Spirituality and religiosity for umbandist and candomblecist women: social representation and health implications

Abstract

The object of study refers to the representations of spirituality and religiosity for women who belong to Afro-diasporic religions, specifically those who are faithful to Umbanda and Candomblé. The objective was to analyze the representational structure of spirituality and religiosity for Umbandist and Candomblecist women with the aim of thinking of an explanatory model of this symbolic construction and implications for the practice of care in the area of health. Qualitative study, in the light of Social Representations in its structural approach. Data collected with 207 Umbandist and Candomblecist women through free evocations of the inducing terms “spirituality” and “religiosity”, in addition to the characterization and scale of religiosity. The evocations were submitted to prototypical and similarity analyses with Iramuteq, while quantitative data to descriptive statistics. The results show that the central elements for religiosity are faith, belief, God and love, while for spirituality, they are faith, Orixás, God, peace and love. The tree of similarity explains the centrality of faith for the structuring of this representation. The representations are organized around the idea of ​​a relationship between the human and the divine.

Key words:
Spirituality; Religion; Gender studies; Social psychology; African Americans

Resumo

O objeto de estudo se refere às representações da espiritualidade e da religiosidade para mulheres que pertencem às religiões afrodiaspóricas, em específico às que são fiéis da umbanda e do candomblé. Buscou-se analisar a estrutura representacional da espiritualidade e da religiosidade para mulheres umbandistas e candomblecistas com vistas a se pensar um modelo explicativo dessa construção simbólica e as implicações para a prática de cuidado na área da saúde. Estudo qualitativo, à luz das representações sociais em sua abordagem estrutural. Dados coletados com 207 mulheres umbandistas e candomblecistas por meio de evocações livres aos termos indutores espiritualidade e religiosidade, além da caracterização e da escala de religiosidade. As evocações foram submetidas às análises prototípica e de similitude com o Iramuteq, e os dados quantitativos, pela estatística descritiva. Os resultados mostram que os elementos centrais para a religiosidade são fé, crença, Deus e amor, enquanto para espiritualidade, fé, Orixás, Deus, paz e amor. A árvore de similitude explicita a centralidade da fé para a estruturação dessa representação. As representações se organizam ao redor da ideia de relação entre o humano e o divino.

Palavras-chave:
Espiritualidade; Religião; Estudos de gênero; Psicologia social; Afro-americanos

Introduction

The object of study of this article refers to the representations of spirituality and religiosity for women who belong to Afro-diasporic religions, specifically those who are faithful to Umbanda and Candomblé. Its importance is due to the theoretical hypothesis that, despite being distinct concepts and phenomena that can happen in different ways, and even separately in specific contexts, they introduce themselves as the same representation for the studied Brazilian social groups^1,2.

In the case of women from Afro-diasporic religions, it is considered that this hypothesis can be confirmed to the extent that spirituality and religiosity can be considered spiritual and religious phenomena that are characterized by trance³, by the sacredness of existence, by overcoming the traditional dichotomy between the sacred and the profane, by the belief in the presence of Orixás and spiritual Guides in everyday events⁴, by the presence of the divine in practically all aspects of the world⁵ and by the materialization of the sacred in objects, altars and natural phenomena³.

The space of these religions, called terreiros (yards), ilês, tents, houses and other names that can be highlighted, is characterized by a ritual, religious and human organization for the materialization of the relationship between the sacred and human beings, as well as its constitution in a place of welcoming and coexistence among the individuals that make up the community⁶.

Consequently, the Divine and the Transcendent are existential realities, almost tangible in the most varied situations, which generate attitudes and shape relevant decisions for the various areas of human life, including health. The spiritual world and the concrete world interpenetrate each other in their daily lives, influencing each other mutually and intensely, so that their separation takes place much more as an exercise in academic thinking than as a reality present in people’s daily lives.

The dimensions of spirituality and religiosity can stimulate actions of generosity and empathy, as well as solidarity and care as expressions of life based on human principles⁷, issues present at the roots of African origin religions. In general, terreiros are religious institutions marked by welcoming people according to their own precepts, rules and rituals and constitute a multidimensional support, offering explanations for the world around them and for their lives, as well as solutions for a variety of problems, including health⁸.

In view of this, the objective of this study is to analyze the representational structure of spirituality and religiosity for umbandist and candomblecist women with the aim of thinking of an explanatory model of this symbolic construction and implications for the practice of care in the area of health.

The concepts of spirituality and religiosity and social representations as theoretical arsenal

In any area of knowledge, the approach to spirituality and religiosity becomes a challenge for several reasons, with particular contours in the context of health. The first is that these two concepts are at the interface of different fields of knowledge, such as theology, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and psychology ⁹. In other words, both can be approached in different ways, experienced in different ways and be aspects that are so important for people that they become central axes in their lives, for which it is worth continuing to live or die¹⁰.

It is known that spirituality and religiosity are not synonymous^7,11. Religiosity involves beliefs, practices and rituals related to the transcendent, and this concept is filled with multiple apprehensions according to religious traditions (Jehovah for Jews, the Trinity for Christians, Allah for Muslims and so forth)⁷. At the same time, they are characterized by having specific beliefs about life after death and about the roles and behaviors in the context of certain social groups. Religion or religiosity is introduced as a multidimensional construct that includes beliefs, behaviors, rituals and ceremonies that are learned and practiced in private or public environments, but, in general, derived from established traditions that have developed over time within a community⁷.

In turn, spirituality is the connection with the sacred and the transcendent⁷. It is related to the personal quest to understand the answers to the ultimate questions about life, its meaning and the relationship with the sacred and the transcendent, which may or may not lead to the development of religious rituals and the formation of a community.

Simultaneously, it is highlighted that both religiosity and spirituality are objects socially constructed and marked by their cultural, collective and historical facets, even though the believers have the idea of a supernatural origin or determined by the transcendent, for example, as the reports of near-death experiences (NDE), in which there is an evident relationship with the religious-spiritual picture of those who have it, with some exceptions¹². For this reason, in this work, it is considered that these are representational objects that have social density and are socio-cognitively reconstructed by the umbandist and candomblecist women in the daily life of terreiros and in the microdynamics of their daily lives.

Accordingly, it is evident the existence of a reified universe and a consensual universe that meet to support the representational constructions about these two objects, as distinct forms of knowledge, but that influence each other in the final shaping of their symbolic process.

In order to deepen the understanding of social representations, the theory states that there is no distinction between the outer and inner universes of an individual or group and, therefore, one must consider that subject and object are not necessarily distinct¹³. In this sense, Jean-Claude Abric¹⁴ (p. 12) contributes by adding that “for the theory, there is no objective reality, all reality is represented, appropriated by individuals and reconstructed in their cognitive system and integrated into their system of values that depends on its history and the social and ideological context that surrounds it”.

At this point, a first definition of social representation can be brought, namely: a functional vision of the world that allows the individual, or the group, to give meaning to his/her conduct and understand reality through his/her own system of references, adapting and thus defining a place for himself/herself¹⁴. Denise Jodelet¹⁵ (p. 22) states that social representation “is a form of socially elaborated and shared knowledge, having a practical orientation and contributing to the construction of a common reality to a social group”. Serge Moscovici¹³ highlights that representation is characterized by being a set of explanations, concepts, images and statements that originate in daily life and in the course of interindividual communications.

With respect to the theory of the Central Nucleus, the approach that is specifically used in this work proposes that the meaning of a representation is not located only in the elements that structure it, but also in the relationships that these contents establish with each other¹⁴. Thus, the central nucleus basically has two functions: the generator, through which the meanings of the other elements are created or transformed; and the organizer, which organizes and stabilizes the representation, by imprinting the nature of the ties that unite the contents¹⁴.

It also has two dimensions: the functional, important for carrying out a task, which has an operative function; and the normative one, in which a norm, a stereotype or an attitude will be at the nucleus of the representation, thus being a socio-affective, social or ideological mark¹⁴. Its constitution is determined by the historical, sociological and ideological context, strongly marked by the collective memory of the group that created it and by the system of norms with which it is connected. It is characterized by being stable, coherent, resistant to change and provides, at the same time, continuity, consensus and permanence of the representation¹⁴.

Around this nucleus, the peripheral elements are organized, which are the most accessible, live and concrete components, having three main functions, namely: materialization, allowing the formulation of the representation in concrete terms; regulation, scaling new or less important elements to the guidelines of the central nucleus; and nucleus defense, protecting it from progressive or abrupt changes¹⁴.

Through the peripheral elements, housed around the central nucleus, the interface between daily and concrete reality and the central system is created, while these elements generate mobility, flexibility and functionality to the represented object and/or idea¹⁶. For this reason, it can be understood that social representations have an ambiguous behavior, that is, they are at the same time stable and mobile, rigid and flexible; consensual, but also marked by strong inter-individual differences¹⁴.

Methods

This is a qualitative, descriptive and exploratory study, based on the Theory of Social Representations, as proposed by Serge Moscovici¹³, in its structural approach, based on the contributions made by Jean-Claude Abric¹⁴.

The study was carried out virtually using a form called Google Forms, distributed using the Snowball technique among people and WhatsApp groups, as well as virtual platforms, such as Facebook and Instagram, from June to October 2020. This form was composed of five parts, which included the Free and Informed Consent Form (FICF), the characterization of the participants, the Duke Religiosity scale and the collection of evocations to the inducing terms “spirituality” and “religiosity”. The characterization encompassed age, religion, religious practices before and after the pandemic, and religious support during social isolation and the pandemic period. In turn, the Duke Religiosity scale is characterized by having five questions that encompass Organizational Religiosity (one question), Non-Organizational Religiosity (one question) and Intrinsic Religiosity (three questions)¹⁷.

Regarding the collection of free evocations, each subject was asked to write three words that immediately came to mind when he/she read the word “spirituality”. Next, the same procedure was requested for the word “religiosity”. The form was addressed to women who belonged to Umbanda or Candomblé in any part of the country. In the end, 207 people answered the instrument and became research participants.

The characterization data were analyzed from simple and descriptive statistics, while the evocations data were analyzed through prototypical analysis with the support of the four-house chart designed from the Iramuteq software. The four-house chart is organized based on two objective criteria: the average frequency, which separates the words between those most evoked and those least evoked; and the rang, which divides them between those most promptly or lately evoked. Accordingly, the frequency divides the frame into upper (more evoked) and lower (less evoked), while the rang into left (more promptly evoked and, therefore, with lower rang) and right (later evoked and, therefore, with higher range).

Thus, four houses are formed: the upper left, with higher frequency and lower rank, where the elements that can be central are located; the upper right, which has a high frequency but also a high range, forming the first periphery. Some authors, for example, refer that words located in this house can manifest central behaviors.

The lower left, better known as the contrast zone, where you have low frequency, but also low rang. In this space, words can be found that explain the existence of a representational subgroup, in contrast to the elements that probably make up the central nucleus of the representation. In the house on the right, in the lower part, is the second periphery, with low frequency and high rang, being a set of words that are linked to the immediate context of the studied group, which explains a practical and everyday dimension.

In addition to the prototypical analysis, a similarity analysis was also carried out for each of the studied terms, seeking to explain the internal relationships between the elements and the approximation index that each pair of words has.

This study complied with all ethical requirements, according to Resolution 466/2012 of the National Health Council, having its analysis and approval by a Research Ethics Committee of the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), Certificate of Presentation for Ethical Appreciation (CAAE) nº 31050020.0.0000.5282 and Opinion nº 4.380.513. For this purpose, the participants had access to the FICF before starting to answer the form voluntarily and had their anonymity, secrecy and confidentiality protected.

Results

The subjects had a minimum age of 18 years, a maximum of 69 and a median of 42, with 82 (40%) belonging to Candomblé and 125 (60%) to Umbanda. With respect to candomblecists, 73% belong to the Ketu nation, 22% to Jeje and 5% to Angola. Of the total number of subjects, 44% stated an increase in religious practices during the pandemic, 29% decreased it and 27% reported no change in these practices.

Simultaneously, 92% reported support from the religious community in terms of coping with social isolation and the pandemic period. Regarding the religiosity scale, the subjects have an organizational religiosity index of 2.58, varying from 1-6, while the non-organizational was 2.51 (with a variation of 1-6) and the intrinsic religiosity was 1.63 (ranging from 1 to 5), which indicates a high level of the latter, but also an important presence of the others. Therefore, it can be considered that this group represents, in its social identity and in its daily religious practice, the community to which it belongs.

Next, pictures of religiosity and spirituality of women who profess two considered to be African origin religions, namely Umbanda and Candomblé, will be exposed. Regarding the table of four houses of religiosity (Table 1), it is noteworthy that it was constructed by 16 words among the 199 different ones that formed the corpus, in addition to being organized by the minimum frequency of 8, average of 20 and rank of 1.9.

Chart 1
Chart of four houses referring to the evocations of the inducing term “religiosity”. Rio de Janeiro/RJ, 2022.

O.M.E.	< 1.9			≥ 1.9
Average Freq	Evoked term	Freq.	A.O.E.	Evoked term	Freq.	A.O.E.
≥ 20	Faith	77	1.8	Amor	32	2.2
	Belief	21	1.8	Orixás	20	2.1
	God	20	1.6
< 20	Umbanda	12	1.4	Respect	17	1.9
	Practice	12	1.5	Charity	16	2.3
	Temple	11	1.5	Dedication	13	2.0
				Peace	10	1.9
				Nothing	10	2.1
				Commitment	9	1.9
				Prayer	9	2.0
				Doctrine	8	2.0

• N = 207; Min. Freq. = 8; Average Freq. = 20; Rang = 1.9.
• Source: Authors.

The analysis of similarity to the inducing term “religiosity” (Figure 1) draws attention to the following structure.

Figure 1
Maximum tree of similarity “religiosity”. Rio de Janeiro/RJ, 2022.

Regarding the table of spirituality (Table 2), it is noteworthy that it was constructed with 14 words among the 149 different ones, having as values for its organization, the minimum frequency of 6, the average of 26 and range of 1.9.

Chart 1
Chart of four houses referring to the evocations of the inducing term “spirituality”. Rio de Janeiro/RJ, 2022.

A.O.E.	< 1,9			≥ 1,9
Average Freq.	Evoked term	Freq.	A.O.E.	Evoked term	Freq.	A.O.E.
≥ 26	Faith	95	1.6	Love	71	2.1
	Orixás	36	1.9	Charity	32	2.3
	God	32	1.4
	Peace	26	1.9
< 26	Life	19	1.9	Evolution	18	2.0
	Jesus	7	1.7	Gratitude	13	2.3
	Religion	7	1.9	Respect	7	2.3
	Strength	6	1.8	Prayer	7	2.4
				Dedication	7	2.4
				Light	6	2.0
				Spirit	6	2.0
				Rendition	6	2.0
				Elevation	6	2.0
				Hope	6	2.3
				Terreiro (Yard)	6	2.7

• N = 207; Min. Freq. = 6; Average Freq. = 26; Rang = 1.9
• Source: Authors.

Regarding the analysis of similarity of spirituality (Figure 2), the following internal organization between the elements can be observed.

Figure 2
Maximum tree of similarity “spirituality”. Rio de Janeiro/RJ, 2022.

When comparing the elements that make up the quadrants relative to the central nucleus and also to the first periphery, the latter being a space where elements with central characteristics can be found, the following distribution is observed: two elements are common as possible centrals to the two inducing terms, “faith” and “God”, while “Orixás” is located in the central quadrant for the representational object “spirituality” and in the first periphery for “religiosity”. In turn, “love” is located, for both, in the first periphery. As a specificity of the representation of spirituality, “peace”, as a possible central nucleus, and “charity” in the first periphery are highlighted.

In the contrast zone quadrant, religiosity is composed of elements such as “Umbanda”, “practice” and “time”, especially reinforcing the dimension of “belief” present among the elements that can be considered central, at the same time that one of the religions is mentioned and, at the same time, the dimension of “time” is highlighted. In the case of spirituality, the elements that compose it are “life”, “religion”, “Jesus” and “strength”, which is considered that two of these cognems have contrasting behaviors, namely, “Jesus” and “religion”. The first in the face of the deities of the studied religions, and the second because it places the image of religion at the heart of the representation of spirituality.

Concerning the analysis of the similarity of religiosity, the role of organization of the entire structure of the element “faith” is highlighted and, in sequence, that of “belief”, “love” and “God”. As for spirituality, the structure is also maintained and linked by the element “faith”, while the lexicons “love” and “Orixá” also have an important function.

Discussion

From the presented data, the hypothesis arises that it is the same representation, which would be equivalent to saying that, for the participants, religiosity and spirituality are learned as the same phenomenon or that, at least in large part of its symbolic and representational construction, there is an important overlapping of elements and meanings. This result, in a way, is not surprising, given the fact that other studies have been found in the literature that worked with spirituality and religiosity as objects and/or representational phenomena, which also concluded that they constituted the same representation².

After this first theoretical inference, fundamental for the continuity of the present manuscript, it is highlighted that the two representations are organized around a polarity, that is, the relationship between the human (the pole of faith) and the divine (the pole of God), and this polarity connects the two objects in the same representation constructed by women in the context of the studied Afro-diasporic religions. In other words, through this, it is considered that, regardless of the studied group and its particularities, in the Brazilian context, spirituality and religiosity are represented as a single object or representational phenomenon. This also underlines the importance of spirituality in Brazil, translating into practical issues linked to and expressed by the religiosity of different social groups.

Nonetheless, the social representation of religiosity unfolds into the complex structure of belief, which tends to constitute itself as an axis that unites the religious community and organizes the way in which people in this community relate to the Sacred and the Divine. It is also the cognitive, moral and doctrinal materialization of this relational dimension in a specific group, community and historical context ¹⁸. Still in the sense of unfolding this same representation, the element “love” is highlighted, which is configured with a double face: an ethical-behavioral principle based on the theoretical bases of religion and a conceptual dimension, in which the divine and the community are characterized exactly by this perspective, that is, it is not possible to understand the divine and the very religion without this attribute¹⁹.

Simultaneously, spirituality also has, as possible central elements “Orixás” and “peace”, which are related to the reinforcement of the relational dimension of the human with the divine and the consequence of this relationship in their daily lives by the feeling of peace. In the first periphery of this representational structure, the lexicons “love” and “charity” can be perceived, in which the first is also characterized by being a consequence of the relational aspect of spirituality, while the second is a practical dimension of the religious that is related to the basic condition of being religious for the idea of charity.

Another necessary inference is the influence of the backbone of Christianity on the representations of spirituality and religiosity, which can be seen especially in the ideas of love that are in both representations, as well as in the prerogative of charity in spirituality as an indispensable element for the community of faith and its way of being in the world. Next, a schematic figure about the social representation of spirituality and religiosity for the social group (Figure 3) summarizes the observed contents and meanings.

Figure 3
Schematic organization about the SR of spirituality and religiosity for umbandist and candomblecist women. Rio de Janeiro/RJ, 2022.

As can be observed, in short, the representations of spirituality and religiosity are configured as a relationship between the human and the divine and the materialization of this relationship in everyday life, in which God introduces himself in an important way. Nonetheless, one must recognize the non-specificity of this term, which encompasses the idea of a God who is the creator and maintainer of all things, without linking it specifically to Afro-diasporic religions and, possibly, with a lot of influence from Christianity. The specificity of this relationship with the sacred takes place in the representation of spirituality, in which the lexicon “Orixás” can be observed as a possible central element.

Different studies show the close relationship that the Orixás especially have with the believers of Candomblé and, in a more indirect but important way, with those of Umbanda through spiritual entities, who act under the orders and power of the Orixás^20,21. The Orixás comprise a complex concept that encompasses, simultaneously, the power of certain natural aspects and the idea of deified ancestors, containing supernatural power, human characteristics and behaviors, as well as a mixture of generosity, understanding and demand²².

Nevertheless, it is also observed the presence of the clearly Christian divine through the lexicon “Jesus” in the contrast zone, which reinforces the inference of the influence of this religious tradition in the representations, possibly due to Umbanda and its relationship with the hegemonic religion. Accordingly, God, Orixás and Jesus are the facets of the Divine that are shown in the set of social representations of spirituality and religiosity.

From this dimension common to both objects, which can be considered as being the same representation, the specificity of the social representation of religiosity takes place in the community relationship mediated by religious beliefs and principles. Simultaneously, the specificity of spirituality in the relationship established with oneself and with others in the microspace of coexistence.

The empirical results of this study differ from other studies carried out in the area of health^23,24, which assume the conceptual difference between spirituality and religiosity. Nonetheless, it explains some specificities in its most external and peripheral structure, which can be considered as a complex understanding of the representation. As already pointed out, but it is worth reinforcing, given its importance, that it is the same representation that unfolds into a community dimension in the case of religiosity, as expected, and intra and interpersonal relational, in the case of spirituality.

It is noticed that the representational construction that is now exposed in the present manuscript is related to the gender issue insofar as it is organized around the affective and relational dimension, which is justified by the fact that the research was developed exclusively with women. In another study in the area of social representations, also involving spirituality²⁵, this representational specificity was shown, in which women have a more affective and conceptual approach, while men present it in a more pragmatic and concrete way.

Thus, these are illustrations of the maintenance of gender stereotypes that assign different social roles between men and women, socially constructed. Traditionally, woman is defined as sensitive, altruistic and maternal²⁶. Simultaneously, emphasis is given to female protagonism in religions inherent to the Afro-Brazilian field, given the role of emotions in terms of promoting communication between men and sacred beings, according to the sensitive abilities intrinsic to the priestesses who present themselves in the accomplishment of the works, mainly through the logic of care²⁷.

In addition, the present idea of generation of life, not only in the biological sense, but also in the community and spiritual senses, is at the core of the idea of the feminine in the terreiros, emphasizing the conception of matripotence and seniority united around the concept of Iyá, which could be translated as mother. From the production of Oyěwùmí, Iyá is not only a social role, but also a community structure, a collective body and an institution that puts into operation a form of coexistence organized by seniority, overcoming the idea of ties only by blood and bringing the economic, political, social and group co-responsibility as the center of the managerial process of everyday life and community dynamics²⁸.

In this sense, it is perceived the holistic characteristic of the representation of women, in which the human, the divine, the subjectivity, the intersubjectivity and the collective life are encompassed in a complex symbolic construction, in which command, proactivity, inclusion, group welfare, social identity and life perspectives are present. Considering that the social constructions of gender, which determine these representations, vary according to time, context, class, ethnicity, culture and religion, it is argued that symbolic structures can affect individuals’ lives and practices in interpersonal relationships. It is worth underlining that these are roles subject to questioning and changes as a way of escaping from social prescriptions²⁶.

In light of this discussion, there are still some challenges that must be faced from the empirical data that are the results of this research. The first is that the care process and the relationship of the health system, as well as its units and professionals with the terreiros and the women of the terreiros, must take into consideration that spirituality and religiosity are together, to a greater or lesser extent, for these people, which should guide certain actions and care planning, including gender issues.

In this relationship between the health units, including the professional training process, and the terreiro, important aspects should be highlighted, such as the inclusion and encouragement of the use of sacred accessories that identify the religious and spiritual belonging of the believers and the discussion process with professionals and other users against prejudice and discrimination, still quite common in our days²⁹. Simultaneously, the health unit must include the terreiro as a cultural and complex institution that is related to the uniqueness of the people who compose it, as well as to its collective and plural character that shape social identity and group belonging.

In addition, another note that deserves attention in this context is that spirituality and religiosity, when contemplated in the area of health and, mainly, by the World Health Organization (WHO), have Eurocentric and hierarchical concepts that are characteristic of Abrahamic religions³⁰. In other words, they are loaded with hegemonic constructions (religious, gender, race, among others), which, for the terreiro religions, the perspectives are given in different cosmological ways, being the sociocultural inscription of the group relevant to the point of requiring self-assessment in care planning.

The holistic and integral thinking characteristic of these religions in which the human being is inserted in a community and finds its expression in the world, at the same time that there is a connection with nature and with oneself in the process of religious rituals, is an important dimension to be considered by health professionals in the care process. Encouraging actions that reinforce community living and the use of resources, such as herbal baths, for example, are some of the issues that can be mentioned and also included in the care plan.

Final considerations

It is highlighted the need to develop other studies that deal with the symbolic and representational deepening of spirituality and religiosity for different human and religious groups, since both phenomena interpenetrate and influence each other. This communication takes place especially in the practical dimensions of everyday life, in which spirituality refers to lived religiosity, and religiosity holds within itself an important source of the spiritual dimension.

Another important issue is related to the gender approach of the present study, which may have contributed to structuring the representation around the idea of the relationship between the human and the divine, between the human and his/her peers and between the human and himself/herself. Therefore, in these relationships, the human seems to be involved in a complex community organization and an important insertion of nature and the environment. In addition, women have a marked and important role within this community, in its organization, in its development, in the transmission of power and in the construction of what is linked to religiosity and spirituality.

Moreover, it is emphasized the constitutional specificities of both representations, although it is argued here that it is a single and same representation. In the case of religiosity, these specificities in the peripheral elements are related to the cognitive and normative dimension that holds together the religious community itself. As for spirituality, this unfolds into effects of the human-divine relationship in the believer himself/herself or in his/her journey towards those in need, through the idea of charity.

Finally, health units and professionals need to cover the needs and demands of women belonging to the terreiros as a way of providing integral and comprehensive care to these people and these religious communities. This includes respect for their sacred objects and their therapeutic resources as legitimate sources of care and healing. Accordingly, it would be possible to propose important measures to protect life, promote health, prevent diseases and encourage a better quality of life.

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• Funding

  CNPq Scholarship PQ 1D 311631/2020-7; Pro-Ciência Scholarship UERJ; FAPERJ APQ1 E-26/211.877/2021; and FAPERJ nº E-26/204.111/2022 - Doctoral Scholarship.

Chief editors:

Romeu Gomes, Antônio Augusto Moura da Silva

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  04 Sept 2023
• Date of issue
  Sept 2023

History

• Received
  16 Dec 2022
• Accepted
  10 Jan 2023
• Published
  12 Jan 2023