The Ford Foundation Fellowships Program: 12 years of operation in Brazil

Abstract

The goal of this study is to evaluate the first affirmative action initiative developed for graduate students in Brazil, which was called The International Scholarship Program of the Ford Foundation (IFP). The present quantitative evaluation is based on the description of its beneficiary students. The IFP provided postgraduate scholarships for candidates from black, brown and indigenous populations, preferably from Brazil’s North, Northeast and Central-West regions. Based on data from IFP’s records and from the Lattes Platform, we identified the 343 fellows and conducted their scientometric description. The contribution of this study consists in summarizing information about the program’s actual impact on the Brazilian context, as well as its importance to the academic trajectories of its beneficiaries.

Keywords:
Ford Foundation; Affirmative Action; Scholarship; Academic Description; Lattes Curriculum

Resumo

O objetivo deste trabalho é avaliar a primeira iniciativa de ação afirmativa para a pós-graduação desenvolvida no Brasil, o Programa Internacional de Bolsas da Fundação Ford (IFP) com a caracterização de seus beneficiários. O Programa ofertou bolsas de pós-graduação para candidatos de cor/raça preta, parda e indígena, moradores, preferencialmente, das regiões norte, nordeste e centro-oeste. Com base em dados dos cadastros do Programa e da Plataforma Lattes, foi possível tanto a identificação dos 343 bolsistas quanto sua caracterização cientométrica. A contribuição deste trabalho recai na sumarização de informações sobre o real impacto do programa no contexto nacional e sua importância nas trajetórias acadêmicas dos beneficiários.

Palavras-chave:
Fundação Ford; Ação Afirmativa; Bolsistas; Caracterização Acadêmica; Currículo Lattes

Introduction

One of the most recurrent themes in discussions on higher education and racial relationships in the last decade is the affirmative action policies implemented at the beginning of the 21st century in Brazil. The concept of affirmative action used in this study refers to:

[...] a compensatory or preventive action that seeks to correct a situation of discrimination and inequality that has been inflicted on particular groups in the past, present and future, for a limited period. Emphasis on one or more of these aspects will depend on the target group and the historical and social context (Moehlecke, 2002, p. 203).

An important aspect of this definition is that it addresses the issue of confronting discrimination and can be understood in two ways: in the context of the expansion of cultural diversity in Brazilian society and, more specifically, in higher education, as discussed by Munanga (2003) and Gomes (2011); and in the context of another current of studies focused on the inequalities that characterize the differentiated and underrepresented access of blacks to higher education, as examined in the studies of Beltrão and Teixeira (2004) and Paixão (2010). The first affirmative action policies in the world date back to the mid-twentieth century, in quotas for castes in public administration and education in India (1947), and/or the civil rights struggles in the United States (1953) (Moehlecke, 2000; Ferez Jr.; Dalfon, 2014).

For the Brazilian reality in general, the first experiences of differentiating policies must be associated with changes after 1930, with the 1934 “Law of Two-Thirds”, which determined that two-thirds of the workers hired by companies should be Brazilian; in 1968, “the Law of the Ox” determined that agricultural vocational education (secondary education) or agricultural training at Veterinary or Agriculture schools (higher education) should have 50% of their classes reserved for farmers and their families (Ferez Jr.; Campos, 2014; Gomes, 2003).

Part of the affirmative action or differentiated service policies is proposed and funded by non-governmental institutions, including the Ford Foundation¹, which sponsors the International Fellowships Program (IFP), whose results in terms of inclusion of its beneficiaries are presented in this study.

As a development agency, the Ford Foundation dedicates to public administration as one of its main areas of interest. According to Faria and Costa (2006, p. 161):

The Foundation’s unrestricted support for social diversity and democratic participation is manifested through the funding of programs focused on, e.g., gender issues, women’s health, sustainable development models, health programs, educational reform, ethnic-racial issues, social inequality, environment and natural resources (biodiversity), social movements.

The International Fellowships Program, known in Brazil as Programa Bolsa (Scholarship Program)², is part of a Ford Foundation initiative that funded Affirmative Action-related projects in 22 countries from 2000 to 2012, totaling 4,305 beneficiaries (IFP, 2016).

According to Rosemberg (2003), the program “[…] was the largest initiative funded by the Ford Foundation: $ 280 million over its foreseen ten-year period”. Each country was free to define the affirmative action’s target population and how the initiative should be organized and monitored once it was implemented. In the case of Brazil, the call for projects defined that:

[…] in addition to addressing gender equality, the program should prioritize black and indigenous people, or people from the North, Northeast or Center-West regions who come from families that have had few economic and educational opportunities (Rosemberg, 2013, p. 5).

In its history of initiatives, the IFP adjusted to the reality of each country where it operates in order to be a program that promotes social justice by providing conditions of access to higher education to the most socially and economically disadvantaged. The goal is to ensure greater equity in access to the higher stages of education, which are considered a condition for communities’ personal and social development.

In 2013, the Institute of International Education (IIE) designed and launched the Alumni Tracking Study, a longitudinal, 10-year study to evaluate the impacts of IFP on the trajectories of all its beneficiaries (fellows). The first results, published in a 2016 report including 1,861 alumni (43% of the population served by the program) generally indicated that: 96% finished their studies supported by the scholarship; 92% reported to have more job opportunities in society after the scholarship; 90% agree that the scholarship has increased their commitment to social justice; 84% continue to live in their countries of origin, and 54% in their native communities, among other results.

In Brazil, the Programa Bolsa, under responsibility of the Carlos Chagas Foundation, is recognized as the first affirmative action program for access to postgraduation to be developed in the country. In its 12 years of existence (from 2001 to 2012), the program funded 343 postgraduate scholarships for underrepresented groups (blacks, brown and indigenous people) in this privileged knowledge-building space³. In the end, 308 of them attained their degrees (Master’s or Doctorate), a success rate of 89.8%. In this context, evaluating the impact of this 12-year action is fundamental when affirmative action policies enter graduate programs (Silva, 2016, Filho et al., 2016). The present study intends to contribute quantitative inputs that can be explored and compared with other programs of similar scope.

In this survey, we used the Currículo Lattes⁴ (Lattes Curriculum) as our data source. It is a standardized curricular information system updated by the academics themselves. This platform has been widely used to measure the academic trajectory of researchers, whether to obtain research funding from various foundations, research centers and universities or as an instrument for the evaluation of undergraduate and graduate programs (Luiz, 2006; Silva, 2004). In this respect, this instrument proved relevant to investigate the academic trajectories of IFP alumni, since we located 300 (97.4%) updated curricula of the program’s 308 beneficiaries and graduates (i.e., fellows whose Master’s or doctoral research was approved).

Affirmative Action and the Access of Blacks to Education

Studies about black people in Brazil date from the turn of the twentieth century. From the 1930’s onwards, the discourse of Brazilian social thought began to spread the ideology of a racial democracy mainly based on authors such as Gilberto Freyre and Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, among others, who demonstrate in their works that Brazil shows a peaceful and cordial encounter between the three founding races (white, black and Indian), thus blurring the violence and the originary domination relationships that have taken place since the process of European colonization. It was not until 1960’s that criticism of these theories took hold and they began to be called the “myth of racial democracy”, thus revealing the power relationships associated with the ideal of a “whiter” Brazil and exposing racism in Brazilian society (Moura, 1988).

However, discussions on education and racial relationships have been present in society since the late nineteenth century, during the procedures to enact the Law of Free Womb, when the schooling of slaves was presented as a way to prepare them for life in freedom. If in the early twentieth century the view disseminated in society was that blacks themselves were responsible for their precarious educational situation, that view gradually changed. In the 1940’s and 1950’s, the Black Movement began to demand schooling for blacks as a social problem, rather than a black-related problem (Gonçalves; Silva, 2000; Pinto, 2013).

In this area, the studies of Carlos Hasenbalg and Nelson do Valle e Silva are an important reference as they pioneered in the 1980’s the analyzes of national databases with regard to color/race to indicate that the educational inequalities found between whites and blacks were not limited to socioeconomic issues, i.e., the discussion should not be associated only with the structure of social classes/strata but also with the racial structure. In other words, Brazilian inequalities must be evaluated considering the racism that persists in the Brazilian social and historical structures (Miranda; Aguiar; Di Piero, 2004). At the same time, the organized Black Movement itself publicized the need for access, permanence and quality in education for blacks at all education levels, including higher education.

From the late 1980’s to the early 1990’s, race relationships became more prominent in educational research. In 1986, the Carlos Chagas Foundation (FCC) held an event to take stock of the theoretical output on race, blacks and education (Miranda; Aguiar; Di Piero, 2004, p.14). In 1987, FCC’s journal Cadernos de Pesquisa, issue no. 63, published a dossier with 37 articles dedicated to the subject of Black Race and Education.

For many decades until the end of the twentieth century, the subject of racial relationships, when discussed at all, was predominantly “the object of knowledge historically produced by white academics, whose epistemology is based on research about blacks” (Figueiredo; Grosfoguel, 2007, p.36). It became evident that research conducted by black academics had no visibility. Among the various milestones in the consolidation of the subject of racial relationships and education, it is worth highlighting the foundation of the Brazilian Association of Black Researchers⁵ (ABPN), in the 2000’s. According to Gomes (2012, p.740):

The ABPN was created to bring together black and non-black researchers who study racial relationships and other subjects of interest to the black population, to produce scientific knowledge on racial themes and to academically construct a place of recognition of the black movement’s social experiences as valid knowledge.

Affirmative Action Policies and the Change in Brazilian Higher Education’s Racial Profile

Affirmative action policies for the entry of young people from underrepresented groups (self-declared blacks, browns and Indians) into Brazilian higher education were consolidated at the beginning of this twenty-first century. Legislation like the Statute of Racial Equality (Law No. 12,288) (Brasil, 2010) and the Law of Quotas (Law No. 12,711) (Brasil, 2012) institutionalized affirmative action processes and initiatives proposed in different educational institutions, in addition to ensuring a greater proportion of blacks, browns and Indians in accessing the higher levels (degrees) of education in Brazil, especially higher education. Affirmative actions in higher education are made up of quota policies for access to undergraduate programs in the public higher education system, as well as by the University for All (Prouni)⁶ program and the Fund for Student Financing (Fies)⁷, both of which in the private system⁸. The first experiences with the use of quotas were conducted at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ) and the State University of Norte Fluminense (UENF) in 2003 (Machado, 2013), at the State University of Bahia (UNEB) in 2004 (Queiroz, Santos, 2006) and at the University of Brasília (UnB) in 2004 (Velloso, 2004). In terms of government structure, these policies were initially defined at state level and through specific state laws and, more recently, through federal legislation.

It is worth stressing that affirmative action policies are not limited to quotas. Since the 1990’s, initiatives in terms of popular preparatory programs through extra classes were developed in order to improve student performance in college admission tests, e.g., the experiences of the Steve Biko Cultural Institute (ICBSB) in Bahia (Moehlecke, 2000) and the popular preparatory programs organized by the Afro-descendant Education and Citizenship (Educafro) (Souza, 2009), which prioritized black students or students from public schools as their target audiences. Another important initiative is the addition of points (bonus) to the scores of candidates from target groups in college admission tests, like the systems developed by the University of São Paulo (USP) and the State University of Campinas (Unicamp) (Souza, 2012; Tessler; Pedrosa, 2008)⁹. According to Feres Jr. and Daflon (2013), of the public higher education institutions that implemented affirmative action policies, 50% chose quotas, 10% some kind of test score bonus, 4.3% increased the number of students admitted each year to serve this particular public, and the other 35.7% developed different combinations of these modalities. After admission, programs to fund the permanence of students in higher education are also fundamental.

It is necessary to remember that these actions take place within the struggles of social movements, particularly the Black Movement, which since the 1940’s has been exposing the inequalities between the access of the dark-skinned¹⁰ and whites to social goods and has continuously demanded greater equality between groups in different social spheres: access, permanence and quality in education, access and quality in health care, political participation and access to the job market.

With regard to differentiated access to postgraduation, which is the highest stage of formal education, experiences are recent and were implemented at the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro, UnB, Unicamp (Cerqueira, Roberto, 2014, Silva, 2016) and in three graduate programs in Law at the Federal University of Pará (UFPA), at the Federal University of Paraíba (UFPB) and at USP (Unbehaum and León, Carvalho, 2015).

An overview of the expansion of access for blacks, browns (combined in the dark-skinned category) and Indians at undergraduate and graduate levels is described in Charts 1 and 2 - data were collected from the National Household Sample Survey (Pnad)¹¹ for undergraduate level and from the Demographic Census for postgraduation, both of which were conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE).

Chart 1
Distribution of Undergraduate Students by Color/Race – Pnad 2001 to 2015

Chart 2
Distribution of Postgraduation Students by Color/Race – Demographic Census, 2000-2010

The total growth rate from 2001 to 2015 was 106.9%. For blacks, the rate reaches 571.5%, and for browns, 281.6%. In contrast, whites increased their presence by only 49.2%. The growth rate for blacks should be relativized considering that the initial value is small (84,000) compared to the other groups (whites and browns); thus, each new entry ends up having a greater weight on the rate variation.

If we divide the analysis in two periods - i.e., 2001 to 2007 and 2009 to 2015 -, we can see that blacks’ increase is greater for the first period, i.e., 136.2% in contrast with 47.1% for the 2009-2015 interval. These results may be associated with the affirmative action policies developed in higher education institutions (HEIs) in the early 2000’s, as said earlier.

With regard to post-graduation, we initially intended to use Pnad data in the analysis. However, due to the variation found in the number of postgraduation students (see the difference between the 2002-2003 and 2005-2006 intervals) and the comparison with data from GeoCapes¹² described in Table 1, we decided to present data from the Demographic Censuses (2000 and 2010), which provided greater robustness on the sample expansion (see Chart 2).

Table 1
Comparison of the Number of Postgraduation Students for Pnad, GeoCapes and Demographic Censuses

	Pnad	GeoCapes	Demographic Censuses
2000	-	117,595	158,889
2001	267,356	126,496	-
2002	293,519	137,406	-
2003	307,098	147,972	-
2004	323,687	151,011	-
2005	310,933	163,671	-
2006	379,313	174,047	-
2007	322,834	184,466	-
2008	326,608	196,843	-
2009	327,664	211,224	-
2010	-	224,316	277,916
2011	387,436	245,189	-
2012	329,938	264,767	-
2013	382,710	283,622	-
2014	358,064	302,034	-
2015	368,047	325,230	-

BME (2016)GeoCapes (2016)

The total variation rate for the 2000-2010 period is 74.9%. For blacks, the rate reaches 192.7% and, for browns, 195%. For whites, the variation rate is 56.1%.

The increased representation of the dark-skinned in higher education both at undergraduate and graduate levels is representative, as described in the literature (Paixão, 2010, Feres Jr., 2014), but is still far from the representation of groups in the Brazilian population. Table 2 shows the representation of each group compared to the total population.

Table 2
Distribution of Undergraduate and Postgraduation Students by Color/Race - Demographic Census, 2010

%	Population	Undergraduate Students	Graduate Students
Blacks	7.5	5.4	3.9
Browns	43.4	30.4	18.8
Dark-skinned	50.9	35.8	22.7
Whites	47.5	63.9	76.9

BME (2016)

It is important to note that blacks, who represent over half the Brazilian population, have a much smaller presence at undergraduate level (35.8%), a ratio of 3 whites for each black. At the graduate level, this distance is 4 whites for each black, with a presence of 76.9% whites. The inequalities are still significant, however, data show a change in the Brazilian population’s higher education profile. Several factors have contributed to these transformations (Paixão, 2010).

Below we present information on a particular affirmative action program, namely the International Fellowships Program (IFP), which, though on a small scale, has contributed to a positive change in the profile of black students in Brazilian postgraduate programs, given the inclusion they experienced in Brazilian universities. The experience of the IFP can help provide basis for the debate on the relevance of affirmative action policies in education and in the production of knowledge.

The Programa Bolsa and Affirmative Actions in Postgraduation

In Brazil, the program consisted in providing its beneficiaries with preparation for postgraduation selective processes; therefore, it should not be included in the category of quotas. The goal of the initiative was to support people from groups that are underrepresented at undergraduate level, people who showed outstanding academic and leadership potential as well as a commitment to social issues. The selected candidates received grants above the ones paid by research development institutions (e.g., CAPES, CNPq), as well as funds for research, attending events, training, purchasing material, among other requirements. A Carlos Chagas Foundation team assisted by experts conducted the selection process and followed up the candidates from the graduate project design stage to the selection of programs. Candidates were followed up throughout the programs until they defended their Master’s/ doctorate theses.

From 2001 to 2012, 8 calls for projects were carried out, which corresponded to 8 groups of fellows and over 8,000 applications. During this period, 343 people were benefited, predominantly from Brazil’s North, Northeast and Central-West regions and, for the most part, blacks, browns and Indians from the lowest socioeconomic strata.

The first IFP student groups coincided with the first experiences of affirmative action for access to undergraduate level developed in Brazilian public universities. The debates on the subject were taking place in various academic and social spheres, the media brought a tense, partial debate on quotas, with both favorable and contrary positions on the rights of access to Brazilian universities, the implications thereof and the need to create differentiating policies for groups that are underrepresented in that space of knowledge (Feres Jr., 2014).

Considering the existing modalities of affirmative action, the Programa Bolsa falls into cost-funding prior to enrollment (preparatory) and during the postgraduation period, in addition to guidelines for candidates on their trajectories. The project did not aim to question or cause changes in the processes of selection/admission to postgraduation, but rather strengthen students’ financial conditions through grant amounts above the ones paid by other development institutions, as well as funds for trips to carry out research or attend events and foreign language courses. An FCC team followed up the entire scholarship period, assisting with academic issues in order to facilitate the education trajectory by making the program’s beneficiaries more competitive in institutionalized selection processes. In other words, admission continued to occur through effort/merit.

In 2016, the Carlos Chagas Foundation developed a project to evaluate the impact of the International Fellowships Program (IFP) on the racial relationships agenda, as well as on beneficiaries’ social mobility and sociopolitical commitment to the issue. The study consisted of an electronic questionnaire which was answered by 71.4% of the fellows (225 of the 343 fellows); in addition, information was collected from the application forms of the successful candidates in order to understand their trajectories prior to entering the Program - the Memória IFP (IFP Memory) - and combined with academic information collected from fellows’ Curríulo Lattes, the analysis of which is presented and discussed in this article .

Analysis of the Lattes Curriculum of IPF Alumni

Due to its relevance in the areas of information production and management combined with its use by research development agencies, the Lattes Platform curriculum is a privileged tool for constructing the profile and academic trajectory of Brazilian active researchers.

For the present study, we located information on 300 of the 308 fellows who completed a postgraduation program in the context of the IFP. We present information on fellows’ sex and color/race (obtained from FCC records), their study area, articles published in journals and scientific co-authorship. These data allow the scientometric analysis of fellow’s profile in Brazil’s main platform for measuring scientific, technological and academic output. In some cases, data are presented in the form of graphs, separating the profiles of men and women.

Processing Data from the Lattes Platform

For all fellows, all academic information contained in the Lattes curricula was collected using their personal identifiers (i.e., their 16-digit Lattes IDs); that information was updated until November 6, 2016 (final date of data collection). To process all the curricular information, we used scriptLattes¹³, a computing tool. For each fellow, we collected data for the period from his/her entry into the program (which ranged from 2002 to 2010) to 2016. In addition, information was collected about the date of last updating for each fellow in the Lattes Platform curriculum, his/her primary study area, and the knowledge area he/she works in. The co-authoring networks between IFP fellows were also obtained using scriptLattes. The network corresponds to the co-authoring of any type of bibliography (e.g., books, book chapters, articles in a journal, articles in an event) which were recorded in the curricula. The process the tool uses to obtain the co-authoring network consists in comparing all titles of publications of the same type for the same year. If two publications are similar, both are marked as a co-authored publication. It is worth noting that this procedure only allows obtaining co-authorship between fellows, i.e., endogenous co-authorship.

Results

General Characteristics

This study presents the main results obtained from the fellow’s Lattes curricula that were found. The presence of 83.3% of blacks is consistent with the program’s proposal. A group of 12 self-declared whites was also beneficiary of the Program¹⁴ by decision of the selection committee. A 2013 report of the IFP says that 50% of the scholarships were given to women, and 95%¹⁵ to dark-skinned and Indian people.

Table 4 shows information regarding the years the curricula were updated in the Lattes Platform, considering that the collection date was November 2016. Curriculum updating can be understood as a proxy for academic inclusion, since the curriculum becomes almost mandatory in selective processes related to higher education institutions in Brazil.

Table 3
Distribution by Sex and Color/Race Based on the Lattes Platform

	White		Black		Brown		Indian		Total
	N	%	N	%	N	%	N	%	N	%
Women	3		103	55.1%	30	47.6%	15	39.5%	151	50.3%
Men	9		84	44.9%	33	52.4%	23	60.5%	149	49.7%
Total	12	4.0%	187	62.3%	63	21.0%	38	12.7%	300	100.0%

IFP (2018)

Table 4
Percentage Distribution per Year of Lattes Curriculum Update

%	2016	2015	2014	2013	2012	2011	2010	Prior to 2010	Total
White	75.0%	8.3%	8.3%					8.3%	100.0%
Black	68.4%	10.7%	5.3%	4.2%	2.7%	2.7%	1.6%	4.2%	100.0%
Brown	69.8%	14.3%	6.3%	4.7%		1.6%	1.6%	1.6%	100.0%
Indian	47.4%	18.4%	18.4%	5.2%	2.6%	2.6%	2.6%	2.6%	100.0%

IFP (2018)

The data above show that two-thirds of the fellows updated their curriculum in the data collection year (2016), with a slightly lower rate for Indians (47.4%). Considering the three-year period from 2014 to 2016, 86.2% of the alumni updated their Lattes curriculum.

One of IFP’s concerns when selecting candidates from the North, Northeast and Central-West regions is that, upon completion of their postgraduate studies (e.g., after attaining their degree), fellows would hopefully return to their home region¹⁶ . Data from the Survey Report (2016) indicate that, of the 205 candidates who replied about their current place of residence, 128 (62.7%) remained in the same place (state) of birth, which indicates that, despite having studied in another place, a significant part returned to their places of origin. To reinforce this idea, we made Figure 1 below, which shows the geolocation map of fellows’ current working places, with a significant distribution in the Northeast, Central-West and North. Each fellow was represented by a balloon with the Lattes Platform logo.

Figure 1
Geolocation Map of Fellows in 2016 – Based on Lattes

Other important data on the group’s characteristics are fellows’ knowledge areas. Of the 300 alumni, 40 either did not report any area or reported it as ‘others’. 177 are associated with Humanities, 45 with Applied Social Sciences, 19 with Linguistics, Letters and Arts, 8 with Health Sciences, 6 with Agrarian Sciences, 3 with Biological Sciences, and 1 with Engineering and 1 with Exact and Earth Sciences. Tables 3 and 4 show fellows’ distribution by area of knowledge for women and men and by color/race. This trend reinforces what has already been described in the literature about the inclusion of blacks in higher education, with a greater presence in the areas of Humanities¹⁷ and Applied Social Sciences¹⁸, which are considered less prestigious (Ricoldi, Artes, 2016). Because the presence of whites is small, analyzes focus on the groups of blacks, browns and Indians.

Just as black women are concentrated in the Humanities, which include Education programs, brown women are mostly in Applied Social Sciences. Comparing the sexes, men are concentrated in Humanities, with a smaller presence in Applied Social Sciences. Indians, both men and women, are concentrated in the Humanities (46.7%).

Chart 3
Distribution by Knowledge Area in Postgraduation, Women – Based on Lattes

Note: those who did not report their areas (30%) were excluded. The “Others” area is not represented in this chart.

Chart 4
Distribution by Knowledge Area in Postgraduation, Men – Based on Lattes

Note: those who did not report their areas were excluded. The “Others” area is not represented in this chart.

The information on knowledge area can be complemented by the place of professional inclusion, obtained through fellows’ work address, which is described in Table 5 below, without the distribution by color/race.

Table 5
Distribution by Type of Working Place Based on Lattes Platform

Work Address		N	%
No Information		116	38.7%
Government*		46	15.3%
HEI	Federal	75	25.0%
	State	16	5.3%
	Total HEI	104	34.7%
Other Institutions/Associations		34	11.3%
Total		300	100.0%

IFP (2018)
• ^*
  Government includes federal, state and municipal departments and institutions, especially the Education Department.

Of the respondents (184 people), most work for federal HEIs, in line with the expectation about beneficiaries’ academic inclusion as defined in IFP’s goals. 15.3% work for government agencies, which mainly include Education Departments.

Scientific Articles

One measure that is available on Lattes and valued in academia is the production of knowledge in the form of scientific articles (books, book chapters, abstracts at events, full articles at events, as well as articles in journals). Of the 300 alumni, 248 (82.7%) published at least one scientific article during the period, and only 52 (17.3%) did not publish. Considering the number of articles published in peer-reviewed journals, we can see that 181 (60.3%) of the alumni published at least one article.

Table 6 presents the total number of articles collected for all IFP beneficiaries. The figures in the table correspond to the sum of all individual outputs, so the articles co-authored by the same fellows may have been counted twice. Co-authoring is explored in the next section.

Table 6
Total Number of Scientific Papers Collected from 300 IFP Alumni

	Total Articles	Mean	Maximum
Article at Congress	1219	4.06	58
Book Chapter	714	2.38	29
Article in Journal	697	2.32	32
Abstract	556	1.85	31
Book	288	0.96	25
Extended Abstract	203	0.67	21

IFP (2018)

The main type of bibliographic output corresponds to full papers published at congresses (4 articles on average), followed by book chapters and articles published in peer-reviewed journals (both with an average of 2.3 articles). As expected, books and abstracts correspond to a smaller number of publications. There is no quality assessment (Qualis Capes¹⁹ rating) for the articles, only their count for the period under study.

Finally, it is important to note that the IFP has helped select, create and/or foster research, which is reflected in 3,677 scientific articles. From the data collected, we can see some IFP alumni with a large number of publications (see “maximum” column in Table 6).

Co-authoring between IFP Fellows

Figure 2 shows the co-authoring network between the fellows, indicating that, after completing the IFP, they kept in contact with each other for work and scientific output. Most partnerships are separated by sex. It is worth noting that this figure shows only the relationships among the 56 people (18.7% of 300) who collaborated during the period they were with the program. Therefore, people who did not collaborate with another program member are not represented in the network and may have written articles in partnerships out of the period in which the IFP was in place.

Figure 2
Co-authoring Network between IFP Fellows – Based on Lattes

Note: Fellows who did not collaborate with each other are not represented in this figure. The vertices represent fellows, and the sides represent coauthoring between 2 fellows.

In Figure 2, the vertex number corresponds to the record number assigned by the FCC to the fellow upon registration. In cases where a fellow has taken more than one selection process, the oldest number was kept. A gray vertex represents female, and a white one, male. Angle side thickness represents the coauthoring proportion between each pair of fellows. Vertex size is proportional to the number of collaborations for each fellow. Encouragement for these partnerships may come from the Brazilian Association of Researchers for Social Justice (ABRAPPS), created by IFP alumni to establish a space for the political representation of IFP graduates. The evidence above will be the starting point for further studies to examine the collaboration between IPF fellows.

With regard to the degree of collaboration between the 56 alumni who collaborated, we found that only 3 researchers collaborated with 3 other alumni and that 8 researchers collaborated with 2 other alumni. The other 45 collaborations correspond to partnerships between only 2 alumni (degree 1). These numbers show that, although the IFP does not require collaboration between beneficiaries, it is only natural, given the research areas and topics, that the themes be explored in a collaborative way. We plan to explore further the issue of collaboration in a study focused on evaluating the program after completion.

Conclusions

The contribution of the present study to discussions on affirmative action policies consists in evaluating a pioneering initiative that provided scholarships for blacks and Indians to access graduate programs in Brazil, while the main actions developed at that time focused on access to undergraduate programs. The use of data from the Lattes Platform allowed an up-to-date description of beneficiaries’ inclusion, trajectory and output, as well as of collaboration between them.

The Programa Bolsa’s success can be measured by the results it achieved, for example, through the academic inclusion of alumni in public universities.

The inclusion of blacks into postgraduation contexts is a reality that was measured and described by the numbers we presented, both in general results described by the Demographic Censuses, and in IFP-specific descriptions.

Today, several positive discrimination initiatives are being developed in postgraduate programs at different universities. The issue is on the agenda. The IFP experience can contribute by indicating that for real success in this endeavor, it is necessary to guarantee students’ access, i.e., the democratization of higher education, as well as the implementation of racialized policies for student permanence. The trajectories of the IFP fellows indicate that differentiating policies are successful and can produce researchers included in academy and in spaces of knowledge production.

• 1
  Founded in 1936 as a development agency to support innovative projects and institutions, it has an office in Brazil since 1962. Its first donations were to public universities and government institutions in order to strengthen an academic community in the field of social sciences (Faria; Costa, 2006).
• 2
  In Brazil, the IFP was coordinated by Fúlvia Rosemberg, Ph.D. (in memoriam), a researcher at the Carlos Chagas Foundation from 2001 to 2012.
• 3
  The 343 academic scholarships were divided into: 271 Master’s and 72 doctorate scholarships.
• 4
  The Plataforma Lattes (Lattes Platform), created in 1999, is a set of information systems, databases and web portals focused on Science and Technology (S&T) management. It is sponsored by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), a foundation linked to the Ministry of Science and Technology. The platform’s official description says that the Lattes database fully records Brazilian researchers’ individual history. One of the possibilities of data exploration consists in identifying the profile of researchers based on information available about them on the Lattes Curriculum. The initial base, launched in August 1999, had 35,000 curricula registered. By 2017, that figure had risen to over five million five hundred thousand curricula.
• 5
  The ABPN is responsible for organizing the Congress of Black Researchers (COPENE), which will hold its tenth meeting in 2018.
• 6
  Prouni is a program of the Ministry of Education, created by the Federal Government in 2004, which grants full and partial scholarships (50%) in undergraduate programs at private higher education institutions to Brazilian students without a higher education degree.
• 7
  Fies is a program of the Ministry of Education to fund the studies of persons enrolled in non-free undergraduate programs under Law no. 10,260/2001. To be eligible for funding under this program, students must be enrolled in undergraduate programs with a good score in the evaluation processes conducted by the Ministry of Education.
• 8
  In the case of Prouni and Fies, the policies were implemented by the federal government from 2005 to 2007, also as a result of interests of private higher education institutions (Rossetto; Gonçalves, 2015).
• 9
  In these models, the bonus applies to students from public schools and/or black, brown and Indian students.
• 10
  The term “dark-skinned” [N.T.: Here, the authors use the Portuguese word “negros”.], as treated in various papers, indicates the sum of the figures ​​found for blacks and browns. Social indicators described in the literature are usually similar for blacks and browns. We adopted the concept of race according to Guimarães (2002), for whom race is a socially constituted category.
• 11
  Although the PNAD is an annual survey, we chose to present data for odd years only.
• 12
  GeoCapes is a georefereced data tool. In short, it can be defined as a database that consists in referencing information according to its geographical location. It presents the distribution of graduate students for both enrolled and graduates, as well for Master’s, doctorate and professional Master’s programs. It does not disaggregate data by student color/race.
• 13
  ScriptLattes is a free software tool that allows compiling in a systematic and automatic way the information recorded in the Lattes platform curricula (Mena-Chalco; Cesar-Jr., 2009).
• 14
  No information was found in the records of the scholarship selection processes to justify that decision.
• 15
  Of which 13.7% were Indians and 81.6% were black and brown. Although the focus was on the black, brown and Indian population, IFP had fellows who were self-declared whites.
• 16
  Data from the IFP Alumni Tracking Study (2016) indicate that 84% of respondents live in their home country, 52% of which in their home community.
• 17
  The area of ​​Humanities includes Anthropology/Archeology, Political Science and International Relations, Education, Philosophy, Geography, History, Psychology, Sociology and Theology.
• 18
  The area of ​​Applied Social Sciences includes Public Administration and Business, Accounting, Tourism, Architecture, Urbanism and Design, Communication and Information, Law, Economics, Urban and Regional Planning/Demography and Social Work.
• 19
  QUALIS is the set of procedures used by CAPES to categorize the quality of the intellectual output in graduate programs. It was designed to meet specific needs of the assessment system and is based on information provided through the Coleta de Dados (Data Collection) application. Qualis/Capes journal classification - ICS Library - UFPa. Available at: <www.biblioteca.ics.ufpa.br/arquivos/QUALIS-rev_26_11.pdf>. Accessed on: Feb 6 2016.

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Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  27 May 2019
• Date of issue
  2019

History

• Received
  02 Apr 2018
• Accepted
  09 Dec 2018