THE PRESUMED IMPARTIALITY OF JOURNALISTIC DISCOURSE: IDEOLOGICAL POSITIONING IN APPROPRIATING THE DISCOURSE OF OTHERS¹

ABSTRACT:

This article engages with the discussion on the tension between objectivity and subjectivity in the field of journalism theory. Addressing the place of language in these studies, we propose that the modes of appropriating the discourse of the Other can be a way to reconcile this tension, as we raise the hypothesis that it is a mark of the socio-ideological positioning of the journalist-subject in relation to the object of utterance. Therefore, we begin with the concept of language from the Bakhtin Circle, examining the news from two of the most widely read newspapers in the State of Pernambuco – the Diário de Pernambuco and the Jornal do Commercio, respectively – which addresses Eduardo Campos, candidate to the presidency of Brazil in 2014. The analysis carried out shows that the means of appropriation of the discourse of the Other can serve to effect various meanings, and that, when appropriating the discourse of the Other, the journalist-subject does not give his place to the Other, but rather speaks together with him, demonstrating ideological positioning in the news item.

KEYWORDS:
Journalistic discourse; Appropriation of the discourse of the other; Socioideological positioning

RESUMO:

Tomando parte na discussão que há no campo da teoria do jornalismo sobre a objetividade e a subjetividade, e falando do lugar da linguagem, neste trabalho, propomos que os modos de apropriação do discurso de outrem podem ser um meio à resolução desse impasse, pois levantamos a hipótese de que eles evidenciam posicionamentos sócio-ideológicos do sujeito-jornalista em relação ao objeto de enunciação. Para tanto, partimos da concepção de linguagem do chamado Círculo de Bakhtin e tomamos notícias dos dois jornais mais lidos do estado de Pernambuco, Diário de Pernambuco e Jornal do Commercio, respectivamente, sobre Eduardo Campos, candidato à presidência do Brasil em 2014. As análises feitas mostraram que os modos de apropriação do discurso de outrem podem servir a efeitos de sentidos diversos entre si e que, quando da apropriação do discurso de outrem, o sujeito-jornalista não cede lugar ao outro, mas, sim, fala junto com ele, evidenciando posicionamentos ideológicos por meio das notícias.

PALAVRAS-CHAVE:
Discurso jornalístico; Apropriação do discurso de outrem; Posicionamentos sócio-ideológicos

Introduction

In our contemporary society the media has clearly gained great importance given globalization and, consequently, the increasing need to access information. This importance has even risen to the point of the media being considered ‘the fourth power’, which functions to control the other three – legislative, judicial and executive. This status of the media derives from the supposed condition of exemption, from occupying a privileged place in the democratization of information, and for having the power to “raise awareness” and “mobilize” the population in relation to relevant socio-political events in society (COUTINHO, 2013)².

Along this vein, Lage (2014, p. 24), addressing the classic concept of journalism, the main exponent of the media, presents a discussion of the media's subjective nature, and journalism as being an ethical activity in which the journalist must be faithful to the facts. Therefore, it represents an activity exempt from subjectivity, which seeks to avoid causing damage through errors or inadequacies in reporting facts.

However, even though this concept fuels the status of the fourth power, within the very field of social communication studies, there is a great impasse in reference to the media's presumed exemption. We can deduce this, for example, from the following by Alsina (1989, p.6), who discusses the making of a news story. For the author

1. Events are generated through phenomena that are external to the subject.

2. But events do not have meaning outside of their subjects, since it is the subjects who confer meaning on the events.

3. The external phenomena that the subject perceives becomes an event because of this acting upon it. The events are composed of the characteristics of the external elements to which the subject applies his knowledge.³

From what Alsina postulates, we can perceive that the relationship between journalistic language and subjectivity is evident, without being able to disassociate these elements without compromising the meaning making, since the subjectivity of the speaking subject (the journalist) is part of the constituent and determiner of this meaning.

We see, then, that, in having, on the one hand, those who defend journalism as a practice exempt from valuations, and, on the other, those who defend that it is a practice inseparable from subjectivity, there is a clash within the theory of journalism.

Taking up this discussion, we propose to approach it from the discursive slant, basing our approach on the theoretical precepts of the group, known as, the Bakhtin Circle – the Russian scholars, Bakhtin, Voloshinov, and Medvedev, among others. We opt for this approach citing Voloshinov (1973, p.80) who defends that, “Any real utterance, in one way or another or to one degree or another, makes a statement of agreement with or a negation of something.” Thus, as journalism is a discursive practice realized in language, it cannot be exempt from this evaluative moment that is essential to utterance.

In light of this, our objective in this article is to investigate the relationship subject(journalist)-object of utterance, through the means of appropriation of the discourses of others in news reports about Eduardo Campos from two of the most widely read newspapers in Pernambuco – Diário de Pernambuco (heretofore DP) and Jornal do Commercio (heretofore, JC).

For our analysis, we take a news item from each of these journals, and which deals with the same theme: the supposed involvement of Eduardo Campos in corruption schemes of Petrobras through a plea bargain. In our analysis, initially, we analyze the means of the DP's appropriation of the prosecutor's discourse and the image included in the report, followed by the same analysis of a similar report in JC. Finally, we compare the positioning evidenced in the two news reports.

That said, we follow with a discussion of the theoretical elements that support our analysis.

The dialogic concept of language and the appropriation of the discourse of the other

To develop the analysis, and fulfill the aforementioned objective, as previously initiated, we begin our discussion based on an understanding of language from the Bakhtin Circle, which is essentially socio-dialogic; (BAKHTIN, 1981; VOLOSHINOV, 1973; BAKHTIN, 1993, 1986a, 1986b; BAKHTIN; MEDVEDEV, 1978). In this modeling of language, all the socio-discursive relationships are, and carry, reflections and refractions⁴ of the social environment in which they arise, determining the utterances, which are the units of verbal interaction, as understood by the Circle scholars, in all of their dimensions.

In Marxism and the Philosophy of Language, this perspective of language is defended by Voloshinov (1973) from the criticism woven to the two linguistic-philosophical currents of the time (beginning of the 20^th century) – Idealistic Subjectivism (which put the focus of language studies on questions of the individual-psyche) and Abstract Objectivism (which investigated only the system). According to the author, language is social in all of its dimensions. Thus, one perceives that there is an understanding that the system of signs alone, does not account for the reality of linguistic phenomena. We also perceive that language is understood as a phenomenon in process, and that this process is activated by interaction; that the laws of linguistic evolution are sociological; that the creativity of a language is linked to the ideological values and this creativity originates from a social need/and that the utterance is purely social/ideological.

For this reason, the members of the Circle, conceive the discursive genres, in the words of Bakhtin (1986a), as characteristic of the discourse domains, and that they arise from the need of these groups to carry out determined socio-discursive practices. Consequently, these forms of language originate from a dialogue with their instances of discourse and carry specificities that speak directly to their discursive sphere of origin.

This understanding runs through the entire work of the Circle. Voloshinov (1983), for example, in his essay The Construction of the Utterance, on addressing utterance, conceives it as being constituted of two parts – verbal and non-verbal. The verbal part corresponds to the intonation, to the selection of words and to their inner speech (VOLOSHINOV, 1983, p.105); the non-verbal part corresponds to the situation (that covers space and time, the object or theme and the attitude of the speakers faced with what occurs (VOLOSHINOV, 1983, p.107, p.113) and the auditory (VOLOSHINOV, 1983).

This recognition raises questions beyond the system, and brings them into the game in the effort to understand language phenomena, and in this sense Bakhtin (1981, p. 276) defends that, as language is ideological, in the utterance (discourse)⁵ there is always the interaction of voices: “it weaves in and out of complex interrelationships, merges with some, recoils from others, intersects with yet a third group.”

For this reason, the members of the Circle defends that, when one adopts the utterance as a unit of verbal communication, there is no way to set aside the dialogic nature (above all, dialogue among voices) in the constitution of speech and, moreover, for Voloshinov (1973, p. 117, emphasis added)

The productive study of dialogue presupposes, however, a more profound investigation of the forms used in reported speech, since these forms reflect basic and constant tendencies in the active reception of other speakers’ speech, and it is this reception, after all, that is fundamental also for dialogue.

In this way, the phenomena of language must be seen always as a result of an appropriation, by a subject, of a linguistic system, and of the voices of others, in a given instance of discourse, and with an expressive intonation of this subject in relation to the utterance. In addition, one must consider that the utterance is constructed as a reflection and refraction of previous speech. In what concerns this expressive intonation – characteristic of the point of view –, it is determined in a dialogical way, based on different factors, voices, interlocutors, ideologies, facts, etc. and transpires in the utterance from the ideological and dialogical marks.

Thus, one point raised by Voloshinov (1973, p.119), and which has primordial importance in this discussion, is the fact that, according to the author,

[…] the true object of inquiry ought to be precisely the dynamic interrelationship of these two factors, the speech being reported (the other person's speech) and the speech doing the reporting (the author's speech). After all, the two actually do exist, function, and take shape only in their interrelation, and not on their own, the one apart from the other. […] This dynamism reflects the dynamism of social inter-orientation in verbal ideological communication between people […]

Moreover, the different angles on discourse previously cited, Voloshinov (1973, p.115) are distinguished as two types: linear style and pictorial style. The former holds that the creation of clear outlines, corresponding to reduced susceptibility to the internal, individual-compositional. In other words, this style of appropriation is less subject to intrusions from the speaker, even though these are not annulled (characteristic of direct discourse and marked indirect). In the later perspective, there is a tendency to attenuate the clear, exterior outlines of the other speaker's words, allowing the author to infiltrate his responses and commentaries (characteristic of indirect discourse without an apparent subject and of free indirect discourse).

These styles, according to Voloshinov (1973), impose on the utterance the effects of diverse and specific meanings that they bring to journalistic texts, demonstrating the relationship between the journalist-subject and the object of utterance as relevant to shine a light on the problem in the field of social communication.

Therefore, in the following section, we need to situate the discussion concerning the specific field of social communication – journalism. We open the discussion as follows.

In search of a theory of journalism: Sousa's unionist theory (2002)

There is a great problem concerning a Theory of Journalism, as Sousa (2002) and Rublescki (2010) state, there is no consensus on this point. What there is, are different theories that propose a theory of Journalism. With that in mind, in this section we present the unionist theory of journalism proposed by Sousa (2002), who, faced with the different perspectives, proposes a theoretical perspective that arises from the intersection between them. However, before that we must situate the discussion around the attempt at instituting this theory and present the different existing theories.

The departure point of studies in this field, aiming to institute a satisfactory theory of journalism that would enjoy wide ranging acceptance, has been the socio-linguistic-discursive practices of the domain in question: journalistic. Specialists in the field have been pursuing this consolidation of a scientific theory of journalism for quite some time. Nevertheless, according to Rublescki (2010) it was only from the mid 1950's that a truly robust debate around forming a theory of journalism rose to the forefront of discussions within the field of journalism itself.

Contrary to what you would imagine, this intensification of the debate, instead of consolidating a single theory, prompted the rise of various currents – in some cases conflicting – which sought to answer the following questions: “Why is the news the way it is?” Also, “How does it circulate, how is it received, and what effects does the news provoke?” (RUBLESCKI, 2010, p. 2)⁶.

From these questions, identified by the author, which guided (and continue to guide) the debate for a theory of journalism, we perceive that the news report (journalistic speech) plays a central role in the construction of a theory of journalism. What the author says, also, corroborates with Sousa's idea (2002, p.2), scholars in the field of journalism and seeking to form a theory of journalism, defend that

A scientific theory of journalism has to conceptually delimit the phenomena that explains or predicts it. The theory of journalism must be seen essentially as a theory of the news report, since the news report is the intended result of the journalistic process of the production of information. In other words, the news report is a phenomenon that must be explained and previewed by the theory of journalism, and, therefore, any theory of journalism must endeavor to delimit the concept of news report.⁷

From this excerpt, once again, we see that the news is the point of departure for the discussion and consolidation of the theory of journalism. Additionally, with the objective to form a proposition-synthesis, aiming for a single theory of journalism, the news is also Sousa's (2002) starting point.

It is important, however, to highlight that the concept of news in the previous excerpt is regarded in its broadest sense, as journalistic speech, since, for the author, news can be understood in two dimensions: a “tactical” dimension and a “strategic” dimension. In the words of the author,

The tactical dimension is limited within the theory of journalistic genres. In this dimension, news is distinguished from other genres, such as interview or reporting. However, the strategic dimension regards news as the totality of journalistic utterance. (SOUZA, 2002, p. 2-3)⁸

In the author's view, what the theory of journalism is concerned with is the news in the “strategic” sense, and for this, it will serve as a basis for his reflections, as follows. For Sousa (2002), the guiding questions for the construction of the theory of journalism (similar to those presented by Rublescki (2010)) are concentrated on two axis: one speaks to the production of the news/the other the circulation and consumption of the news, to the effects caused by it. With this in mind, the author states, “[…] a scientific theory of journalism must seek to integrate diverse phenomena in the field of journalism, emphasizing the result of the process of producing journalism, the news.” (SOUSA, 2002, p.2). For Sousa,

[…] a news item is a linguistic artefact that represents specific aspects of reality – the result of a process of construction where personal, social, ideological, historical, physical and technological factors interact – distributed through journalistic means, and comprises information with comprehensible meaning in a specific moment in history and in a specific socio-cultural milieu, even though the final attribution of meaning depends on the consumer of the news item. (SOUSA, 2002, p. 03)⁹

This perspective on the news is in harmony with the dialogical nature of language as conceived by Bakhtin, as Sousa sees the news, which is utterance and language, as a construct in which different factors are taken into consideration in its construction.

From this, to solidify the basis of his proposal for a unifying theory of journalism, the author (SOUSA, 2002, p. 4-6) presents the diverse perspectives on the theory of journalism, synthesized as follows. According to the author, taking the news (from the “strategic” dimension) as a point of departure, the following theories with their ‘diverse’ notions of news:

• Mirror theories – In this theory, the news is seen as a mirror of reality.

• Personal Action theories - In this démarche, the news is seen as the result of the selection of events scheduled from the particular choices of the journalist.

• Organizational theories – In this perspective, the “[…] news is the result of the organizational conditionings in which they are manufactured, such as the hierarchies, the forms of socialization and acculturation of the journalists, etc.” (SOUZA, 2002, p. 04)¹⁰

• Political action theories – This theory proclaims that the news is the fruit of the distortion of reality, due to the subjectivity of the journalist to specific ideological controls.

• Structuralist theories – The news is seen as “[…] a socially constructed product that reproduces the dominant ideology and legitimizes the status quo […]” (SOUZA, 2002, p.5).¹¹

• Constructionist theories – Understands the news as artefacts that are a result of a process of linguistic, organizational, cultural, and social construction, which are part of the reality that helps to construct and rebuild it.

• Interactionist theory – In this perspective, the news is the result of a process of perception, selection and transformation of events into news, by a group of professionals that share the same culture, under deadlines.

With respect to these theories, Sousa (2002, p. 6) says that it is possible to perceive that these different perspectives possess “[…] bridges, points of contact and shared explanations”¹², which justifies, according to the author, his “unionist” proposal.

Besides this, the author looks for support, also in light of the justification of his proposal, from what he indicates as the second guiding axis in the construction of the theory of journalism: the circulation and consumption of news, the effects cause by them. For the author (SOUZA, 2002), the news can produce, in its readership, three types of effects: cognitive, affective and behavioral. The cognitive effects refer to the capacity to shape the perception of the receptor of reality subjects. The “affective” effects speak to the capacity to provoke emotions and feelings, even when they are directed to reasoning. The behavioral effects compete with the capacity to be able act in a person's behavior, activating or not behaviors.

Having outlined these guiding principles of the two axis necessary in the construction of the theory of news or journalism, the author makes his unionist proposal. For Sousa (2002, p. 9-10),

The news is the result of the simultaneous historical interaction and imbued with energies of a matrix that is personal, social, (organizational and extra-organizational), ideological, cultural, in the physical milieu and with technological devices, having cognitive, affective and behavioral effects on people, who in their turn produce effects of change or permanence and the formation of references about societies, cultures and civilizations.¹³

This definition by the author applies to journalism, which is presented as a field of human knowledge in which different factors of diverse orders Interact in the construction of a socio-discursive practice of great importance in current society. In other words, it is a field of human knowledge that is by nature dialogic; it is a project originated from the interaction of different forces; a dialogical product.

Returning to the theoretical questions that are the basis of our analysis, in the following section, we analyze two news items, one from DP and the other from JC, regarding the supposed involvement of Eduardo Campos in the Petrobras’ corruption scandals, through the plea bargain by Alberto Youssef.

Analysis of the journalistic discursive events

In this section, we present the News that was published seven months after Campos’ death. The news from both newspapers narrate the same fact: the involvement, prosecutor's denouncement, Campos’ name associated with corruption scandals in Petrobras. In other words, about the investigation process of corruption in Petrobras (known at operation Lava Jato – Car wash), the prosecutor, Alberto Youssef, through a plea bargain agreement, declared that Campos had benefited from corruption schemes involving enterprises that rendered services to Petrobras.

In this way, through the news, we analyze the means of appropriation of the discourses of the other, the same textual organization and track terms that show evaluative positions regarding Eduardo Campos.

As these two news items narrate the same event, we analyze, also how the mode of each newspaper reports the fact is indicative of socio-political-ideological positions different from each other presented in the following analysis.

The DP News

Given the importance of the headline as an attention grabber for the target audience, and, moreover, as an indicator of the socio-political-ideological position of the newspaper, we perceive that the DP-3 narrates the fact using in the very title a linear style of appropriation the discourse of the other, in an indirect way. Thus, the journalist-subject turns the discourse of the prosecutor Alberto Youssef more susceptible to his/her assertions. (VOLOSHINOV, 1973). See the following image:

Figure 1
DP headline¹⁴

In the headline, the journalist-subject uses Youssef's discourse to say that Campos received 10 million in kickbacks paid by contractors involved in corruption scandals (VOLOSHINOV, 1973; BAKHTIN, 1993).

In addition, this way of taking Youssef's statement also suggests an interaction between the speech of the journalists and the prosecutor (VOLOSHINOV, 1973), since the journalist did not use any artifice that would supposedly increase his exemption in relation to the other's voice taken to the composition of the journalistic utterance. Within these artifices, the DP could have made use of the other's direct discourse, quoting him directly within quotation marks, or in some verbal way that would give greater space to question the veracity of the information, since it deals with a declaration that needs to be proven before taken as true.

Regarding the compositional structure, this news item does not have a lead¹⁵. Right after the title, there is the presence of an image that, together with the title, can indicate a sociopolitical-ideological position, which will become more evident when compared to the image in JC-3. Note the image in DC:

Figure 2
Image from the DC

Although our research does not propose the analysis of the verbal-visual dimension of the News, following the same line of what is suggested in the title, leaves the impression of wyliness, of someone who is happy about something, and data from the index of the title, of someone who is happily taking advantage of something. In this case, the advantage would be the fact of supposedly having benefited from receiving 10 million in corruption schemes by Petrobras. It is in this way that the image selected by the journalist-subject is suggestive of a ratification of what Youssef said.

Just after the image of Campos, the journalist-subject follows with the news, continuing to adopt Youssef's discourse, as can be seen in Figure 3.

Figure 3
DP news excerpt¹⁶

The excerpt foregrounds the informer's discourse to show the circumstances in which Campos would have benefitted by receiving the kickback. Since we are dealing with an accusation, the journalist-subject is careful to always use the name of the dealer as an artifice to maintain his supposed exemption, or rather, use a linear style of appropriating the other's discourse (VOLOSHINOV, 1973). However, in the excerpt, similar to the title, the discourse of the informant is put in an indirect form, and the Campos’ involvement is stated again with the use of the verb “receive” in the past perfect indicative, and, given that it would be possible to use mechanisms that increase the exemption toward Youssef's discourse, this can be suggestive of a position toward the fact. It indicates, thus, once again, a position toward Eduardo Campos: an opposing position (and indirectly “accusatory”).

In addition to Campos’ supposed involvement in the scheme, the journalist-subject also mentions the supposed involvement of Eduardo da Fonte, Ciro Gomes and Sérgio Guerra, though giving little importance to this fact. The main focus of the news item is Campos. This selection of the points and the negligible focus on the involvement of the other politicians in the scheme is also indicative of a discursive project that reveals a positioning in relation to Campos (VOLOSHINOV, 1973; BAKHTIN, 1986b), as can be seen in the following:

Figure 4
Excerpt 2 from DP¹⁷

Despite mentioning the involvement of the aforementioned politicians, the focus of the news is, above all, Campos’ alleged involvement.

After taking up Albert Youssef`s discourse, the journalist-subject presents the discourse of Campos’ Family, which positions him in relation to the statements. On doing so, the newspaper adopts a linear style of appropriating the other's discourse (VOLOSHINOV, 1973), in the form of direct discourse, signaled by quotes, as in the following:

Figure 5
Third excerpt from the DP¹⁸

The use of quotes to signal the discourse of the other – Eduardo Campos’ Family – in the middle of indirect discourse is indicative of a position toward this speech (VOLOSHINOV, 1973). In other words, the use of the visual appropriation of the other's discourse (VOLOSHINOV, 1973), with sections marked between quotation marks, can be indicative that the journalist-subject's position does not collude with the opinion of the Campos family.

Thus, this way of framing the Campos family discourse can be indicative, although veiled, that the journalist-subject believes that the trajectory of Eduardo Campos could have been marked also by schemes of corruption. This discursive construction of the news in DP shows forces of diverse orders corroborate in the composition of the news item (SOUSA, 2002): the corruption scandals interfere in the constitution of the image of Eduardo Campos in this period.

The journalist-subject also brings discourses in defense of Eduardo da Fonte and Sérgio Guerra, but, once again, little emphasis is given to these politicians. Thus, it is clear that the way these voices of others are taken up in the texture of the DP News is indicative of the discursive project (BAKHTIN, 1986b) that reflects and refracts a position in opposition to Campos, proving, once again, that all utterance either agrees or disagrees with something (VOLOSHINOV, 1973).

Analyzing the image comprised of Campos in the DP news item, we continue with and analysis of the image of the news item in JC, ultimately to be able to compare the two.

The JC news item

The JC news item reports the same fact that is reported in the DP: the involvement of the name Campos in the corruption scheme of Petrobras by Alberto Youssef. However, there are differences among the modes of organizing the utterance, and, consequently, between the axiological positions evidenced by it, as shall be shown in this section.

The news in JC presents the discourse of Alberto Youssef also in a linear style (VOLOSHINOV, 1973), indirectly, but there is, in the way the discourse is taken up, indications that give room to possible doubt about the truth of the statements by the informer and the plea bargainer. This is clear from the very beginning of the news item, presented in Figure 6:

Figure 6
Title and lead of the JC news item¹⁹

In the title of the news, on using the speech of Youssef, while refering to the alleged receipt of kickbacks for Campos, instead of using the verb in the past perfect indicative, the JC adopts the discourse of the other using the verbal locution – would have received (future past plus participle). This verbal mode gives greater room for doubt as to the truth of the information given in the informer's testimony, as it makes implicit the idea that the inofmation contained in the plea bargain needs to be proven. This artifice is also used in the lead of the news item. These linguistic choices clearly reveal that the position of the JC in relation to the other's discourse and the fact reported is of a different nature than the one observed in the DP news (VOLOSHINOV, 1973).

Similar to the DP news, the JC news item also provides an image as part of its composition, which, instead of giving the impression of wiliness, and happiness toward something, suggesting that Campos could really have benefited, it has a semblance of worry, which could indicate a socio-political-ideological position that diverges from the one in DP. Note the following image:

Figure 7
Image from the news item in JC

Just after the image, Youssef's discourse continues to be adopted in the textual composition, but with a focus that is directed to the involvement of Eduardo Campos in the corruption scheme is not the same one that DP proposes. Using the linear style of indirectly appropriating Youssef's discourse, the JC puts all of the politicians named in the statements of the plea bargainer on a similar plane. This way of bringing the informer's discourse about Campos, putting the politician together with the other politicians, puts the alleged involvement of the politicians close to him on the same level, without giving the idea that Eduardo Campos’ involvement had been much more serious than that of the others, even though the title of the news item focuses solely on Campos. Note this move in the following excerpt:

Figure 8
Excerpt from the JC news²⁰

It is worthy to note that on bringing the discourse of the informer about the involvement of the politicians, in the indirect, linear style (VOLOSHINOV, 1973), the journalist-subject, once again, uses the future past plus participle (would have received) to indicate the receipt of kickbacks again, giving greater room for doubt regarding the testimony. This artifice, which supposedly would give take account of conferring a major exemption of the journalist- subjective faced with the fact, is indicative of a position with regard to the facts (VOLOSHINOV, 1973), not openly opposed.

In the following sections, the JC unravels information from the previous excerpt, putting Campos’ involvement in one paragraph and that of the other politicians in another.

Figure 9
Excerpt 2 from JC²¹

The discourse that is taken up in the excerpt above presents a major focus on the alleged benefits gained by Eduardo on receiving the bribe, contrary to the supposed equality between the involvement of the politicians in the previous excerpt. However, despite this, it is notable that the way of bringing Youssef's discourse in the JC, even in the same way as the DP – indirect linear style (VOLOSHINOV, 1973) –, presents evidence of a less oppositional position to Campos than the news from the DP, characterizing different positions by the two newspapers. The following two excerpts hold to the alleged participation of other politicians in the kickback schemes by the contractors who assigned contract and services rendered with Petrobras, as follows:

Figure 10
Excerpt 3 of the JC news²²

In this excerpt, Youssef's discourse is taken to talk about the alleged involvement of other politicians in the corruptions schemes. In the following excerpt, the focus continues on the naming of other people in the Petrobras corruption scandal.

Figure 11
Excerpt 4 of the JC news²³

As we can see, the two excerpts presented are directed at those involved in the corruption scheme and not Eduardo Campos.

Thus, from the analysis of the JC news, which, despite the citation of his name in the corruption scandals, Campos gains a greater right to doubts about his involvement, owing to the fact that the journalist-subject is careful to use verbal forms that give space to it. Consequently, we have the image of a politician that had his name cited in about corruption, but that, despite this, his participation in it is not certain.

In the following subsection we compare the images of the two newspapers.

A comparative look at the journalistic images of Campos in the DP and the JC

From the analysis of the two news items, we perceive that the ways the two newspapers presents the declarations of Alberto Youssef regarding Eduardo Campos are diverse, despite both unfolding in an indirect linear style: the DP, through the mode of organization, selection and use of verb tenses, reveals a position that suggests opposition, and suggests, also, that the discourse of the plea bargainer is true; the JC, for the same reasosn as the DP, gives room for doubt, which suggests a softer opposition than the DP.

With this, we perceive, also, that the styles of appropriation of the discourse of the other can be used, in the utterance, to cause effects of different meanings. This confirms that, even when the use of the linear style of appropriation of the other's discourse is used, which has delimited contours, in the textual composition, the journalist-subject will always be, in some way, revealing a position in relation to the object and to the utterance (VOLOSHINOV, 1973).

Likewise, these valuative positions that are evidenced in the news are constituted dialogically in the interaction with different instances of speech (BAKHTIN 1986b) and with different forces – factors that are personal, social, ideological, historical in nature, and physical and technological (SOUSA, 2002). Consequently, this valuation (dialogically constituted) will always be unique because each discursive moment counts on instances that are also unique and it is for this reason that the subject and the utterance are always shown as an event (BAKHTIN, 1993).

Final considerations

In this research, recognizing the great importance that the media has as an institutionalized system of disseminating information and forming public opinion, we seek to investigate the question of the relation between socio-political-ideological valuation and the journalistic task. To this end, we carried out an immersion into the problematic that is put in the field of social communication – the journalistic – about the relation between subjectivity and objectivity, and, having done so, opted for an approach to it through the discursive bias.

From the trajectory outlined, we can arrive at the following conclusions. The first of them is that, journalism being a socio-discursive practice, therefore social/ideological (VOLOSHINOV, 1973), in carrying out the task cannot be exempt from socio-ideological valuations. Consequently, in covering general issues, but, above all, in those that speak to political processes, this will always be imbued with ideologies that demonstrate a position in relation to the information, confirming what Voloshinov (1973) and Bakhtin (1993) defend with regard to the presence of valuations of the enunciating-subject in all of the utterances of verbal communications.

Marked in this confirmation, we can also conclude that the ways in which the journalist-subject appropriates other's discourse in the textual composition of the news are artifices that favor the construction of effects of specific meanings and diverse among themselves (VOLOSHINOV, 1973). These ways speak to the very dialogue that is established in the utterance with the instances of enunciation, through which the subject is inscribed as a single being (although collective) in the world. Consequently, on taking up the discourse of the other, the speaker never conserves it such that he is it in the context of the origin, or rather, in taking up the discourse of the other, even when it is through the style of contours delimited (linear style), the speaker does not give over his space to the other, but rather speaks together with him (VOLOSHINOV, 1973). This also became very evident by the use of the verbal form that was introduced in the other's discourse.

Finally, regarding the study of language in general, we reaffirm what Voloshinov (1973) defended about the study of the discourse cited, that the study of the forms of appropriation of the discourse of the other is important to the very understanding of the dialogue which is the basis of the language. Moreover, if the subjects (and the world) are constituted in language (which is essentially dialogic) the study of the modes of appropriation of the discourse of others is important to the very understanding of the interaction; to the understanding of the world.

• 1
  Translated by Jennifer Sarah Cooper.
• 2
  In the original Portuguese: “concientização” e “mobilização”.
• 3
  In the original Spanish version: 1. Los acontecimientos se generan mediante fenómenos externos al sujeto. 2. Pero los acontecimientos no tienen sentido al margen de los sujetos, ya que son éstos los que le dan el sentido. 3. Se da una relación de inclusión, por la que los fenómenos externos percibidos por el sujeto se convierten en acontecimientos por la acción de éste sobre aquéllos. Los acontecimientos están compuestos por los caracteres de los elementos externos a los que el sujeto aplica su conocimiento (ALSINA, 1989. p. 6). Editor's note. There is no previously translated English version.
• 4
  For Bakhtin, meanings are constructed from two simultaneous processes: reflection and refraction, or rather, the language does not only describe the world such that it is, but, also, constructs different points of view about it.
• 5
  Utterance here is understood as synonymous with discourse.
• 6
  Original: “Por que as notícias são como são?” e “Como circulam, são recepcionadas e quais efeitos geram as notícias? (RUBLESCKI, 2010, p. 2).
• 7
  Original: “Uma teoria científica tem de delimitar conceptualmente os fenómenos que explica ou prevê. A teoria do jornalismo deve ser vista essencialmente como uma teoria da notícia, já que a notícia é o resultado pretendido do processo jornalístico de produção de informação. Dito por outras palavras, a notícia é o fenómeno que deve ser explicado e previsto pela teoria do jornalismo e, portanto, qualquer teoria do jornalismo deve esforçar-se por delimitar o conceito de notícia.” (SOUSA, 2002, p. 2).
• 8
  Original: “A dimensão táctica esgota-se na teoria dos géneros jornalísticos. Nessa dimensão, distingue-se notícia de outros géneros, como a entrevista ou a reportagem. Todavia, a dimensão estratégica encara a notícia como todo o enunciado jornalístico.” (SOUSA, 2002, p. 2-3).
• 9
  Original: “[…] uma notícia é um artefato linguístico que representa determinados aspectos da realidade, resulta de um processo de construção onde interagem fatores de natureza pessoal, social, ideológica, histórica e do meio físico e tecnológico, é difundida por meios jornalísticos e comporta informação com sentido compreensível num determinado momento histórico e num determinado meio sóciocultural, embora a atribuição última de sentido dependa do consumidor da notícia.” (SOUSA, 2002, p. 03).
• 10
  Original: “[…] notícias são o resultado das condicionantes organizacionais em que são fabricadas, como as hierarquias, as formas de socialização e aculturação dos jornalistas etc.” (SOUSA, 2002, p. 04).
• 11
  Original: “[…] um produto socialmente construído, que reproduz a ideologia dominante e legitima o status quo […]” (SOUSA, 2002, p. 05).
• 12
  Original: “[…] pontes, pontos de contato e explicações comuns”
• 13
  Original: “A notícia é o resultado da interação simultaneamente histórica e presente de forças de matriz pessoal, social (organizacional e extra-organizacional), ideológica, cultural, do meio físico e dos dispositivos tecnológicos, tendo efeitos cognitivos, afetivos e comportamentais sobre as pessoas, o que por sua vez produz efeitos de mudança ou permanência e de formação de referências sobre as sociedades, as culturas e as civilizações.” (SOUSA, 2002, p. 9-10).
• 14
  Youssef states that Eduardo Campos received R$10 million in kickbacks from contractors.
• 15
  Lead is a word in English that means “to conduct”, and as the meaning in Portuguese suggests, it aims to conduct the reader to the reported information, and, for this reason, bring a quick retelling of the fact that will be presented throughout the text.
• 16
  The informer Alberto Yousseff affirmed in testimony of the plea bargain in the Operation Car-Wash that the former governor of Pernambuco, Eduardo Campos (PSB) – killed in an airplane accident in August of last year – received between 2010 and 2011, R$10 million in kickbacks from the Contest contract. Founded by the enterprises Odebrecht and OAS, the consortium was responsible for the execution of Refinery work in Abreu and Lima. According to Youssef, the goal of the kickback destined to Eduardo Campos was to keep the government of Pernambuco from creating difficulties in their work projects.
• 17
  The dealer also sffirms that the Federal Deputy of Pernambuco, Eduardo da Fonte (PP) and senator Ciro Nogeuira (lPP-PI) received between 2010 and 2011 kickbacks in undetermined amounts, paid by the contractor Queiroz Galvão in contract for the installation of pipelines in Abreu and Lima. The contract that refers to this service is around R$2.7 billion. The former president of the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), the Pernambucan Sérgio Guerra would also have been among the beneficiaries of the kickback paid by Queiroz Galvão. The tucano (member of the PSDB) received, according to Youssef, a part of the R$10 million allocated to stop the process of the CPI of Petrobras. Costing R$18 billion, the Abreu and Lima Refinery is the most expensive project underway in Brazil.
• 18
  PSB (Brazilian Socialist Party) and the Campos family deny – In a note released by the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, the family of Eduardo Campos and the PSB affirm to repel “vehemently the attempt to involve a person that is not there to defend himself”. The note further affirms that “everyone knows” that Petrobas is responsible for the execution of the work “with contracts made by the director of the firm, without any connection whatsoever with the government of Pernambuco”. The deputy Eduardo da Fonte (PP) affirmed being unaware of the facts cited by Youssef and trusted in Justice. The PSDB [Brazilian Social Democratic Party], the political party of the former senator Sérgio Guerra, said that he maintains his position “in defense of the Operation Car-wash investigations”, and hopes that those responsible for the extortion of billions of Petrobras resources are identified and punished.
• 19
  Informer affirms in testimony that Eduardo Campos would have received R$10million in kickbacks. The kickbacks would have been paid by the Queiroz Galvão, Odebrecht and OAS enterprises, in contracts for refinery projects at Abreu and Lima. The former senator Sérgio Guerra (PSDB) and deputy Eduardo da Fonte (PP), were also named.
• 20
  The informer Alberto Youssef, one of the most emblematic key elements of the Operation Car-wash, which investigates extortion schemes in Petrobras, affirmed in plea bargaining testimonies that the former governor of Pernambuco, Eduardo Campos (PSB), killed in an airline disaster last year, the former president of PSDB, S[ergio Guerra, who died in 2014, and the deputy Eduardo da Fonte (PP-PE) would have received kickbacks in contracts from Abreu and Lima refinery projects. The informer detailed two specific cases, in which more than R$40million were moved to, among other measures, impede the creation of a CPI involving the State. The information was released by the Folha de São Paulo newspaper.
• 21
  In his testimony, the informer affirmed that Eduardo Campos would have received, between 2010 and 2011, R$10million in kickbacks from the Odebrecht and OAS enterprises for the installation of the processing units in Abreu and Lima. Eduardo Campos would have received this amount to prevent difficulties in carrying out negotiations. The total amount was R$30 million, which was divided between the former governor, Paulo Roberto Costa and the PP. The kickback would have been delivered to Eduardo Campos in Recife.
• 22
  Besides the Pernambucan politicians, the informer also involved the senator Ciro Nogueira (PP-PI), and Petrobras’ former director of supplies, Paulo Roberto Costa, who is incarcerated. Youssef affirmed that Nogueira and Fonte would have received kickbacks, between 2010 and 2011, from the contractor Queiroz Galvãp to formalize a contract for the installation of pipelines at the Abreu and Lima refinery. At the time, both Queiroz Galvão and the accused signed the contract in the amount of R$2.7 billion to install the piplines.
• 23
  The contract would have been signed in Rio de Janeiro, in the presence of a representative of Queiroz Galvão, Paulo Roberto Costa, the former president of the PP, José Janene, killed in 2010, the former assessor for the the PP, João Genu and Youssef himself. In the negotiation, the contractor was pressured to speed up the law suits, under the threat of a CPI (Parlamentary Inquiry Commission) from Petrobras, at the time urged by the opposition. The operator of the scheme was Fernando Soares, also imprisoned by the Car wash operation. Part of the bribe was paid in official donations to the politicians and the other destined to Youssef, who passed it on to Ciro Nogueira and Eduardo da Fonte. Sérgio Guerra enters the story to stop the carrying out to s CPI on the State. For this, the former senator would receive R$10 million.

REFERENCES

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• BAKHTIN, M. Para uma filosofia do ato responsável Tradução do italiano de Valdemir Miotello e Carlos Alberto Faraco. São Carlos: Pedro & João Editores, 2010.
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• DOLEIRO afirma em depoimento que Eduardo Campos teria recebido R$ 10 milhões em propina. Jornal do Commercio, Recife, 03 mar. 2015. Disponível em: <http://jconline.ne10.uol.com.br/canal/politica/pernambuco/noticia/2015/03/03/doleiro-afirma-em-depoimento-que-eduardo-campos-teria-recebido-r-10-milhoes-em-propina-170541.php>. Acesso em: 29 nov. 2017.
  » http://jconline.ne10.uol.com.br/canal/politica/pernambuco/noticia/2015/03/03/doleiro-afirma-em-depoimento-que-eduardo-campos-teria-recebido-r-10-milhoes-em-propina-170541.php
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• YOUSSEF afirma que Eduardo Campos recebeu R$ 10 milhões de propina pagos por empreiteiras. Diário de Pernambuco, Recife, 03 mar. 2015. Disponível em: <http://www.diariodepernambuco.com.br/app/noticia/politica/2015/03/03/interna_politica,563859/youssef-afirma-que-eduardo-campos-recebeu-r-10-milhoes-de-propina-pagos-por-empreiteiras.shtml>. Acesso em: 29 nov. 2017.
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Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  2017

History

• Received
  June 2016
• Accepted
  July 2017