Work-home boundary limits: a study of evangelical pastors’ daily lives

Limites das fronteiras trabalho-lar: um estudo sobre o cotidiano dos ministros evangélicos

Abstract

The aim of this research is to analyse the mutual influence in the process of negotiating work-home boundaries and personal and social identity or, in other words, to study the method of adapting and managing domestic and professional conflicts which interfere with the harmony of evangelical pastors’ work and personal lives. We conducted a qualitative study in order to achieve the proposed aims, involving an interpretative approach with the pastors of a specific ecclesiastical institution: The Assemblies of God in Brazil. A total of 20 interviews were held, and, following coding procedures, boundary-work tactics, whose taxonomy falls within physical, behavioural, temporal and communicative dimensions, were found. The results revealed that the sharp distinction seen was that the subjects were more likely to mingle interactions in work-home boundaries. The boundary-negotiation tactics were shown to be multi-functional, as they have dual function techniques, used both to segment and integrate the work-home boundary.

Keywords
Organizational management; Negotiation tactics; Religious environment; Social behaviour; Physical and emotional strain

Resumo

Objetivou-se com esta pesquisa analisar a influência mútua presente no processo de negociação das fronteiras trabalho-lar e de identidade pessoal e social, ou seja, procurou-se estudar o método de adaptação e gerenciamento dos conflitos domésticos e profissionais que interferem na harmonia do trabalho e do lar dos ministros evangélicos. Para alcançar os fins propostos conduziu-se um estudo qualitativo envolvendo uma abordagem interpretativa junto aos ministros de uma específica instituição eclesiástica: Assembleias de Deus no Brasil. No total realizaram-se 20 entrevistas, que após os procedimentos de codificação foram encontradas táticas de manejo de fronteiras, cuja taxionomia se enquadra nas dimensões física, comportamental, temporal e comunicativa. Os resultados revelaram que a distinção marcante percebida foi a de que os sujeitos tendem mais para integração em suas interações nas fronteiras trabalho-lar. As táticas de negociação das fronteiras se revelaram multifuncionais, pois são técnicas de dupla função utilizadas tanto para segmentar quanto para integrar o trabalho-lar.

Palavras-chave
Gestão organizacional; Táticas de negociação; Ambiente religioso; Comportamento social; Gestão de conflitos

Introduction

Today’s societies have emerged as a cluster of different intricate and globalized arrangements, which have proliferated under varying administrative structures, namely: state, private, educational and religious institutions, associations and non-governmental organizations, among others. As an alternative, a number of tensions, such as internal (self-employed workers, human resources and work teams) and external pressure (the market, politics and economics) stemming from these typical characteristics demand a better understanding of how individuals interact or adapt to conflicts which arise on account of these interactions (DIEHL; TATIM, 2004; KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006a; 2009).

Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2009) call one of the generalized analyses of these “work-home disharmony” tensions involving challenges related to activities linked to work and home.

Against this background, bringing forward the expression of limits or boundary work, Nippert-Eng (1996) mentions two distinct categorizations: home and work. Individuals attribute different meanings to these two constructs, resulting, at one moment, from distinct groups coming together and, at another, the segregation of these groups through a mental process (ZERUBAVEL, 1996). Thus, to Nippert-Eng (1996), behaviour is subject to alternatives as one prefers to segment it or integrate it with domestic life. Understanding these limits and their individual and organizational identities favour future adaptations to the corporate and institutional environment (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996; KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2009).

In order to support this topic, recent investigations into these actions, called boundary work, concentrated their inquiries on organizational procedures (KREINER; HOLLENSBE;SHEEP, 2006b; DIKKERS et al., 2007), the need to preserve additional resources, aiming towards a balance of the work-family interface (HALL; HALL, 1978; ROTH; DAVID, 2009); cultural influences and use of work-home communication (CLARK, 2000; DIKKERS et al., 2007; QUINN, 2011; ADKINS; PREMEAUX, 2014). However, other studies evaluated the importance of informal organizational support, describing the importance of investigating conflicts generated in the work-home interface (BEHSON, 2005; KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006c; ROGERSON, 2009; SANZ-VERGEL, 2011; KNAPP et al., 2013).

Bearing in mind boundary work dynamics and two distinct categorizations that individuals attribute to their work and homes, and the conflicts which arise from these interactions, being motivated by economic, personal or vocational needs, the following research problem emerges: how does the impact of social identity contribute to evangelical pastors managing the inconsistencies designed within work-home boundary limits?

In order to investigate this issue, this research was based on the theory of work-home boundaries and on the context of a religious universe connecting it with the theory of identity. Due to the intense commitment required in exercising the function, these evangelical pastors represent a specific social group with unprecedented demands on the work-home boundary, making this research challenging. Thus, the goal of this study was to analyse, identify, classify and discuss the tactics for negotiating boundary limits that these evangelical pastors adopted, as well as identifying the identity demands and tension prevailing in this correlation.

This study is justified by the need to expand knowledge on boundary theory in its fields of work and home as, according to Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2009), it aims to understand how theoretical precepts can regulate and enrich domestic, vocational and professional relationships. The advancement that is proposed is furthering this investigation into a religious environment culturally distinct from the object of Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep’s studies (2006a; 2009). Therefore, and according to Hofstede (2001), culturally speaking it is a much more male environment in which there is no female presence in the ecclesiastical ministry on account of specific criteria. Nevertheless, its ecclesiastical management presents particularities when compared to the way that episcopal bishops govern related to the considerations made by these authors. Thus, models and practices have been adopted ceremonially on a daily basis, in response to the internal pressures from this social group but with few substantial adulterations. This cultural phenomenon is identified via discrete, separate episodes while simultaneously conserving coexistence and co-dependency.

Consequently, the display of entrepreneurial culture seen in the ecclesiastical context is made present through the belief in free enterprise as a primordial factor for ecclesiastical and sacerdotal expansion: of administrative management as the minister’s form of personal affirmation of his parishioners by socializing collective well-being; and employing the rudiments of the pastoral viewpoint in a business environment, by using the exclusive benefits of business management or, that is, using metaphorical keywords in the dialectics with his community, such as success, innovation and excellence, thereby forging a parallelism between the elements of faith and those of business management. In these terms, this population has distinct characteristics, thereby making the interest in this investigation unique and pronounced.

On the assumption that work, culture, gender and work-home demographics are specific to each individual, the study of the Evangelical pastors’ universe may fill this investigatory shortcoming, since recent research has not focused on distinct environments in the corporate world. The context of the research is materialized by accessing harmonized conduct and values in a metaphorical parallelism between capitalist management versus the protestant vocation, in an abstract environment and, consequently, developed by the acuity of reflective aptitude in a moral dialectic. Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep’s research (2009) and that of this study is characterized as an exception to most research on the work-home boundary, which focuses on private corporations.

However, the perception of the integrations and demands of social identity are manifested as predominant for social assimilation which de-personalize the concept and allow categories such as race, sex, occupational roles, organizational associations and so on (BREWER, 1991; ROCCAS; BREWER, 2002; KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006c) to be added. These specificities of inclusion and the uniqueness of social identity, if attained, will provide the ideal balance to achieve a level of reduction in stress and other inconsistencies, as well as increased well-being and satisfaction (BREWER, 1991; ROCCAS; BREWER, 2002). These authors argue that individual identities conjecture double compassionate obligations which are constantly straining against each other and which also distinguish individuals from each other. One is reflected with a characteristic of inclusion, which reflects the following question: “How am I similar to others?” (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006c, p. 1.033) and the other is judged with a property of the uniqueness, reflecting the following question: “How am I different from others?” (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006c, p. 1.033).

The contribution of Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep’s (2009) research is in the perception that the work-home boundary reveals spaces of continuous negotiation which are integrated or segmented in different degrees. Therefore, it was possible to go deeper into the dominant tactic analyses when it comes to conflict management and the comprehension of the consequences generated by these tensions within the limits of the aforementioned boundary. Another interesting contribution of this research is the improvement and advancement in understanding how individuals manage their boundary limits with the various tactics adopted. Hence, this knowledge can contribute to developing the theory in work-home relations (KNAPP et al., 2013) and in understanding the reach of social identities as a regulatory and categorical element of work-home interrelations.

In Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep’s (2006a; 2009) analysis, it is understood that some of the data observed varied between very simple tactics and profound influences. Following this line of investigation, and according to Eby et al. (2005), it aimed to reflect on its orientation in order to focus more on ‘how’ and less on ‘how many’, related to research on work-home interactions. Seen in these terms, to Whetten (2003, p. 3) “it is preferable that qualitative changes in the theory’s boundaries are investigated” (WHETTEN, 1980; MARUYAMA, 1984), and there is a “need for feedback cycles” (WHETTEN, 2003, p. 3). Likewise, Yin’s (2014), intent is further study in this direction by replicating the phenomenon researched. Also, according to Behson (2005), the systematic replication of a study using different samples and measurements is fruitful to generalize the results, diminishing its limitations and, according to Behson and Brown (2011), the possibility of generalizing from a single, although exceptional, qualitative investigation is limited.

Seeking to achieve the aims desired for this research, the methodological investigation strategy to be followed was an inductive, interpretative and qualitative study, with the application of semi-structured questionnaires, in order to explore and understand the meaning that the evangelical pastors attribute to a social or human difficulty in their daily exchanges (GODOY, 1995; MERRIAM, 2002; POUPART, 2008). As to the aims, the study is classified as descriptive and cross-sectional (HAIR JUNIOR et al., 2005; GIL, 2008; CRESWEL, 2010; YIN, 2014).

The boundary theory

The boundary theory is well-known as a social classification theory (ZERUBAVEL, 1996), which defines the ease and constancy to allow the transition between distinct fields (ASHFORTH; KREINER; FUGATE, 2000), focusing on the meanings attributed by the subjects to the fields of work and home (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996).

Work-home boundary limits

Boundary limits are more easily maintained when they are preserved separately and clearly, in such a way that its understanding is not clouded. On the other hand, more integrated limits allow role transition with less difficulty. Thus, they can be defined as an experience with distinct roles for, in some cases, it allows for easier integration rather than segmentation, such as taking work to be completed or carried out at home and not discussing family matters at the workplace (DESROCHERS; SARGENT, 2004). In this case, the distinction between the integration versus segmentation set of demands remains as a continuum in boundary theory (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996).

Under a social constructivist lens, the work-home interface is socially constructed (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996; CLARK, 2000) or, rather, the individual is conceived as an active agent in constructing work-home boundaries through interactions with other social agents. Furthermore, these boundaries are continually negotiated and transformed and the practical actions survive throughout time within these interactions (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2009). Due to daily choices, every individual’s work and home fields can be consciously or subconsciously directed to some level of integration or segmentation. Nevertheless, in these terms, the environment may remain harmonious or disharmonious.

These choices are partly these social actors’ idiosyncratic demands, as a mental process of sculpting out the work-home fields as physical and real, segmented or integrated domains (ZERUBAVEL, 1996; NIPPERT-ENG, 1996). Thus, it is a social construction, notwithstanding its individual aspect (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996). Furthermore, the outline for the work-home definition is similar to the physical or mental procedure of ‘sculpting’ a fact, which may imply endless differences (ZERUBAVEL, 1996).

The work-home boundary theory unravels the complex interaction between these fields. This theory seeks to understand the differences between them, in which one field has the potential to exercise influence over the other. The primary correlation between work and home aims to assume when conflicts will occur on account of these interactions and, therefore, supply a structure to attain the balance desired between the parties. Although many aspects of work and home are hard to alter, individuals may share various levels of the work and home field and the connections present between them to reach the desired balance (CLARK, 2000). Consequently, this theory tends to simplify and order its environment, classifying personal behaviour and daily activities (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996; KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006a; 2009). It also seeks to give a meaning to multiple fields of experience, such as home, work and church, based on presuppositions underlying a specific field limit, and, at times, attempting to predict a classification of these exchanges (KNAPP et al., 2013).

An optical balance between work and home

For Ashforth, Kreiner and Fugate (2000), the daily role transitions which involve home, work, church and other places are considered transition limits in these fields. Thus, for Knapp et al. (2013), these roles are constructed based on values, beliefs, standards, interaction styles and also on time horizons usually associated with a specific function. Consequently, a specific field constructs a set of prerequisites, responsibilities and even relevant ways to join them. Thus, these roles are intrinsically linked to the ministers being emerged in the management inherent to their identities, which are achieved to negotiate and refine the borders of social and personal identity, reflecting this connection to the consistencies and inconsistencies of work-home relations (BREWER, 1991, 1993; KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006c). Consequently, according to Ashforth and Mael (1989), the interested parties “tend to select the activities coherent with the most salient aspects of their identities and they support the institutions which have these identifications” (p. 25).

According to Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2006a), the balance between life at work and life at home is a closely sought state but it is rarely achieved. Clark (2000) defines balance as contentment and healthy performance within the realms of work and home, with a minimum of role conflicts. Thus, individuals and organizations are encouraged to be aware of the importance of achieving the balance required in these two fields. Therefore, these authors present boundary negotiation tactics, described as the actions required to improve this balance, and reduce work-home conflicts, although at less than ideal levels (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006a; 2009).

The balance between work and home means something different to different individuals. The combination of an individual’s professional and family activities, and the relative time and energy spent in each field, may not be the combination that another individual would consider balanced. Balance is achieved when an individual feels comfortable with the way they allocate time and energy to responsibilities related to work and home, in an integrated or segmented way (CLARK, 2000).

A permeable boundary involves a scope in which a limit allows the psychological or behavioural aspects of a field to enter the other (ASHFORTH; KREINER; FUGATE, 2000; DESROCHERS; SARGENT, 2004). Communication at home about work and communication at work about family alters according to the permeability of the work and home boundary. Individuals who are engaged in this type of integration show greater satisfaction in their work and at home (CLARK, 2000). According to Shockley and Allen (2007), some forms of flexibility provide advantages in terms of reducing work-family conflicts in such a way that they postulated that some individuals tend to benefit more from flexible work arrangements than others, on account of these individuals’ idiosyncratic characteristics.

In order to better orient boundary conditions, the authors suggest that these characteristics are prevalent in individuals who have greater responsibilities at home, such as women who go out to work and also deal with domestic chores. Similarly, when the psychological boundary is flexible, an individual can reflect on work while they are at home and can also reflect on their home while they are at the workplace. Thus, ideas, insights and emotions flow more easily between these fields when the psychological boundary is flexible (CLARK, 2000). Therefore, when the individuals are submerged in managing identity, they do it to adjust and refine the borders of personal and social identity (ASHFORTH; MAEL, 1989; KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006c).

Following this path, and in accordance with these authors, flexibility and permeability can harmonize a possible conflict by allowing an individual to make a field transition when required. For example, an employee may be able to leave work early to deal with a problem at their church or vice-versa. On the other hand, nonchalance may also exacerbate conflicts by creating confusion between the individual and their defined role. According to Ashforth, Kreiner and Fugate (2000) and Clark (2000), flexible work arrangements are formally defined as alternative work choices which allow work to be carried out outside traditional time or spatial limits in a working day.

Therefore, to this end, Clark (2000) presents that, when the fields are similar, a thin/weak boundary will facilitate the work-home balance and, similarly, when they are different, a thick/strong boundary will facilitate it. However, boundaries which present very impermeable and inflexible characteristics and do not allow blending are considered ‘strong’. On the other hand, the boundaries which allow permeations and facilitate blending are flexible and considered ‘weak’. Generally speaking, the boundaries are stronger when directed towards the thinner field, although this may seem functional, as the immanent interests in a specific field may not be the same as the individual’s interests.

Those who control common boundaries are supervisors at work and spouses at home. Other members of the field can be influential in defining the field and boundaries but do not have the power to cross that boundary, as they do not have the flexibility required to deal with these conflicting idiosyncratic demands. However, frequent communication between those who control and cross these boundaries can assist in the sense of achieving a satisfactory level of engagement (CLARK, 2000). Thus, the action of creating and maintaining an institutionalized limit makes the activity of integrating a field with another confusing, that is, getting to another boundary by using a bridge. According to the nature of work-home boundaries, roles tend to be more relevant in certain locations (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996; CLARK, 2000). These agents could create and maintain these boundaries as a way of simplifying and ordering the environment.

A mental boundary

In this sense, for Zerubavel (1996), mental fences are erected around geographical areas, historical events, people, ideas and so on, and are guided functionally or, alternatively, in another pertinent way. This process comprises creating fields which have specific meanings for those involved, creating and/or maintaining their boundaries. Following institutionalization, the boundaries gain an authentic status, even if only mentally, in the sense that individuals see them as they are and act as if they were real. Work, home and church are examples of social fields erected by boundaries, although a specific field could be socially constructed, a place where these social actors can share their various meanings (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996; CLARK, 2000).

Mental boundaries preserve the idiosyncratic characteristics of each field of action. These boundaries present distinct ways of how to mentally project the limit between work and home, with them now favouring segmentation and integration. This cognitive boundary is influenced by the structural characteristics of work and home, such as the physical, social and cultural environment of each of these fields (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996; 2010). Consequently, the boundary theory explains how the mechanisms are constructed, modified and maintained, either individually or collectively, in these boundaries. Therefore, these limits may refer to physical, temporal and cognitive limits (SUNDARAMURTHY; KREINER, 2008).

However, with what could be freely defined as the boundary theory, the active agents explore the concept of this theory and share how a limit could be described in terms of the interface with the environment (role of the boundary) and nature or content (role of identity). The concept has been used in various subjects to refer to a physical, time, emotional, cognitive and relational limit, and conceptualize them as separate entities (NIPPERT-ENG, 1996; ZERUBAVEL, 1996; ASHFORTH; KREINER; FUGATE, 2000). These agents may create and maintain these boundaries as a way of simplifying and ordering the environment. Thus, for Zerubavel (1996), mental fences are erected around geographical areas, historical events, people, ideas and so on, guided functionally or in another pertinent way.

Summarizing, when an individual places his/her work at an organization as a priority, the majority of his/her ways and reflections revolve around this occupation and, thus, if there is excessive identification, authors (such as ASHFORTH; MAEL, 1989; BREWER, 1991; ROCCAS; BREWER, 2002; ASHFORTH; HARRISON; CORLEY, 2008; MARRA, FONSECA; MARQUES, 2014) also confirm that in these circumstances individual identity is completely affected and subjugated to the identity connected to the organization. In this expectation, the individuals transfer their specific characteristics into the organization and absorb aspects of it, as if they were inbuilt in themselves. Consequently, it is attributed that, in this case, an affinity, bond and affection with this organization remain in the individual.

Methodology

With the aim of achieving the intended objectives, this research is presented qualitatively, with an interpretive approach, favouring a Grounded Theory focus on data analysis. The ontological orientation observed was subject-object interaction, not considering the existence of a totally objective reality; it is an intersubjective reality (GIL, 2008). The social constructivist epistemological position is an extremely useful research lens to study how reality is constructed through interactions between people and the world in which they live: ‘boundary theory’ (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2009).

Thus, according to Flores (1994) and Saccol (2009), the modus operandi et argumentandi of the philosophical instance, which presented the basic presuppositions of a world vision, was the interpretivist paradigm, as it seeks to understand a social phenomenon from the participants’ perspective. With regards to the aims, the study is classified as descriptive and cross-sectional, in order to contribute to further studies (GIL, 2008).

Sample

The research subjects were pastors affiliated to the General Convention of the Assemblies of God in Brazil (CGADB), were married and, according to society, they led a traditional family life. Therefore, they experience challenges in both boundary limits. As leaders of a religious institution, these evangelical pastors also simultaneously exercise various functions, such as budget management, hiring and dismissing assistants, accounts management and running meetings, among other tasks.

Furthermore, we established the criterion of keeping a link only with the pastors who were considered the holders of adequate administrative and spiritual ecclesiastical experience, and which could enable knowledge construction from personal experience in the face of these churches. For such, we selected Evangelical ministers aged between 38 and 70 years old as long as none of them had less than 10 years of ecclesiastical experience as a presiding pastor in a church affiliated to the CGADB. Due to this peculiarity, the pastoral ministry does not allow females; we only considered male pastors when composing this selection.

Data collection

The selection of interviewees was by convenience and organized by the use of a technique called ‘snowballing’, as the participants were reached through personal contacts, friends and acquaintances (GLASER; STRAUSS, 1967; BIERNACKI; WALDORF, 1981; PEDERNEIRAS et al., 2011). Construction of the research corpus demonstrates that the size of the sample is relevant until there is evidence of data saturation (GLASER; STRAUSS, 1967; PAIVA JÚNIOR; LEÃO; MELLO, 2011). Data collection was carried out by holding interviews, according to a semi-structured script established by adapting the interview protocol used in Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep’s (2009) research. This script allowed for greater freedom to pose related questions which had not previously been anticipated, giving the research greater flexibility.

In order to eliminate the inaccuracies of field notes and expand the detailing of access to the information attained, the contents of the interviews were recorded and transcribed (GODOI; BANDEIRA DE MELLO; DA SILVA, 2010). Three interviews were held at a location established a priori by each pastor, at a previously arranged time and date. The recordings only took place after the interviewees’ permission was given, under the condition that their anonymity was protected. The respondents were advised that their replies would not be considered right or wrong, nor would an evaluation of their abilities be the object of this study (GODOY, 2006).

Data analysis procedures

Furthermore, we highlight that the audio for each interview was transcribed by professionals qualified in the subject and duly hired for the total execution of the task. The reproductions resulted in 630 pages of text with double spacing and came to a total of twenty hours and thirty-three minutes of uninterrupted work. A reference code, comprising letters and numbers, relating the respondent to the numerical order of the interview, was given to analyse and detail the 20 interviews. NVivo 11 software was also used. Hashtags were applied merely as links to identify the PP (President Pastor) interviewee and ordered number of the conversation (from 01 to 20), varying from PP#01 to PP#20. However only 11 of the 20 interviews were considered for the present study, identified as follows: PP#04, PP#06, PP#07, PP#09, PP#10, PP#12, PP#13, PP#14, PP#17, PP#19 and PP#20.

Presentation of the results, analysis and interpretation

We sought to describe the intense demands and conflicts of identity imposed on this challenging occupation: evangelical pastors. The literature explains the expression “social identification” in two ways, one as a ‘state’ which refers to that part of personal identity which derives from its association with a social group (e.g., a club, religious denomination and educational institution, among others). The second form refers to the ‘process’ of aligning personal and social identity (BREWER, 1991; 1993). Thus, understanding the construction of identity becomes imperative, as it addresses a cyclical process which does not end when the individual initially identifies with an institution (KRAMER; LEONARDELLI; LIVINGSTON, 2011).

As a result, the identity is adjusted, evolves and is subject to various influences, including organizational, professional and vocational demands. However, the individual impetus for personal social change (ASHFORTH; MAEL, 1989; KRAMER; LEONARDELLI; LIVINGSTON, 2011; MARRA; FONSECA; MARQUES, 2014), is described in the following interview given by minister PP#16.

In fact it is not your own choice, taken from the moment that a person takes the decision to serve God and then, God, ‘I believe’, he specifically calls each one for that work which is useful, so, I understand the ministry as a gift from God; it is not a personal choice... In fact, ‘as I understand it’, a pastor is not a pastor for a period of time; from the moment that he is called by God to the pastorate, I believe that he is a pastor 24 hours a day; there is no separation.

Identity demands and identity tensions

It was possible to document some of the expectations of functional and ontological identity through these questions. Vocational calling to religious practice brings a range of demands regarding the minister of the Gospel’s individual or even social identity, which directly reflect on work-home interactions. These pastors have a multiplicity of responsibilities, as well as being supervised by CGADB, in terms of faith, morality and ethics, as set out in the association’s statute. However, its parishioners also indirectly require a code of ethical and moral conduct, specifically for their environment, as shown on Table 1.

Table 1
Identity demands and identity tensions.

Name	Description
Identity demands:socialidentity as calling	Vocation is perceived as a divine calling and not as a secular labour occupation.
Identity expectations, functional or ontological	High expectations placed on the individual about what should be done or said (functional), or about what their image should transmit (ontological).
Identity tensions:overidentifications	Excessive identification with one's ecclesiastical responsibility, which causes personal identity that sometimes is not noticed by the individual.

• Source: The authors.

In addition to this pattern of behaviour, which at times is also required from his family, is a type of personal reflection with the Church. Thus, a positive correlation between the demands and conflicts of identity as a determining factor in deliberations regarding a unique taxonomy versus integration (KRAMER; LEONARDELLI; LIVINGSTON, 2011) was found. Therefore, these ministers’ perception regarding their calling as a sacerdotal vocation is understood.

Identity demands: social identity as calling

According to Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2006c), a priest’s social identity is typically associated with the priesthood as a divine calling and not a job. When a pastor was questioned about his reason for becoming a priest, he replied: “A call from God” (PP#11) and another replied: “First of all it is a call from God because, in fact, we do not appoint ourselves as pastors, we are called for this purpose by God” (PP#13).

Identity expectations: functional or ontological

The research subjects order their vocations at a real level, in contrast to the expectations from those directly or indirectly involved. These characteristics are dichotomous; that is, when perceived by the individual about what should be done or said while exercising his priestly function, they reveal his functional property. Meanwhile, when perceived by the same individual as an image that this identity should have towards him or his parishioners, they reveal his ontological property. At times these expectations can take on the form of specific behaviour and occasionally that of ontological expectations.

With this in mind, when questioned on his perception of these characteristics an interviewee replied:

[...] I understand that every pastor..., he is not an employee like someone who works at a company but... a job which is much more than working at a company, as a pastor’s responsibility is really great and very complicated because the pastor has to do the work of a father, a lawyer, and he has to be (to a certain extent) a judge; he has to be an adviser... (PP#12).

Identity tensions: overidentification

In the case of these research subjects, the strong identification with their jobs as priests led to a loss of their own or a unique identity, which sometimes they did not perceive. The majority of the research subjects displayed excess identification of their identity with the social group to which it is linked, as they “are psychologically linked to it and its practices, sharing their positive and negative experiences, successes and failures, through a sense of belonging” (MARRA; FONSECA; MARQUES, 2014, p. 53).

Furthermore, evidence that excess identification was a common form for the interviewees interacting with the sacerdotal vocation was observed in the course of the research or, rather, as being healthy and intentional behaviour by them. One of the respondents expressed the following: “I think that separating the function of being a pastor would never happen because after you are ordained, you will always be a pastor (PP#13). [...] Because the spiritual will always overlap the material when exercising citizenship (PP#06)”.

For instance, one of the pastors replied as follows during the interview: “My work colleagues... They say that everything that I do, the way that I deal with people is due to me being a pastor” (PP#09). This infiltration of personal identity with social identity was also perceived in another way, as recounted in a confrontational situation between a person and the municipal town hall: “And after I had shown her the way to resolve the problem... I asked her if she would let me pray for her and I prayed ... I prayed for that woman and at the end she said: Well, conciliator, if my problem is not resolved at the city hall, my personal and emotional problem has now been resolved here (PP#09).

Work-home boundary work tactics

Effectively, in order to allow for greater clarity and parsimony, a more in-depth analysis of certain aspects of the implications reached was also deliberated, including the adaptations required to manage the conflicts which emerge at the work-home boundary limits, notwithstanding their consequences. In addition, the taxonomy of the work-home boundary negotiation tactics added by these pastors in response to the inconsistencies perceived is presented, as shown on Table 2.

Table 2
Work-home boundary work tactics.

Name	Description
PHYSICAL TACTICS
Adapting physical boundaries	Construct or deconstruct physical borders or limits between the work-home domains.
Manipulating physical space	Create or reduce the physical distance between the work-home domains.
Managing physical artefacts	Using tangible items, like the Bible, calendars, keys, photos and e-mail to separate or integrate the work-home domain aspects.
BEHAVIOURAL TACTICS
Using other people	Using other people's abilities and availability, which can be helpful for the work-home boundary (e.g., phone call screening).
Levering technology	Using technology to promote boundary management (voice mail, caller ID, e-mail).
Invoking triage	Prioritizing demands which are apparently urgent and important from the work-home boundary (e.g., pastoral emergency).
Allowing differential permeability	Choose which specific aspects from the work-home boundary will allow permeability.
TEMPORAL TACTICS
Controlling work time	Manipulate regular or sporadic plans (e.g., at the work-home boundary to be used subsequently, decide when to perform other work tasks).
Finding respite	Remove work-home demands from the protocol for a considerable amount of time (e.g., vacation, retreats, and getaways).
COMMUNICATIVE TACTICS
Setting expectations	Managing expectations before a work-home boundary violation (e.g., stating preferences for the parish or for the family before it occurs).
Confronting violators	Confront the work-home boundary violator(s) during or after the boundary violation (e.g., suggest a parish man stop calling the pastor's home for trivial reasons and out of the regular servicing hours).

• Source: The authors.

Physical tactics

The physical boundaries of this work-home environment may undergo alterations, such as a wall at home separating the home office. However, despite the tangible or real perception of physical limits, data from research carried out by Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2009) and Nippert-Eng (1996) suggest that they may be literally and metaphorically manipulated, which is consistent with the social constructivist epistemological lens.

Adapting physical boundaries

Physical boundaries which involve a connection in the work-home interface were established to conserve or dismantle a separation between these fields.

Clergymen in particular showed greater integration in their lives in the work-home relationship. Many dismantled or weakened physical boundaries, even those considered subjective for this purpose. A pastor expressed the following: “I do not have a set time to see anyone... They come and find me at any time and I am available... and there is also a telephone at home” (PP#12). A possible comparison can be made with the meticulous Who’s Who, regarding the ecclesiastical establishment, at times demonstrated in the link with the understanding of his perceived vocational calling.

Manipulating physical space

Through this process, the subject has ways to manipulate the physical limit of work-home boundaries. It should be noted that this is a tactic which allows its use in distinct criteria, that is, as part of long or short-term planning, in response to an immediate difficulty (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2009).

Thus, the research data presents examples which favour this interpretation. This is the case for a pastor who, during the interview, concluded that many years of full-time dedication to ecclesiastical work brought him excessive physical and emotional strain, and an opportunity for him to confess: “If I went back in time, I would not do it like that; I would separate them” (PP#07).

Managing physical artefacts

Physical artefacts are physical and cultural representations, omnipresent in personal and social life and visually prominent and tangible, as evidence of a field or identity, which induce the subject to transcend spatial barriers. These artefacts can be found in and symbolize both fields. Also, according to Nippert-Eng (1996), individuals use them frequently, even if it is subconsciously, as a way of negotiating work-home boundaries. An interviewee described the following: “...put on the jacket; it is not because you put on the jacket that you go to church but you took a jacket, put the Bible under your arm or the briefcase that goes to church ... The pastor is going to church” (PP#18).

The presence of photos of children and the pastors on festive occasions at the church where they were responsible for ecclesiastical administration was noted in the homes where many of the interviews were held through non-participatory observation. Furthermore, the existence of photos of the pastor with members of the church, the temple and their family members on the coffee table was also noted at the pastors’ offices, where some of the interviews were held. Consequently, extensive crossed communication between work and home was seen.

Behavioural tactics

The evidence showed the use of a behavioural tactic to consciously segment or integrate the work-home fields or, in other words, support a mental movement (ZERUBAVEL, 1996). To the author, the transition of conduct in work-home boundaries is a direct result of a state of mind – it is syllogistic and has a psychological premise.

Similarly, and as presented by Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2009), the use of these tactics with the aim of decreasing the inconsistency of the work-home boundary, boundary violations and work-home conflicts were perceived. These tactics emphasize the present condition of negotiating and constructing the work-home boundary and include communicating expectations.

Using other people

The use of the boundary theory concept as a descriptive framework allows the demonstration of role transitions of the individuals researched in this study as an activity socially normalized through the boundary (ASHFORTH; KREINER; FUGATE, 2000). These agents can create and maintain these boundaries as a way of simplifying and ordering the environment (ZERUBAVEL, 1996). Thus, it was used with the intention of segmenting or integrating the work-home field. The interviewees provided the following information:

I am usually more relaxed but when this happens; perhaps I am there resting and then a person calls. Then, usually my wife answers it, if it is something simple; something normal that she can sort out; she does that. If not, she is completely free to call me... (PP#10).

Clark (2000) specifically highlighted the boundary controller’s role, emphasizing the importance of the aspect that the ‘other people’ who are being used are often the same people who are part of the environmental influences of this boundary. Thus, in most cases, they are shown to be those who are part of the family environment. An interviewee expressed the following about the question concerning telephone calls received:

[...] my wife answers 90%, ... She will pass on whoever is calling; whoever wants to speak to me...so we establish a time. For example, if I am in a meeting, logically she asks them to wait until I finish the work that I am doing... (PP#13).

Leveraging technology

The use of technology is shown to be strategic, in so far that it is used to integrate and segment work and home. Some interviewees stated that they chose to segment work and home but, along the same lines, affirmed choosing to integrate, allowing churchgoers to contact them at any time by telephone, WhatsApp and e-mail, etc., without establishing specific times.

When questioned, another pastor revealed that at the time when he was at home with his family, even showing a distinct characteristic from the previous interviewee, he displayed the choice of integrating. And, on the question regarding the time when brothers from the church come to find him, he replied: “Always, on my mobile phone and the phone at home” (PP#06). When questioned which components of the ecclesiastical body have this freedom of calling him at any time, he replied that the church has “complete freedom; all of them” (PP#06), referring to all of the above-mentioned members.

Invoking triage

The demands of activities on the work-home boundary are usually urgent and important, such as taking care of children, other family members, and problems with the car or even activities related to another source of income.

Having said that, the subjects need to decide which fields will receive adequate attention if both are noteworthy. Thus, quick pastoral decisions set off from the principle of having the construction of the meaning of a set of pre-established priorities in advance, before any deviances can occur. An interviewee replied on how he proceeded with pastoral emergencies as follows:

A member called me..., ten o’clock at night... the wife was there, practically ending the marriage and wanted to leave right then. So, I quickly went to their home and we talked and prayed. I stayed there for almost two and a half hours but, in the end, we were very successful and the couple reconciled and stayed together. They are still together today. (PP#20).

Allowing differential permeability

Time limits are distinct for each person, especially on account of their idiosyncrasies, which leads this limit to having a differentiated permeability. For example, some home field domains, whether it is the husband, the wife or the children, can vary in permeability. Thus, they can invoke permeable boundaries with differentiated field levels (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2009). In this case, the data presented greater adherence to work-home permeability than home-work but they revealed an important step in this direction.

An area in which it became clear was how the priesthood tends to select in which aspect of the ministry they involve their spouses and family. Some of the interviewees said that they use real situations when preaching the gospel, and although their families are deeply involved in the work of the church, to a certain extent it may violate the will or privacy of a family.

My daughter had low grades at school...So, I am preaching at church about us going to heaven; our responsibility with God... So, it is also like this at school. Including my daughter; when this happened with her... The teacher; he is a teacher and he explained the whole subject. So, he is going to say at the end of the year: here are the students who have passed; those who did not pass and those who are having make-up classes. So, I have already quoted this example at church. (PP#17).

Temporal tactics

Today’s society brings considerable temporal challenges for the contemporary worker, including regarding ecclesiastical activities. So, technological and competitive tendencies, as well as the possible transformations in exercising a ministerial vocation, reinforced by additional loads of work, which result in expectations about the time that should be spent in order to achieve work-home balance, may happen in an environment that is in a lower level compared to the one considered ideal and wished for. In this sense, these evangelical ministers make strategic choices about the temporary demands around work, that is, how, when and how much time should be dedicated to ecclesiastical activity (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2006a; 2009; NIPPERT-ENG, 1996).

Controlling work time

As in areas of activity in professional life which are not merely sacerdotal, there are numerous demands which require time to address. Administering this time in the search for personal satisfaction in daily activities is required.

One method involved advanced design planning in order to maximize time spent with the family. An interviewee explained about his pastoral visits: “I always try to teach my members... that it is good to be in our brother’s house. When he needs it, you drop by and make a quick visit and each of us are in our own homes” (PP#20). And, when asked if he thought that he had enough time for himself, he replied: “I make a life schedule; especially because sometimes, what happens sometimes is that we, as pastors, as leaders, I usually take my car and drive to a nearby beach, sit down… organize my ideas slowly” (PP#20).

On the same subject, another interviewee said that one day of rest was set every week and that he “acted naturally” on this day. “It is a day of rest” (PP#19). But he advised that, if necessary, this day of rest would be immediately interrupted and gave an example of this: “It is a day of rest but I am on call! It is like a soldier; he was not conscripted but is waiting to be called at any time” (PP#19).

Finding respite

Improvising routine stoppages, together with other activities, such as holidays and spiritual retreats, can provide a significant improvement to work-home interactions and the general well-being of the community, as well as preventing or even extending opportunities for boundary violations (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2009).

Aiming to successfully use the time tactic, the respondents recognized that it was necessary to leave the city where they live, such as having one day off per week, or even annual holidays, which only bring the results desired when certain criteria are observed, such as physical distance. When asked if, at the time when he takes a holiday, he distances himself from his church or home, one pastor replied: “I go... away with my family; we get in the car and go out of the state. I leave the vice-president there and I leave... to spend some time with my family; to really get some rest”. (PP#06). Similarly, another pastor explained: “You can’t do it on one date but you can do it on another. So I have the right to holidays; I have a day off every week... sometimes I don’t do it on the day that I want but we can do it” (PP#04).

Communicative tactics

The last of the four classifications for tactics to negotiate the work-home boundary consists of communicative strategies. In this case, it is about the cognition as an element that is vital to each of the previous classifications.

Setting expectations

Determining perspectives means linear or dimensional preferences of the work-home boundary for members, such as spouses, relatives, children and parishioners, among other interested parties (KREINER; HOLLENSBE; SHEEP, 2009). The following case shows the type of communication at the moment when a pastor receives a call at an unconventional time: “I usually guide this person and say, ‘Look, why don’t you try to act like this’” (PP#14). Another interviewee, when questioned on this theme, expressed: “We teach this at church, at the service; the brethren are aware of this” (PP#09).

Confronting violators

Parallel to the previous “setting expectations” tactic, the “confronting violators” technique takes place after a problem occurs with work-home boundaries. These situations often acquire the form of previously described boundary violations but the distinction is within the timing of the occasion. According to Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2009), this tactic is used to correct behaviour seen as inappropriate for the work-home boundary.

A brother comes looking for you, and in the conversation he has that personal demand, so you already see that there is no need to make a storm in a tea cup. That, in our conversation, he is advised to be patient, to wait... it is not something for now, it is... long term (PP#17).

It is perceived that the efficacy of the above-mentioned tactics is shown by their intervention and an a posteriori explanation. Therefore, the data display the result of a sensitive experience and not mere speculation (FLORES, 1994). In the example given, it is noted that these pastors interpreted their parishioners’ requirements and, through dialogue, made them see that some aspects of their demands were not as urgent as they had imagined. Obviously, not all of the situations fall into the categories shown as being a boundary violation but the objectivity of the examples presents the inter-subjectivity of the boundary theory nature.

Discussion and conclusions

Analysing the process of adapting and managing domestic and professional conflicts, which interfere in the harmony of evangelical pastors’ work and homes, was central to this research. Thus, the purpose which tends to be propaedeutic, that is, to reach, even if only partially, aedificium scientia as a demonstrative and apodictic system, does not remain merely as an ideal but, instead, as an apophantic connection between theory and practice.

At this juncture, the search for greater integration reflects the tendency for weakening work-home boundaries, and, upon analysing the structure of ecclesiastical government, we noticed through research data, non-participant analysis and secondary data, that the lesser the power of the ecclesiastical establishment, the higher the tendency for the pastor to individually seek to assert himself with the members of this church. Thus, the presence of characteristics of a transformational leadership is manifested through individualist values linked to success and excellence, parallel to the sacerdotal vocation. Adopting the principles of adaptability, innovation and competitiveness are shown to be subjectively in tune with vocational objectives.

In light of this, a number of reflections emerge from this study. While the same taxonomy used by Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2009) was found, the sharp distinction noted was that the subjects leaned more towards integration in their work-home boundary interactions. Thus, this phenomenon was seen as a consequence of the ecclesiastical government structure. Through this management system, it is shown to be interspersed, as if dealing with a pact between the way of congregating and episcopal government, which can also be explained by the expression Ecclesiola in Ecclesia, and that is, to some extent, observing small churches within a larger one. It is highlighted that these small churches, although integrated into a larger context, in this case the CGADB, maintain their own freedom, autonomy and sovereignty. In these terms, according to Aristotle (2010), the spoudaios or, that is, a mature man, is one who has made his soul submit to reason, by making reality his traditional state of mind.

The prominent distinction in relation to Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep’s (2009) research was regarding the strategies of using other people and applying technology as a way of bringing individuals together, even if they are at a distance. In this way, at times in which assistance is not possible, other people make up for the pastor’s absence using technology. These people are always attentive to their religious community’s needs. Consequently, the point in common is in the perception that these tactics are synergistic, in the sense that they extend the benefits or uses of the strategies employed by the subjects, with the aim of easing a conflict and even reducing urgent violations.

Proceeding with this line of thinking, a more intensive presence of violation by intrusion than violation at a distance was demonstrated, interspersed in the pastors’ daily lives. Consequently, when these pastors try to segment work-home boundaries, integration is enforced by using various strategies (e.g., strategies of using other people or even technology). This phenomenon became evident on observing that social identity, invigorated by excessive identification regarding its functional or ontological expectation, expresses the immanent desire to belong or the presupposition prevalent in this observed behaviour of the relevance of the place of belonging. Consequently, the focus of the generation which is fixed to organizations is perceived.

Thus, the research data reinforced the presence of awareness as a delimiting parameter for the sense of responsibility as to how the consequences that each one of their acts and thoughts will continue eternally with this minister, boasting a self-identity. In this sense, the immanent feeling of responsibility for something in life was seen in the subjects, as a way of training them to transcend a difficult situation. Therefore, loyalty to the meaning of obedient existence to a vocation was the determining element to the meaning of individual life and the cognoscitive strength of the mind and, in these terms, this perception is in line with Frankl’s (2009) study. Therefore, a distinct, deep and permanent trait in the individual of seeing things in his daily rhetoric was revealed.

A clear example of the comparative distinction of the research results was seen through the strength of culture displayed in this country, where all of these pastors are incorporated into Brazilian culture. A culture which is, according to Hofstede (2001), a more collectivist culture than American culture, defined by the author as more individualist (in the calculation of a comparative analysis of these countries). Thus, the results defended by Brewer (1991) and Kreiner, Hollensbe and Sheep (2006c), that the desire for more inclusion leads to a preference for integration tactics, was confirmed.

From this perspective, investigating the imaginary and psychology of the ecclesiastical classes was required to try to explain the causes of their individual and social behaviour and firm attachment to their doctrinal and dogmatic concepts. In this case, we concluded that someone that does something vocational is wholeheartedly dedicated to something, without economic need or pleasure. Or better still, it drives them to continue to be dedicated to this task, as if it was the most important thing in the world, even when it makes them tired and causes physical and mental strain. Consequently, we recommend future studies focus on the possibility of redesigning the organizational locus, with the view to discovering the point to which the research subject withstands the loss of a sense of belonging and its correlated consequences. Notwithstanding, future studies could focus on these ministers’ familiar social locus with the objective of confronting the perception of reality experienced by their spouses and children, that is, how the presiding pastors’ wives see the work-home boundary nature of negotiation within the ecclesiastical practice scope.

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Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  Oct-Dec 2017

History

• Received
  26 Nov 2016
• Accepted
  12 July 2017