoli, 2017, p , p. 424). Micropolitics says something about the invisible molecular effects, reactive (microfascism) or active (inventive) that determine the flow of life ( Rolnik, 2019) .

According to the theoretical and methodological approach proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, the primary objective of this study is to develop an argument in favor of a minor administration . That is, an administration that tightens the thinking and the doing of productive social relations, seeking to embrace the immanence of life and, thus, to expand, attentively and carefully, forces and modes of action that until then were unauthorized. It is a form of administration attentive to revolutionary ways of existing, to fireflies, as Didi-Huberman (2011) points out, which illuminate, giving clues for a more powerful, joyful, and inventive life. Therefore, we aim to find clues, hints, and glimpses of other ways of being and living together that tighten, expand and rework the conventional practices of the administrative universe – either in their ways of thinking and producing knowledge or of organizing themselves – thus revealing not only the rigid segmentarities, but also (and here is the difference) to focus our attention on “the little imitations, appositions, and inventions constituting an entire realm of subrepresentative matter” ( Deleuze & Guattari, 1996 , p. 90); we focus on what leaks, escapes, breaks away from the binary and functionalist organizations, and what escapes the colonization of our vital forces of creation and transcreation in the micropolitical relations of everyday life ( Deleuze & Guattari, 1996) .

The word minor is not used in this paper to connote something of inferior importance. Referring to the concept of minor literature developed by Deleuze and Guattari (1977) , the adjective plays with these meanings, emphasizing the singular forces and intensities that permeate everyday micropolitics. Minor refers to “unprecedented, different combinations that point not to a permanence of meaning of objects through time but to what makes them different” ( Oliveira, 2020 , p. 150). It is a refusal to the models that aspire to what is major and constitutes an invention of deviations, and of its own language ( Tótora, 2016 ). By adopting the adjective minor , we also emphasize that this article differs from and contributes to the concept of ordinary management . As we understand the diversity and multiplicity of ways of organizing that comprise everyday life, the commonplace, that which is dubbed as unimportant (but also what is real, factual, vital, and locatable in the lives of ordinary people), minor management, in this scope, aims to identify vanishing points, the forces and actions that distinguish themselves, which create and invent new routes and therefore strengthen new ways of being and of organizing collectively. We set out to find the invented alternatives, the glow of the fireflies, which is dim but vital for the continuity of life.

The minor administration, in lower case letters, bets on complexity: it embraces the planes of organization and composition of life, these two moments, without excluding either of them. There is a plane of organization that deals with classifications, identities, and the reproduction of the same from a center (a tree structure), such as the traditional administrative functions. However, there is also a plane of consistency (Bethonico & Romagnoli, 2016) or a plane of composition ( Schopke, 2004 ; Klinger, 2014) that leaves the domain of representation and enters the domain of experimentation, of intensities and singularities, in the profusion of forces, in the life drive, betting on the inventions of a system without a determined center, beginning, or end.

Thus, we concentrate on identifying hints, clues, and points of attention that may contribute to the construction of a form of administration that is inventive, resourceful, open, and attentive to the forces that go beyond the dimensions of planning, organizing, coordinating, commanding and controlling, which constitute the pillars of the models institutionalized by the mainstream of administration, also known as pop-management. These are managerialist organizations inspired by the post-Fordist productive restructuring and the entrepreneurship culture that flourished during the 1980s, especially in England and the United States, whose ultimate goal is to ensure maximum levels of control, efficiency, and competitiveness. Wood Jr. and Paula (2002a) point out that pop-management is linked to management culture, as culture “loses its popular sense, of something created [...] and becomes something standardized, repetitive and superficial” (p. 96), as, for example, through the emergence of the successful leader figure, transformed into icons or gurus. Seeking to advance in the field of ordinary management conceptions – which are often limited to businesses constituted on formal organizational structures that are either defined or in the process thereof ( Silva & Carrieri, 2022 ) – the minor administration focuses on the fissures, deviations, unexpected creations, in what is ordinary, betting that the secrets of the perpetuity of existence hide in the complexity of the maintenance of everyday life.

It is important to emphasize that by electing everyday life as an inspiration for the transcreation of management practices, it is not our intention to “contaminate” the territory where productivist, capitalistic subjectivity, as Rolnik (2019) suggests, has yet to exercise its dominance. On the contrary, by looking closely into everyday life, we aim to identify subversive practices, undisciplined to the productive norms, so that these rescue the potency of life and creation in which hope no longer exists.

This study was conducted with the participation of women who, four days a week, from Tuesday to Friday, from 4 pm to 8 pm, go dancing at the Bailinho da Tia Naná (“Aunt Nana's Ball”), a charity ball aimed at senior citizens, created by Tia Naná (a.k.a. Maria Godoy Marcondes) in 1989 and existing to this day. From September 2018 to December 2019, we attended the dance hall, talked to the women on-site or in their homes, arranged meetings, and had cups of coffee. We tried to dance, be present, and inhabit that territory with all its inherent intensity to apprehend and identify the forces that pervade and affect the bodies in there.

For Deleuze (1998 , 2019 ), every form, whatever it is (a body, a space, a territory), is a field of forces or even a field of relations of forces. Forms inhabit the plane of what is visible, whereas forces inhabit the plane of what is invisible. And these forces, extrinsic to the bodies, are between the bodies, which affect their forms – not as affection, feeling, or emotion, but as intensities and movements that modify/change the potency of life; these are the forces that affect what a body is capable of, making direct reference to Spinoza’s philosophy. Along these lines, we emphasize that the concept of affecting will always be in italics to highlight its difference from the meaning of the verb “affect” as moving someone emotionally (Deleuze, 2002b).

Consistent with this theoretical and methodological assumption, we adopted cartographic intervention as a research method, motivated by the concepts of immanence and cartography elaborated by Deleuze and Guattari. As such, we seek to map the immanent forces that organize and compose the lives of the old women who attend the Bailinho . However, we assign a respectful connotation to the adjective “old,” and not one of contempt; a connotation of completeness, not of emptiness; and, finally, of life, not of death. Like Tótora (2016) , we defend old age as a way of existing that, regardless of the subject’s age, tells us something about letting go of the categories and classifications in which we are imprisoned and, thus, adopting a more sensitive posture to singularities, intensities, and life events.

To map, one must embody the prospecting craftsman who models his work as he perceives the flows of the matter with which he interacts ( Lapoujade, 2000 ). It is to do something by getting to know it. It is to elaborate a geographical map of the relations in force now without presuming a single, systematic, original truth. “To experience a form of resistance to the way of thinking colonized by European logocentric humanism” ( Aspis, 2021 , p. 126). To envision the formation of an “epistemology for the next revolution” ( Alcoff, 2016 ), the exercise was to open up to the diverse, ordinary, to what is experienced in everyday life, the ordinary comments, and the stories typically invalidated by colonial/modern/scientific rationality. These minor stories are "crucial to prevent rationality from being universalized and become plural, diverse and inclusive of the knowledge produced by others” (Silva, Martins, & Carrieri, 2020, p. 504).

Mapping constitutes an act, a state of being, and is justified not as a method to be applied but rather experienced as an attitude, as a commitment, and the interest in implying in reality. According to Alvarez and Passos (2015) and Barreto, Carrieri, and Romagnoli (2020), to map is to inhabit existential territories, modifying while being modified by them.

We dwell on these narratives. We tried to dissolve theory and practice, form and content, and make the field of immanence with which we had contact explicit. We paid attention to the words and the ways of telling and narrating, aiming not to diminish the life we found there. Thus, this article also pursues the specific goal of contributing to the creation of other forms of academic writing and other forms of expression that enable contemplation.

By attending the dance hall and talking to these women, we sought to identify these forces that modify the potency of life, the ways of living, and the ways of perceiving and organizing the different lives there. We assume the experimentation of thinking as potency as a problematic field, to elaborate cartographic maps that aim to make the interweaving of political forces that produce and are produced by the women in the Bailinho da Tia Naná explicit.

In other words, this study sought to sustain the immanence of the lines drawn in the field, the coexistence of different operations of/in reality: a molar, hierarchical and stratified one and another, connective, which connect to what is intensive, to the potency of life, fighting against the naturalization and simplification of what it means to be old, of sexuality, of gender roles, of the horror of old age, of social exclusion. We seek to trace the places where life circulates. In dance, in solidarity, in care, in the human body, that which circulates between , that which affected the bodies of the researchers and the other bodies that were present in that hall. The transgressions of a model of subjectivation colonized by reactive forces, forces that preserve the forms to which they are structured, forces that individualize them in processes of guilt, isolation, anger, and introspection, and also pass through or connect with forces that create, reinvent, connect to other bodies, integrate themselves, reinventing the established ways of existence of women and old people, and, in short, reinventing the ways of doing in administration.

We reiterate that according to this theoretical and analytical perspective, there is no separation between thinking and doing or between the different spheres in which life pulsates. People’s everyday lives are permeated by beliefs, values, and ways of acting and organizing that reflect the forces that make up their vital relationships and their ways of organizing their thoughts, words, senses, actions, or objects. All these factors weave a large rhizomatic mesh that, in its complexity, affects and is affected in its relationships. Therefore, we justify that the act of mapping pervades the theoretical, methodological, and analytical scope of this research and grounds the correlation between the ordinary life of ordinary people and the ways of organizing shared in society. There is an intentional approximation between everyday life and the administrative universe, both to identify their synchronicities and their divergences and possibilities of reinvention, as Carrieri and Correia (2020) point out.

As for the structure, this has been organized as follows: this introduction (Section 1) is followed by (2) the presentation of the Bailinho da Tia Naná , the respondents, the research process, how it was to map that specific territory, and the theoretical and methodological assumptions of this research; (3) the discussion of the findings that triggered clues for a minor administration ; and, finally, the (4) final remarks and suggestions for further research.

We emphasize that the names of the women cited in this article are fictitious and were created to safeguard their identities. All the speeches in this text are part of the maps of forces designed in the thesis to which this article refers. In total, 10 maps were created, each one with a specific focus. In this article, we focus only on the ones advocating for a minor administration.

The case of Bailinho da Tia Naná and the production mode of this research

To expand the possibilities of inventing, creating, and understanding the possibilities of organizing ourselves in society, that is, possibilities hitherto unauthorized, as Barros and Carrieri (2015) point out, we set out to explore an unknown territory – there where practitioners work ( Stengers, 2018 ), usually forgotten and deemed as insignificant – to search for clues, hints, and fractures of other ways of being and living together that, accordingly, could help management studies to tighten, expand and rework what we have as ideals, models or projections of what organization is, either in their ways of thinking and producing knowledge or in their ways of doing things.

Getting to know the Bailinho

Oh, you guys! It was so cheerful. During the break, Tia Naná called me: “Come here, Eugênia, let's sing happy-birthday to you,” she said. I was so excited that I started dancing. I laughed my ass off. Oh, geez! I felt like I was home! And it’s not that it really is? I told her: “Can I make this happiness complete?.” And she said: “You can do whatever you want, Eugênia!”

I danced with one guy, then another, and another! That year was very pleasant for me. I was jumping in the middle of the hall, raising my arms. You had to see that, I was spinning round. You know, some people may say I'm going crazy, but it’s nothing like that. I was overcome with joy, and I couldn’t help myself. I felt like I was home. But then again, I think I really was. Because this ball is an extension of our homes. Now that I know how to say that, I'll repeat it every time I can. (Account by Eugênia, one of the respondents; fragment extracted from the research logbook).

The Bailinho da Tia Naná is a charity dance targeted at senior audiences, created by Tia Naná, a.k.a. Maria Godoy Marcondes, in 1989. The first balls were held in the JK Building, in downtown Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil, in the exact same place where her son ran a restaurant. Sometime after, the Bailinho came to occupy different halls downtown, at addresses such as Afonso Pena Avenue and Espírito Santo and Rio de Janeiro streets, where, in 2022, the event celebrated its eighth anniversary. We emphasize that being located in the central zone of the city has always been a preponderant factor since that is the midpoint for old men and women coming from different neighborhoods, besides being served by most of the city’s public transportation lines.

When we designed a map with the approximate location of the homes of the 16 respondents, we visualized a circle with a 12-km radius, with the Bailinho occupying the central point. On average, these women must ride two buses to get to the venue. Indeed, this fact exposes the great distances traveled by these women to go dancing up to four times a week, as well as the diversity of neighborhoods and districts that make up the audience of the Bailinho . Interestingly, these are mostly working-class neighborhoods of Belo Horizonte.

Regina Marcondes, Aunt Naná’s daughter, told us that the first balls were held in a rather simple fashion: they were conducted by her mother, using a homemade sound system and charging no entrance fee at all. Naná used to pay all the cleaning and catering expenses. But the audience gradually grew, and Naná started to hire musicians to play live. At this point, she began to charge an entrance fee (the current rate is 10 BRL per day per guest). However, for most of the regulars, lack of money is no impediment to attending the ball; they help each other, and the entrance fee is often not charged at all.

Currently, the Bailinho is located at 195 Rio de Janeiro Street, on the corner of Santos Dumont Avenue, where most of Belo Horizonte metro’s bus stops are concentrated. It occupies the second floor of an old house, where it shares the space with a restaurant called Cheiro Verde , specializing in “weigh--and-pay” buffet style. After 2:30 pm, the organizers and participants of the Bailinho arrive to arrange the tables, clear the hall, clean everything, and prepare the coffee. At 3:30 pm, Judite starts selling the bingo cards. Finally, at 4 pm, the music starts playing.

Thus, we cannot read or observe the maps found in the dance hall without considering the conditioning factors of an Amefrican and Ladino country (indigenous and African before anything else, according to Lélia Gonzales), captured by the cultural neurosis that wishes to whiten everything (Gonzales, 2019a, 2019b). This country and its situations are quite unique in its relationships/dynamics between various races, classes, genders, sexualities, and other physical distinctions.

As far as the dance hall locus is concerned, the Bailinho serves as inspiration for collective formations, associations, or institutions. That is, spaces that promote action through joy, friendship, and alliances, that invest in what is left, in what is, in what exists as potency, and whose focus is not on the problem or what needs to be solved – as we learn in management schools. Spaces where subjects and subjects can expand what they are based on what they are, not on a prospected model. Naná has encouraged dancing and the relationships between bodies. She encouraged joy, friendship, and solidarity. Somehow, she realized the potency of these relationships in those old bodies and invested almost 30 years of her life in that cause. As a consequence, the Bailinho has enabled the creation of a community of care among peers. Peers who are elsewhere classified as old, poor, and obsolete from the contemporary consumer market perspective.

Cartography and the research process

I walked by a lady who would always sit by herself next to a pillar. I already knew that she wasn’t too welcoming because she was a bit introverted. She didn't smile much. Even so, I approached her and asked her if she would like to talk to me. I crouched down next to her and told her I was interested in her relationship with dancing. She immediately frowned at me. Said it was all over. That she wouldn't tell that story anymore. She said many things I didn't understand. The music had started. I wondered if she had understood a word I’d said. She was saying something about “It’s all over now.” That she had already helped or told about Aunt Nana. She got it all wrong, but I had no way to explain it. The music and the moods were not helping. As soon as I could, I interrupted her. I thanked her. I told her she didn't have to say anything if she didn’t feel like it. I walked away, thanking her. I just wanted to get away from there. (Fragment extracted from the research logbook).

After seven months of attending the dance ball, we started conducting the interviews. The first attempts to approach the women were made through Ana (Tia Naná's daughter-in-law and currently responsible for managing the Bailinho ). We asked Ana to approach some ladies and schedule conversations with Paula, one of the authors of this article, who started attending the venue every Wednesday. However, Ana failed to set up a single interview. No woman was willing to talk to us. Only as time went by we became able to approach them and ask them to talk to us about their lives and about dance.

These conversations did not follow a structured script. We told them it was important to understand how dance related to their lives and that they should tell us only what they wished. It was vital to let them lead the conversation wherever they wanted. Guilhermina led us to Efigênia, who led us to Judite, and so we conducted this research. After a few home visits, most of the interviews took place on the veranda of the Bailinho , which came to represent a prominent place and time for the research. People started to notice our presence, as well as the meetings and conversations. They began to confirm and validate our presence there, based on the other women that had been interviewed.

In terms of doing, Deleuze and Guattari’s (2011) cartographic process invites us to follow the complexity of the entangled lines that shape the rhizomes of life. Inspired by biology, the authors incorporate this concept into philosophy and explain that a rhizome is a system. An a-centered, non-hierarchical system with multiple connections, inputs, and outputs, which changes its constitution with each new relationship it establishes or undoes. The grass would be a rhizome, the bamboo plant would be a rhizome, and the combined movement of several mice, the flow of synapses in our brains. It refers to everything that is characterized by its flow, by its movement, without a generating center or hierarchical subdivisions. In the case studied, to map the rhizomes found would be to draw and elucidate the complexity of the immanent plane of forces that comprise the lives of the women who go dancing at the Bailinho da Tia Naná , mapping the imprisonments and forces produced in there. We sought to inhabit that ballroom, letting ourselves be affected by these line-forces (Deleuze, 2002a). Sharpening our perception about their effects in that room, in the bodies of those women, in our bodies, we set out to perceive the operation of rigid, flexible, and vanishing lines, paying special attention to the micropolitical field, the field of compositions, that which is not usual in Organizational Studies, so as to enable the ethical expansion of the school we inhabit.

Cartography proposes to map intensities, that is, differences, deviations, that which does not fit and makes the survival of life possible. In this case, it makes no sense to list the repetitions and coincidences if we cannot see in them the fractures, the lines that escape from the usual and point out other paths. These sparks alone could enable us to capture the plane of immanence proposed in this article. These sparks alone could enable us to find clues about the complex profusion of forces, planes, encounters, and assemblages that life allows.

The process of understanding the modus operandi of cartography is a slow one. It is not easy to apprehend quickly, as it is done in every research process, the thinking, the “getting somewhere,” the notes, and the writing that shares the process. Cartography summons the body as a vector to enable its forces to be made explicit through it; that is, the encounter between you and a specific situation. During the writing, moral judgment about one’s doing would prevent us from achieving the continuity and fluidity that could, in turn, invoke the process of experimentation. It took us a while to understand that cartography is done by allowing one’s body to flow, to move freely, to evoke, to conduct the process, trying not to stick to the predetermining judgments of what “good research” is supposed to be.

Deleuze (2002a) perceives life as pure potency , regardless of a being or a doing. A life not bound to individual and specific subjects or objects, identified with names and capital letters. Immanence as "a life," preceded by an indefinite article, at once singular, unique, and detached from individuation. On the plane of immanence, the Lucianas, Claudetes, or Josés do not matter. What matters is the life that animates these subjects and takes place between them, allowing us to perceive that inside and outside, extensive and intensive, forms and forces coexist as in the fold; they are inseparable, and one exists with the other. Thus, in society, as it is a rhizome in itself, we share a plane of immanence in which complexity is invoked with its contradictions. There is no exclusion but rather inclusion since we are speaking of vectors and forces, not of individual-generating nuclei.

This is relevant because when we proposed to map the constituent forces of the Bailinho -rhizome, or rather, the life of the women who go to Bailinho to dance, we were not interested in the identification or representation of what "woman," "dance," or " bailinho " are. Our attention focused on the forces, the complexity of relationships, and the power that pervades these substances – the forces that operate and dwell between these factors in full processuality and transformation. We were interested in discovering how dancing at Bailinho da Tia Naná affects the lives of those women and vice versa.

When it comes to research in the field of Organizational Studies, through the understanding of the plane of immanence, we are summoned to observe organization and composition planes concomitantly, in their multiplicity. The planes of organization deal with classifications, standardizations, identities, and the reproduction of patterns from a center. They are objects of study and interest of business and management schools. But there are also the planes of consistency (Bethonico & Romagnoli, 2016) and the planes of composition ( Schopke, 2004 ; Klinger, 2014) , which go beyond the domain of representation, of models and classifications, and enter the domain of the experimentation of forces. They are forces that differ. Forces that diverge. Invisible forces that escape the established forms. Experimentation of movements of de-subjectivation, established between the subject and the object, in which multiple and singular encounters occur (Bethonico & Romagnoli, 2016).

What matters about this approach to life is that the choice for such a way of thinking and being in the world constitutes a rupture with the modern Western mode of knowing-doing; it is a break with the model of knowing and doing that grounds and structures administrative studies. “Deleuze has made a critique of the entire tradition of Western philosophy regarding how it understands the thinking operations” ( Aspis, 2021 , p. 61). For Western philosophy, thinking is the same thing as knowing. This means that what is “outside” thinking is, in a sense, tamed by thinking. Thoughts assign form to the things of the world, seeking to represent this “outside,” what Deleuze called “the dogmatic image of thought” ( Aspis, 2021 ). The Deleuzian theory breaks with the paradigm of representation that understands knowledge as (re)cognition or thought as a selective instance that must fit into specific models ( Schopke, 2004 ). And breaking with representation means that the potency of thought resides in its association with life, in support of difference and inventive, creative activity, whose challenge is exactly to get rid of models, protocols, and ideals to follow. It is about experiencing rather than recognizing ( Romagnoli, 2017 , p. 427).

To get to know the old women of Bailinho , we had to pursue, to map the movement of forces that take place between them and the dance activity, what stories they tell, what stories they carry with them, how they reconcile their chores with dancing, and how they find and (re)find dance in their lives. The intention was not to represent images but to pursue the movement of the forces present in the pulsing of the lives found there. The rhizomatic, multiple, infinite relationships that construct and reconstruct links with other facts. For Lapoujade (2000) , life is like a fabric consisting of lines of chaotic, overlapping, crisscrossed relationships, which we understand as we pursue their meshes. The understanding of one movement can lead to another. It is like in dance: knowing how to execute a given step can connect us to another. We flow from one understanding to another, composing our own movement.

For such fluidity to be possible, it was necessary to get rid of the simplifying categories we carry with us and perceive the world as an infinity of possibilities of attachable and detachable relations, as potency in perpetual creation. We had to notice the movement of relationships, the flow they go through in a given body, in a given situation, and to understand their transformations. This is why we were enchanted by the dancing women. Those are women who move in connection with other bodies, unconcerned with our classifications of coherence, reinventing the ways of existing that we had hitherto known as “old women.” It was a shock to see those old women dancing for four hours straight without showing any sign of fatigue. To see the lightheartedness and joy suspended in the chaotic rhythm of work and commerce in downtown Belo Horizonte. To hear about love stories and romances experienced after the age of 70 or 80. To feel the sexism present in the dance hall concomitantly with the friendships, the seduction, and the jokes. These are women marked by the conservatism of the generation they were born into but who have transgressed the expectations of husbands and family members as to what an “old woman” is supposed to be like.

Major administration and ordinary management

As Alcadipani and Rosa (2010) argue, any totalizing concept of management prevents us from presenting management and/or administration as a place of permanent political dispute. Indeed, treating management as a category, not only as a representation, means starting from rules, regulations, and structures, imposing pre-established patterns of knowledge; in essence, it is a way of imposing a single worldview. Therefore, we seek to denaturalize the terms and designate them as arenas of debate. We reinforce the process of highlighting ordinary management, another management form ( Alcadipani & Rosa, 2010 ; Ibarra-Colado, 2006) , or other-organizations(Couto, Honorato & Silva, 2019), without, however, denying administration as a discipline of scientific knowledge or as a form of power-knowledge.

We must remember the words of Foucault (1987): knowledge is only produced through its constant deconstruction. Butler (1998) tells us that to deconstruct is to put into question. Thus, to question management is to open the term to reuses and redistributions that have been previously unauthorized (as eclipsed constellations and stars) ( Carrieri, 2012 ). We understand that to deconstruct the term – whether it is management, administration, or organization – is to enable multiple meanings, emancipate it from the ontologies to which it is/was restricted, and allow new meanings to emerge. Management, Administration, and organization are terms that must allow a re-signification. In a certain sense, what management means has always been given as neutral, fixed, standardized, and immobilized. To re-signify, to think about management as ordinary, minor, and political, is to expand the possibilities of what management means. To deconstruct these terms and their uses is to displace them from the dominant contexts in which they were arranged as instruments of power. It is to question them.

In the meantime, it is vital to distinguish what we, authors, understand as management or traditional administration; what we understand as to manage and to organize as a verb; and also as ordinary management. Administrative science is linked to functional techniques and procedures of industrial origin with the aim of maximizing yields, flows, and procedures. The focus on organizing as a verb and a process, and on what is ordinary, as something under construction, seeks to resume the understanding of the organizational practice beyond business practices, which links the ways of knowing and doing carried out by people as a whole in society, so as to better chain their routines and tasks, from the simplest to the most complex.

Therefore, by looking at managing as a verb under construction, we rescue the possibility of looking at the field as multiplicity, complexity, and irregularity because the act of managing/organizing operates through multiple concomitant forces that move forward and backward and feed on each other. This multiplicity of forces creates an enormous variety of possibilities that expand what we have instituted today. And the defense of a minor administration puts these concepts and differences into play while seeking to give scope and complexity to something that is regarded as unique and given. The minor administration brings new contributions of escape to the various possibilities of organizing.

Duarte and Alcadipani (2016) explain that these two dimensions – that of administration/organization and that of managing/organizing – belong to two opposing ontologies: that of being and that of becoming. For the authors, “while the first is aligned with modern thinking, which holds that reality is given a priori and that it excels in stability, [...] the second is in line with postmodern thinking, according to which reality is procedural, heterogeneous, and precarious” (p. 69). Moreover, we reiterate that the ontology of being is the most frequent in our field of study since it tends to treat the notions of organization and its phenomena as unproblematic and neutral.

In this sense, Paula (2006) already pointed out that the beliefs and ideologies of the business world are rooted in the “managerialist movement,” which flourished during the 1980s, mainly in England and the United States, and in the post-Fordist productive restructuring. For the author, “Victorian values – such as effort and hard work, as well as motivation, creative ambition, innovation, excellence, independence, flexibility, and personal responsibility – were retrieved and helped to form a basis of principles” ( Paula, 2006 , p. 3). These are values guiding activities not only in the workplace but that have come to shape our social and cultural experiences as well. Their symbols, language, beliefs, and ideologies have progressively broken into the spheres of science, technology, art, and literature, transforming culture both from a material, intellectual and spiritual point of view: the management culture.

Holanda (2011) emphasizes that managerialism , its notions, and the administrative principles of the enterprise – such as effectiveness, productivity, performance, competence, entrepreneurship, total quality, customer, product, marketing, performance, excellence, and reengineering – are incorporated into the discourses of schools, universities, hospitals, public administrations, social services, museums, theaters, musical associations, and nonprofit organizations. Thus, this conception of mainstream, traditional, or major administration (as we refer to it in this text) has received a fair amount of criticism due to its prescriptive and universalizing content, as they dictate a universal model of success, based on Anglo and Eurocentric experiences, and which inhibit the possibilities of creation and invention of their own and local histories of management ( Alcadipani & Rosa, 2010 ).

Alcadipani and Rosa (2010) state that traditional administrative theories are based on a type of “epistemic racism” that segregates and dismisses knowledge produced outside its borders, under the argument that it is particularistic and therefore incapable of achieving the “universality” of management models. The modus operandi that disseminates and universalizes the company as the ultimate model of organization is overvalued and presents it as a neutral productive force. This form of depoliticization is at the service of economic rationality and a market logic that denies the uniqueness of each organization, its institutional nature, its ethical and symbolic values, and geopolitical domination implications ( Holanda, 2011 ).

According to Mattos (2009) , these discourses make administration a universal discipline and should therefore be spelled with a capital letter (“Administration”) because, as Benjamin (2006) tells us, “knowledge is possession” (p. 51). Therefore, Administration, as a discipline/knowledge form, confers possession of knowledge intended to be universal but that exists for the use and understanding of only a few. Indeed, theoretical discussions about ordinary management in Brazilian Organizational Studies emerged in this context. In line with the “organizing” model proposed by Karl Weick in the 1960s, which was attentive to alternative approaches to organizational meta-theories, “in the sense of casting a new look on organizations from their procedural, heterogeneous and precarious perspective, [...] subject to questioning" ( Duarte & Alcadipani, 2016 , p. 69).

That is, in line with the focus on the complexity of life, the reflections on what is ordinary and everyday life have been the stage for several studies in different areas of knowledge. According to Lefebvre (1991) , such importance is justified because the quotidian is the place where the concrete problems of production are formulated: the way in which the social existence of individuals is produced, following the “transitions from scarcity to abundance, and from precious to depreciation” (p. 30). Research on everyday life points to the consolidation of a multidisciplinary field of study characterized by “a plurality of influences, in an attempt to reconstruct excluded experiences” ( Matos, 2002 , p. 23). These influences would be responsible for breaking with the idea of linearity and chronology of history, as a unique narrative. Le Goff (1996) had already stated that "the belief in a linear, continuous, irreversible progress, which develops according to a model in all societies, hardly exists anymore” (p. 14). Based on this new understanding, there is no universal historical protagonist but several characters instead. Multiple stories gain momentum, defeating the single, rational method of historical knowledge.

Gestures, words, and acts performed by common or ordinary people are revealed, as proposed by Martins (2008) . The common subject is the center, in opposition to a model of "Man," to the grand narratives, to the universality of stories. However, this common subject would not be “an abstract or exceptional individual, but the individual in their everyday life; that is, the individual turned to the activities necessary for their survival” ( Patto, 1993 , p. 124).

Lefebvre, Heller, and Certeau are important names in the Social Sciences and have contributed greatly to the construction of a form of administration attentive to the forces that go beyond the mainstream of administration and the concepts of planning, organization, coordination, command, and control. The writings of Lefebvre and Heller illuminate the transforming power of everyday action, perceiving it as a possibility of emancipation from the capital and, therefore, from those who write history. When Lefebvre (1991) begins his analysis of everyday life, he stresses that “it is the dialectical interaction from which it would be impossible not to start” (p. 20). In this sense, the author tries to find the combination between what is philosophical and non-philosophical, between rational knowledge and real life. Still according to him, everyday life is the place of conflicts, “of the concrete problems of production in the broadest sense: the way in which the social existence of human beings is produced” ( Lefebvre, 1991 , p. 30). By using the study of everyday life to better understand society, the author intends to situate it in the overall structure of the State, culture, and science, assuming that no social facts can be unrelated and no social group can be isolated.

Certeau (1994) believes that everyday action is nothing more than a reaction to the only existing history, and his works take the path of rescuing the space and the value of the actions of ordinary individuals, incorporating their practices, strategies, and tactics of survival. For the author, everyday actions are considered social practices, and the concepts of strategy and tactics facilitate the apprehension of this diverse set of practices. It would be obvious that studies emphasizing organizational strategies – the so-called Organizational Studies – would choose to lean toward the strategies and tactics developed in the day-to-day management of organizations. While organizational strategies remain in the hands of hierarchically more favorable members of the organization, tactics fall to those subjects considered hierarchically “powerless,” thus allowing the confirmation or refusal of previously established interests.

Furthermore, we can state that not all practices are classified as strategies or tactics because both can be completely intertwined. Bernardo, Shimada, and Ichikawa (2015) observe that the association between strategies and tactics relates to the movement of micro-resistance; that is, subjects, even if momentarily, rely on tactical tricks to bypass or escape the rules pre-established by the imposed norm, residing in the field of strategy. It is this inseparable relationship that everyday life presupposes.

In line with the explorations by Trebitsch (2002) , relating the work of Lefebvre and Certeau puts us at the center of the debate around the autonomy of what is social in modernity. Lefebvre’s work predates Certeau’s; however, both converge on the same idea that what is everyday, ordinary, and trivial is worthy of scientific study and carries diverse meanings with them. In addition, the authors agree that everyday life is complex, as a field of forces and struggles, as it contains what is irreducible and the capacity for resisting and revolting against the various phenomena emerging in society.

Thus, in general, everyday life can be observed as that which is given to us every day, which presses and oppresses us. For Certeau (1994) , the individual is the protagonist and not a passive agent in society. And since daily life is developed through interactions between individuals, and these interactions occur in spaces where production and appropriation processes take place, it is impossible to perceive the social space as neutral.

Bringing such reflections to the field of Organizational Studies, Carrieri (2012) , in his thesis for full professor, in his collective works with Amon Barros and Alexandre Carrieri (2015) and with Denis Perdigão and Ana Rosa Aguiar (2014), proposes the concept of ordinary management as a possibility of visibility, opening, and expansion of administration studies, through the study of the daily practices of ordinary people. Indeed, ordinary management opens the field of study and research to several common and popular organizations, previously regarded as irrelevant, and they become loci of study for the expansion of management knowledge. Ordinary management also highlights the need for Organizational Studies to shift its attention to the local reality and to people who are typically on the margins of the mainstream.

Here, we propose to contribute to this concept by emphasizing the practices of ordinary people that deviate, break, and create fractures in the moments of escape and transfiguration of our instituted ways of organizing routines. The emphasis is placed on nomad or minor science, as Deleuze and Guattari (2012) refer to it. It is a form of science guided by the becoming (a turbulent and fluid movement), which opposes the laws, the rules, and the normalizations established by the State apparatuses. Indeed, these apparatuses are institutions, concrete and localizable, such as the government, the law, the schools, the universities, the family, the church, the businesses, and the religions – but that can also be a little more abstract (a certain morality, a certain underlying and subliminal ideology). These operate through the centrality of power (well-defined hierarchies), the codification of space, and the regal science (hegemonic, the science of the State). They are forms of institutionalizing thoughts, doings, and actions. That is, systems that dominate, organize, rule, determine, establish, and punish. “The concern of the various institutions is to conserve” ( Deleuze & Guattari, 2012 , p. 19). To conserve power, private property, religion, profit, heterosexual marriage, and monogamy. On the contrary, the minor science makes up problems – unstable thoughts, open, crossed by affections –hence creating and inventing new ways out, as will be further detailed in the next section.

For a minor administration

The analysis of the dimensions of social spaces, beyond the representations, is relevant to Organizational Studies, for they constitute a means of intervention by subjects and present heterogeneous practices arrangements. According to Lazzarato (1999) , these spaces harbor possibilities for inventing devices aimed at producing subjectivity corresponding to the time of potency and the time of life. The singularities and opportune moments, in which things show themselves not as they necessarily seemed to be ( Foucault, 2006 ), constitute unique forms of space-time that must be encouraged.

These do not emerge from anywhere, much less can they be repeated, copied, modeled, and included in a social context. One has to create freedom conditions so that people can observe and reinvent their doings. To foster creativity, it is necessary to allow creative freedom so that the transformation of occasions (in a given space and time) becomes an opportunity to rewrite daily practices, i.e., the ways of doing what has been done ( Hjorth, 2005 ).

When Deleuze and Guattari (1977) refer to Kafka’s writings as minor literature, they advocate an experiment-invention that affronts the standard or model of a majority. The word "minor" seeks to assert the potency of becoming. “Minority is to differentiate oneself, to subtract oneself, to promote deviation, to escape by drawing a line of escape from all that is identifiable. A minority writer or poet is one who invents in language and gives birth to the new in the world: objects and individuations” ( Tótora, 2016 , p. 203).

In the field of Administration, it is urgent to question what is considered a universal model, as well as to open the concept to other modalities of use ( Barros & Carrieri, 2015 ). Organizational Studies present, among its various research possibilities, reflections on everyday life and ordinary management, including relevant aspects that the hegemonic discourse often excludes (Gouvêa, Cabana, & Ichikawa, 2018). It provides an opportunity to open, expand and render administration visible through the study of the everyday practices of ordinary people.

In what follows, recovering the lessons learned during the course of the research, we propose clues, glimpses, and propositions that may contribute to the construction of a minor administration without the pretension of exhausting the subject, much less of producing a "step-by-step" manual. Aware that the process is singular and unique, we share reflections that may contribute to actions interested in preserving not only what has been established but also the potential for inventiveness.

1. It is a bet on potency instead of the problem. A bet on potency instead of the lack. It is a careful observation of what drives desire and will, from where the force of action of the group in question emanates, along with its inventive capacity for creating previously unformulated alternatives. The models of action and thought are not beacons for castrated representations of inventiveness.

So, just as there is no single standard for old age, there cannot be right or wrong. There is a path. And, confident in the inventive power, it bets on the unknown, where one learns the new. It bets on the courage to leave the comfort of one’s own home to explore public domains, just as the women who attend the Bailinho teach us.

The minor administration bets on specific work groups, it is attentive to dreams and desires, unafraid of making mistakes. They are open to experimenting with new possible arrangements, trying to get rid of the categories and thoughts grounded on the patterns that existed until then. Inventive power is encouraged based on local reality.

Eugenia sells Avon and Natura products so she can leave the house. She tells her friends:

As long as my husband is alive, I can’t stop selling Avon or Natura because how am I supposed to tell him [that I wanted to leave the house to dance] if I ever stopped selling? That was the best excuse I had, sweetheart. I mean! You have to find an excuse because he didn't like it at all. (Fragment extracted from the research logbook).

Cleuza would go dancing secretly. She said she was going to work, but she went dancing instead. In fact, she did both. She had always worked as a hairdresser, in parlors or at her clients’ houses. She would go to work, and then she would go dancing. When she left the house, she piled up some pillows to make it look like she was there, sleeping. As soon as her husband came home drunk and yelling things, those in the house would tell him to keep his voice down because she was sleeping. When she arrived, she separated her old clothes and her bonnet so that he would not even notice.

If there is no pattern, then there is multiplicity, diversity, and other possibilities for the continuity of a process. This is a multiplicity of possibilities, of ways out and responses to the situations one experiences every day. There is collective learning of limits, possibilities, potency, alternatives, and interactions, with the forces that appear and disappear in different situations. Learning how to fold. Learning how to fold to grow old together, taking care of the potency required for creating becoming s.

2. It bets on multiple knowledge, on the diversity of possibilities of entries and exits, on the diverse possibilities of inventing life and plausible solutions, as well as the old age-rhizome, proposed by Barreto (2018) , as well as the discussion on gender carried out by Butler (2003 , 2007 ), or the concept of woman developed by Braidotti (2000) .

In this sense, Dora tells us:

Look, I never dance for real like we dance here, never. I used to dance forró often with my husband. That was how we got married; he liked to dance. We used to go to parties, the kind where there was hardly anyone to dance with. Those where you’re supposed to take the hat off other people’s heads to change partners, you know? In family homes. And I always liked that. But then I had my children. Thank God, I had three children. Now I have four – I got a grandson. And I already had a job back then. So, work prevented me from doing many things. My husband wouldn’t go dancing anymore, so I ended up quitting too. There was so much hassle, I had to take the kids to school. My parents moved in with us, and I couldn't reconcile all that anymore. I had a job and night school. I had to study and work and take care of my children, my husband, my father, and my mother. So, I gave up on dancing.

It was then that... When I turned 40, I was there working when something crossed my mind. I looked in the mirror and thought: “Geez, Dora, you’re 40 years old! Life begins today.” That was me talking to myself. "Life begins today.” And it was so true. Life has been better since I turned 40 than it was from birth to 40. Much has happened since I turned 40. I got to know dancing. I got to know life. I am happy now. It seems that everything that I couldn't have or that God took away from me when I was young, He is giving me now after I got old. (Fragment extracted from the research logbook).

Dora dances along the rigid lines. She leaves the house and dresses up. She dresses differently from a "typical housewife.” She puts on her heels and seduces. She dances in the ballroom with other men without her husband knowing about the details of this routine. She leaves the domestic realm of the household and moves into the public universe. She breaks the rules of conduct of her marriage contract. She breaks the rules of the ballroom and dances with several men. Dora finds her own ways of reinventing and empowering life and continues to take care of her house, her children, her husband, and now, her grandson.

Dora invites us to ponder the heterosexual dichotomy and gender hierarchization operating in work organizations as well. She invites us to think about ways of managing or organizing processes that recognize the multiplicity of possibilities of composition between sex, desire, and sexuality, dismissing polarizations that perpetuate the concentration of power, time, and profits in the hands of a specific group. These are organizations that “dance” between such categories, dismissing the rigidity of patriarchal divisions of labor.

Like Dora, Judite teaches us that there is no single model or way of thinking and moving forward; there is uniqueness and localized knowledge attentive to the specificities of the forces that make up these journeys. Judite left her wedding with empty hands. All she had left were her clothes. Counting on her mother’s help, she rented a small house and started traveling to Paraguay to buy merchandise. “I set up a little shop where I lived. I pulled myself together! I even bought a little house in Porto Seguro, which was pretty close.” She tells us this story proudly. She used to go to Paraguay once a month. Sometimes, in just ten days, she would have sold everything. She says it was a good business back then because the customs inspection was not so strict, and it was not necessary to have “middlemen” at the border. She did everything herself. And she adds:

And you know that feminicide¹ thing? It could have happened to me twice, not to mention the harassment [incidents]! When a man would come into the store, the said person would call me right away. He would ask if I was “getting laid” a lot. He told me to watch out for AIDS and asked if I had some time available for him in my schedule. To this day, I get scared when the phone rings. (Fragment extracted from the research logbook).

The patterns of thought and action taken as the accepted truth by management can and must be questioned. Other ways of doing can be instituted by other ways of thinking about preexisting categories. Selection processes, appointing office structures, and profit distribution, are all aspects that reveal colonial relations based on the restriction of access and sharing. Careful gazes call for openness, participation, redistribution, and a change of course.

Luzias, Franciscas, Amélias, and Rosanas claim Black feminism to rethink the hierarchization of differences, the concentration of privileges, and the urgent redistribution of opportunities. Black feminism exposes the whiteness inherent in the institutions with which we establish ourselves as a collectivity, exposing the normative structures that perform a normalized (white) way of organizing in society.

We emphasize the necessary reinventions of the culturally constructed condition of the place occupied by women. Attention must be paid to the invisibility of the care economy that seizes time and perpetuates domination, postpones joy, and determines the professional trajectory of so many of them. Thus, it is necessary to create, articulate, and strengthen social and family support networks to decentralize the demands of female figures and redistribute care work among everyone, even in the scope of and during institutionalized working hours.

3. It bets on the bodies without organs, which are quite distinct from the organs without bodies, that is, the working machines that we have become ( Braidotti, 2000 ). A search for bodies that dance in joyful potency. As Efigênia tells us, the sensitive body allows life to go on composing itself, and not only in function of/to organize something. Bodies that affect and allow to be affected (in the Deleuzian sense of the term) because they perceive themselves as integrated instead of functioning in isolation. In attentive listening, the bodies without organs perceive themselves through a process of co-conduction, in flux, while detaching themselves from any sense of authorship. Things are created together, woven into a relationship of trust.

Among the many definitions given for dance, the word that most caught our attention while listening to the respondents was “forgetting.” The verb “to forget” was repeated several times and translated into what we felt as we observed those women in the ballroom. Efigênia, Guilhermina, Judite, Amélia, Dora, Helena, Luzia, and Cleuza claim that dancing makes them feel lighthearted and helps them forget: forget things back home, forget the past, forget their sorrows, husbands, fights, and children, and even forget themselves.

When we asked them to explain what it means to forget, they mentioned ideas about letting themselves go to the beat of the music, alone or with someone else, so that it is possible to "rest your mind," "not think about anything," "not worry." It means to forget everything that is not there, in that very moment, in the present. To forget the things that are “out there.” “I leave the things from home outside.” “Here, I just have the right time to arrive, and then I dance until I forget myself.” When they dance, they say they forget everything that is not happening now. They say they forget to go home. They even forget their own bodies. They do not get tired. Madame Jandira, 84, dances without realizing that four hours have gone by, even if she is forced to stay in bed the next day.

As we observe and talk with these women, we realize that even if only for a few moments, when they dance, they forget about themselves, their errands, faults, and imprisonments and revolutionize what they think and how they feel about themselves. “They transform themselves into a work of art,” as Helena reminds us by quoting Nietzsche. They surrender to the intensive plane of forces without expectations of a "self"; they experience movements outside themselves, in other-bodies, in yet another-space-time. They expand, thus, the different possibilities of existing. They say they experience being children. They twirl their skirts. They dance alone. They invite men to dance. They transgress the rules. They disorganize expectations. They compose new life interactions. They detach themselves from the old "self" that danced and from their old bodies. They propel themselves into a subtle dimension, so their “perception becomes molecular since they acquire a sensibility to capture the subtle dimension of movement” ( Moehlecke & Fonseca, 2005 , p. 57).

A minor, feminist, anti-racist, anti-classist, and anti-colonial administration subverts the pimping of bodies that restricts them to biological functionalities or isolated production cells and bets on bodies that dance, compose, co-create, co-conduct – in flux, together, unveiling productive processes that go beyond short-term economic returns.

4. It bets on the collectivity, on the construction of commonwealth that enhances affects as ways of recomposing relationships. There is no solitary act. It bets on active micropolitics woven in encounters that operate in another value system, as in exchanges not based on ends, and actions that do not have accumulation as their sole purpose ( Klinger, 2014 ).

We use the term “commonwealth” here as employed by Rolnik (2019) , in dialogue with the work of Negri and Hard. Commonwealth as an immanent field of the life drive of a social body, which leads it to the creation of modes of existence for that which is knocking on the door. The construction of the commonwealth leads to changes in the forms of reality. Other collective ways of existing were narrated by Amélia, Efigênia, Eliana, and Luzia. Those were collective ways of sharing the potency of life, of caring for each other, in which it is possible to subvert the models of home as a territory of domination and castration for the construction of “body-houses” and “family-houses,” where it is possible to “be while being” without fearing others. Minor care, as Oliveira (2020) points out. Together. In solidarity. Attentive to the specificities and multiplicities of each stage of life. Respectful to the numerous ways of being while acknowledging the desires and the will of one’s body. A minor administration that produces forces and forms that articulate powerful encounters and solidary associations, which can combat exclusion, inferiorization, and domination processes by themselves.

Amélia emphasizes that the Bailinho is like a family to her. She says that she had become very close to the other regulars, primarily because of the care they devoted to her when she was practically blind. Indeed, she states:

So, we got very close... I have everyone here as my friends, my brothers, and my relatives. All of them! And I greet everybody. Even in the beginning, Paula, strange as it may seem, when I could not see, the others would come close to me, talk to me, and say, “I am so-and-so,” but I couldn’t remember anyone. But when I started to see, I started to go to the tables and find out who they were. “I am so-and-so who used to go there and talk to you.” These days, I go to everyone’s table. I greet everybody. I cheer everyone up. When Friday comes, I go crazy, anxious for the next Tuesday. It kills me. When Tuesday comes, I get crazy. The kids are like: "Mom, I see the rain coming...". And I tell them: "It doesn't matter." "Mom, look, the rain is pouring down outside.” And I reply: "It doesn't matter” (Fragment extracted from the research logbook).

We can also think about the importance of promoting collective organizations for sharing the potency of life and care, where “organization-houses” are possible, where people work without fearing one another. According to the connotation of "house," as coined by Rolnik (1998) , “organization-houses” would add to the workspace values of trust, affection, welcoming, alliance, and joint construction, radically transforming the possibilities of individual and collective action.

5. It bets on life. A life that only is if it is integrated. Decisions are guided by a sustainable ethical compass, attentive to the integration of all living beings beyond the human being. An ethical compass that replaces the process of colonization and domination of the other, of the environment, of natural resources, and aims at alliance; and, therefore, to dispose of humanity as a fundamental parameter for decision-making processes that interfere with the ecosystem we inhabit.

Indeed, Butler (2018) states that: “to be alive is to be connected with what is living not only before and beyond myself, but before and beyond my humanness, and no being and no human can live without this connection to a biological network of life that exceeds the domain of the human animal” (p. 33). The Bailinho da Tia Naná highlights integration, connectivity, and complexity in the care between peers, between generations, between infrastructure, and the diverse possibilities of appropriation of that space. Based on the ethical compass, we emphasize the importance of fostering cooperative relationships in which the beings remain aware of the various forms of interdependence. We extend these reflections to the environment and the generational sustainability of what we do, and the ways in which we choose to organize ourselves.

The clues presented above are inspirations, ideas, and propositions for the conception of a minor administration. The intention was to contribute to expanding the scope of Organizational Studies through the examination of the everyday practices of ordinary people, which emanate potency and inventiveness based on existing material and immaterial resources.

Below, we present a summarized schematic table that contributes to the understanding of the key differences between minor administration and major, traditional administration, which is still hegemonic (as pointed out in section 2 of this text), based on universalizing models.

We emphasize that the table, due to its schematic character, runs the risk of incurring the same central issue of its critique: overgeneralization and oversimplification. Thus, we emphasize that we defend the complexity of organizational models in their forms and meanings. We bring about topics that should not be perceived as a closed whole but as fragments or characteristics that may be dispersed in several ways of organizing the productive and reproductive daily life. Thus, even if some organizations are still rooted in traditional principles, which in some way, are tied to reactive micropolitics - forces that “push toward the conservation of the forms in which life is materialized” ( Rolnik, 2019 , p. 56) – whether through fear, comparison, punishment, or even sadness, they also have among their practices minor topics incorporated in their arrangements; places where solidarity, complexity, and the composition of diverse teams grounded on powerful processes of the creative drive are a reality. This table shows a scheme emphasizing possible advances in dimensions not yet contemplated.

Far from universal models, we seek to emphasize (re)inventions of ordinary life. We thus reaffirm the real complexity of everyday life, which drives forms and associations within and outside the ordinary.

Final Remarks

This study and the analyses presented here “do not exhaust or reduce the multiplicity, diversity, polyphony and singularity” ( Martins, 2021 , p. 186) of experiences of the people attending the Bailinho da Tia Naná , as well as of the researchers involved. Polyphony, experiences, and knowledge by doing that never appear in major administration, always regarded as linear, managerial, functional, and even lacking aporias and resonance created in everyday work and life.

Thus, in this paper, we seek to share the glow of those women we saw happily diverting in the ballroom. The joy of fireflies ( Didi-Huberman, 2011 ) that still resist the billboard spotlights, the pharmaceutical industry or marketing imagery, and the production of working machines. Spotlights fixed by a hegemonic model of producing, committed to selling models of femininity, bodies, old age, race, and class that insist on overshadowing minor modes of existence. In (r)existence, we persist in giving visibility to the folds of art that teach us how to empower life, reinvent passages, and discover new paths. This is no easy task. One must learn many things. It takes insistence and learning how to stick together. Just like old women accumulating minor experimentations, with a keen sensitivity to perceive where life pulsates.

Beyond the lives marked by the hard routine of household chores, husbands, and children, the ladies dance. They find dance – movement – where there is rigidity in the body-house, the family-house, and the social-sexual contract. They dance with the aches of the body; in the roles, they play. They dance with the standard of cleanliness, which is regarded as a woman's obligation. They dance in their relationships with their husbands and their roles as wives. They dance with male control and gender submission. And so, they teach us about co-conduction, trust, and freedom so that flow and joy can happen. They teach us about how to forget oneself and how to be entrepreneurs of collective life, where differences can be made up without domination.

Through dance, the ladies participating in this study taught us about a minor administration that they weave as they plan . That they compose as they organize . And that they care as they evaluate . Ladies who invent new ways of existing by weaving, composing, and caring, like fireflies that illuminate and give clues for a more powerful, joyful, and inventive life. A life that does not distinguish between public and private, mother and whore, dancer and seamstress, the inside and the outside, the intensive and the extensive.

According to the meaning attributed to the word "minor” in this paper, we propose a form of administration that 1) deterritorializes, transvalorizes, reinvents, and transforms what is understood and what is carried out as major administration; 2) creates other political ramifications, broadening the critical perception of how administration is tied to the construction of capitalist subjectivity; and 3) resorts to collective enunciation assemblages and bets on collectivity, joint construction, and the strength of commonwealth. As Didi-Huberman (2011) proposes, we agree with the need to desecrate what is considered sacred and, by doing so, to look at management beyond conventionality, beyond what is set by the hegemonic perspective, and observe the “fireflies” (the living dance of the fireflies) in the nowness of their survival, that is, the conditions of immanent resistance, the anthropological conditions to create other power relations in our space-time.

To conclude, we emphasize the contributions of the concept of minor administration in three major spheres: concerning the applied social science of administration as a whole, Organizational Studies, and, more specifically, the concept of ordinary management. As far as the science of administration is concerned, based on the philosophy of difference sustained by Deleuze and Guattari, the focus on what is minor in life constitutes a rupture with modern Western know-how; a break with the model of knowing and doing that is the foundation and cornerstone of management studies. Deleuzian thought breaks with the paradigm of representation that understands knowledge as (re)cognition or thought as a selective instance that must fit into specific models ( Schopke, 2004 ). And breaking with representation means that the potency of thought resides in its association with life, in support of difference and inventive, creative activity, whose challenge is exactly to get rid of models, protocols, and ideals to follow. It is about experiencing rather than recognizing ( Romagnoli, 2017 , p. 427).

What Deleuze (2002a) proposes with the plane of immanence is the reversal (or subversion) of the image of thought as a representation by summoning us to dare to think while respecting the multiplicity of forces, extrapolating models and protocols and going beyond binary and excluding classifications. The minor administration summons us to innovate, to dare to do what is different, and to establish new conceptual associations hitherto unauthorized, both in our research and our productive activities. At the level of immanence, complexity is invoked with its contradictions – there is no exclusion but rather an inclusion. The inside and the outside, the open and the closed, are inseparable when thought of as a fold. Along these lines, forces and forms, intensive forces and extensive forms, are all part of the same structure. They coexist in the same body.

In this sense, we advocate a minor administration that brings together, as a fold, the organizing and the composing, order and chaos, function, and disconnection – “polarities that generate tensions, and therefore, movement” (Bethonico & Romagnoli, 2016, p. 67). A minor administration that creates and respects the flow, the body, and all the integration that exists between life and its environment. An administration that integrates the body without organs for Deleuze, the dance-body of Munhóz (2011) , and the being-at-home of Rolnik (1998) . Guided by an ethical compass invested in the immanent potency of life, with what we are capable of doing here and now, detached from universal parameters ( Tótora, 2016) .

As far as Organizational Studies are concerned, in addition to the impacts mentioned in the research possibilities addressed above, the study of whatever is minor highlights the emergence of gazing at the local reality, where “the practitioners” truly are ( Stengers, 2018 ). And in this sense, it contributes to the concept of ordinary management in this ingrained field. The privileged places, the prominent positions, and the widespread practices carried out in major management give way to the ordinary life of the ordinary man, of things hitherto insignificant, which point to possibilities of resistance.

Like ordinary management, the focus on what is "minor” gives greater visibility to concrete strategies of resistance and survival carried out by ordinary and real people, leaving aside distant and abstract creations of the material possibilities of effective life. Therefore, researchers and scholars in the field of Organizational Studies can make a real contribution to improving the quality of life of a generally forgotten share of the population.

However, the minor administration proposes something different from the idea of ordinary management. In everyday life, it seeks to highlight the cracks, the vanishing points, and the inventions of ordinary people. It focuses on the unusual strategies elaborated by this vague population. In this sense, we are talking about a technical dimension (about the forms of know-how, as described in Table 1 ), but also in its theoretical and analytical dimension (based on the concepts of complexity and complementarity brought by Deleuze and Guattari’s theory). The minor administration aims to elucidate not only the rigid segmentarities but also (and here is the difference) to focus our attention on “the little imitations, appositions, and inventions constituting an entire realm of subrepresentative matter” ( Deleuze & Guattari, 1996 , p. 90); we focus on what leaks, escapes, breaks away from the binary and functionalist organizations, and what escapes the colonization of our vital forces of creation and transcreation in the micropolitical relations of everyday life ( Deleuze & Guattari, 1996) . The term minor emphasizes the singular forces and intensities that permeate everyday micropolitics. It refers to “unprecedented, different combinations that point not to a permanence of meaning of objects through time but to what makes them different” ( Oliveira, 2020, p , p. 150). It is a refusal to the models that aspire to what is major and constitutes an invention of deviations, of its own language ( Tótora, 2016) .

Table 1
Comparative summary between minor administration and major (or hegemonic) administration

Minor administration	Major administration
Bets on potency, the inventive capacity of its agents, and the unexpected.	Focuses on the problem, on what needs to be solved. Concerns and control of mistakes/deviations from pre-established goals.
Do not fear mistakes. Perceives mistakes as opportunities. Assigns co-responsibility for deviations.	Applies control methods to reduce the risk of errors. Supervises and punishes mistakes.
There is no pre-established, fixed pattern. There are processes and a multiplicity of possibilities in their conduction.	Actions are guided by target plans.
Bets on multiple forms of knowledge, on the diversity of team composition, and the diverse possibilities of inventing suitable solutions.	Division and categorization of knowledge and skills. Division and separation of production categories.
Work teams that acknowledge the multiplicity of composition among color, gender, desire, and sexuality elements and the potency in the horizontalization of decision-making processes and feedback.	White, patriarchal division of labor. Hierarchization of differences, concentration of privileges. Concentration of power, time, and returns in the hands of specific groups.
Bets on the bodies without organs. Bodies are sensitive to what allows life to continue being composed.	Construction of organs without bodies; working machines by which we transform ourselves for the purpose of/to organize something.
Bets on collectivity, on the construction of the commonwealth that strengthens affects as a way of recomposing relationships.	Culture of the self-starter. Individual accountability in the development of one’s career.
Commitment to integrated and sustainable life. Decisions are guided by an ethical compass, attentive to the integration of all living beings beyond the human being.	Concern with short-term organizational goals and objectives, not integrating with the derived socio-environmental impacts.

• Sources: elaborated by the authors.

Given the emphasis on contribution to the field, it is paramount to note that many ladies and gentlemen who attended the Bailinho passed away during the COVID-19 pandemic. Most passed away from heart attacks, sad and depressed for being deprived of cultivating their joy in the ballroom. With our hearts broken, we dedicate this work to all the people who have danced and will dance there, as well as all the people who are somehow dedicated to old age. We hope that this study can inspire and strengthen administration and minor care cations, for we are aware of how important they are to maintain and reinforce life. It is worth noting that the Bailinho has got back in operation as of March 2022.

We also share suggestions about other possibilities for further investigations of the topics addressed here. It would be pertinent to further the theoretical relations between old age and administration. That is, how the former teaches the latter. We should search for other places inhabited by old men and women and observe how they manage their coexistence there. We also suggest the theoretical advancement of the relationship between the philosophy of difference and management studies while noticing details, contradictions, and provocations. While tensing up dichotomies and producing movements in that which is given as unfeasible, impossible, disconnected. While tensing up other administrations, unauthorized places, as Carrieri (2014) points out, in search of daily reinventions of our ways of doing together.

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Notes

• 1
  Since 2015, Brazil has had a specific law to frame homicides committed against women involving domestic and family violence or contempt and discrimination against women. The Femicide Law includes the murder of women in the list of heinous crimes and imposes harder, non-bailable penalties, with sentences ranging from 12 to 30 years imprisonment ( Oliveira, 2020 , p. 15).
• Plagiarism Check
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• Inclusive language
  The authors use inclusive language that acknowledges diversity, conveys respect to all people, is sensitive to differences, and promotes equal opportunities.
• Data Availability
  O&S encourages data sharing. However, in compliance with ethical principles, it does not demand the disclosure of any means of identifying research participants, fully preserving their privacy. The practice of open data seeks to ensure the transparency of the research results without requiring the identity of research participants.
• Funding
  We would like to thank Capes and CNPq for funding this project.

Associate Editor: Leticia Dias Fantinel

Data availability

Data Availability

O&S encourages data sharing. However, in compliance with ethical principles, it does not demand the disclosure of any means of identifying research participants, fully preserving their privacy. The practice of open data seeks to ensure the transparency of the research results without requiring the identity of research participants.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  14 Apr 2023
• Date of issue
  Apr-Jun 2023

History

• Received
  04 Sept 2022
• Accepted
  01 Dec 2022