Portuguese Migration to São Paulo in the second half of the 19 ^th century: A case study ^*

Abstract

The analysis of a unique migratory experience between Portugal (Beira / Lousã County) and the province of São Paulo (Espírito Santo do Pinhal region) presents some considerations about the demographic and social characteristics of the contingent of Lousanenses, who went to the Colonial Nucleus of Nova Lousã (founded in 1867).Based on the analysis of demographic data collected through the use of parish registers (baptism and marriage) from Vila da Lousã and Nova Lousã, crossed with different sources, it was intended to compare the specific profile of the population that emigrated to the colony in the interior of São Paulo (between the 1860s and 1880s), with the one that remained in the native land. We try to emphasize different behaviors of the population that immigrated, taking into account the new environment and the new conditions of life in the land in which these individuals were inserted.

Keywords:
Portuguese migration; nuptiality; fertility

Resumo

Por meio da análise de uma singular experiência migratória ocorrida entre Portugal (Província da Beira / Concelho da Lousã) e a província de São Paulo (região de Espírito Santo do Pinhal) apresentam-se algumas considerações sobre as características demográficas e sociais do contingente populacional de lousanenses, que se dirigiu para o Núcleo Colonial da Nova Lousã (fundado em 1867).

Partindo-se da análise de dados demográficos recolhidos através da exploração de registros paroquiais de batizado e de casamento da Vila da Lousã e do Núcleo Nova Lousã, cruzados com fontes de caráter diverso, pretendeu-se contrapor o perfil específico da população que emigrou para a colônia no interior de São Paulo (entre as décadas de 1860 e 1880), com aquela que permaneceu na terra natal. Procuramos salientar comportamentos distintos do conjunto da população que imigrou, levando em consideração o novo ambiente e as novas condições de vida na terra em que estes indivíduos se inseriram.

Palavras-chave:
portuguesa; nupcialidade; fecundidade

Introduction

This article addresses the subject matter of Portuguese emigration/immigration to São Paulo, by means of a study of the unique migratory experience occurred from Vila da Lousã (close to the city of Coimbra), towards the colonial nucleon of Nova Lousã. The colony was located in the countryside of São Paulo, halfway between the city of Mogi Mirim and the district of Espírito Santo do Pinhal.

This article is going to present the results of the analyses comparing the characteristics of the population in Vila da Lousã and the emigrant contingent moving to the Colony of Nova Lousã. The colonial nucleon was founded by João Elisário de Carvalho Montenegro, in February, 1867. It received, during the studied period, around two hundred people coming from the Lousã area, in search of new working opportunities and better living conditions. Using quantitative methodologies combined with the nominative cross-checking, the general parameters of the Lousã population were established and compared to the ones from the migrants settling in the countryside of São Paulo.

I begin my considerations returning to the statements of the historian Joel Serrão about the Portuguese emigration in the 19^th century. In the work “Temas Oitocentistas”, the author pointed out the characteristics of the emigrants moving to Brazil, during the time when the examined nucleon was founded:

{...} the emigrants prefer the city, and only as a last resort they dedicate themselves to agricultural activities; they are divided among business trade - which are still dominated by Portuguese people - handicraft activities, modest farming and transportation services. This was related to the free emigration, because the other type was subject to the arrival and departure of a range of options of people arriving in Brazil as “settlers” - a denomination leading the Portuguese Consul to make the following comment: There are no “settlers”, in the true sense of the word, here, except for some German colonies. Furthermore, and especially to our countrymen, there is but sale and purchase of servants, whose trade is bargained by the purchaser, so he can pay less, and by the seller, who wants to charge more, or with the purpose to evade after paying the adjusted value{...}¹

The colonial nucleon founded by Comendador* Montenegro was focused on the coffee production, with the large property system. The experience shown is, thus, unique, as the destination of such people was to work with agriculture in a large coffee producing property².

The main sources used are the parish registers for baptisms and marriages, in relation to Vila da Lousã and to the colonial nucleon of Nova Lousã. We collected the registers from 1860 to 1880, corresponding to the period when the farm Nova Lousã was owned by João Elisário de Carvalho Montenegro (1867-1888). During those years, the nucleon received settlers coming solely from the Lousã region. This is another particularity of the case studied.

For Lousã, 1,040 marriages and 4,547 baptisms were listed; for the Nova Lousã Colonial Nucleon, the number was 39 marriages and 200 baptisms. The methodology of nominative record linkage, applied to the parish registers, allowed to reconstitute 1,750 families in Lousã and around 180 in Nova Lousã³. The details about the families were cross-checked with other sources, such as passport registers, ‘voters’ registry, letters⁴.

However, it is important to know in advance the departure and arrival scenario of the group of Portuguese people who crossed the Atlantic in the second half of the 19^th century.

From the Beira Province to the countryside of São Paulo: searching for new opportunities

Vila da Lousã is within the municipality with the same name, located in the province named Beira, central area of the Portuguese mainland. During the period studied, the municipality was composed of Vila da Lousã and the districts of Casal do Ermio, Foz de Arouce, Serpins and Vilarinho.

The municipality population was distributed in the area of Serra da Lousã, where small properties prevailed. The peasants living there were engaged in land farming, goat rearing, and also produced cheese and charcoal. The local economy was complemented by the exploration of honey and nuts, for the survival of the family group, switching between farming and pastoral work⁵.

The mobility was a part of their daily life, especially the internal migration. It was common for a part of the male population to leave the area towards Alentejo - an area with large farms - looking for work and extra resources to balance the domestic economy. There, the seasonal work offered an opportunity to increase the scarce incomes of the rural households. Another possibility of internal migration was moving to Lisboa, where many residents from Serra da Lousã tried to work as servants.

In addition to this traditional internal mobility, from the second half of the 19^th century, people of Lousã started to emigrate from Portugal. Initially their destination was Brazil but, in the end of the 19^th century, the transoceanic emigration led them to the United States of America. The Lousã emigration to Brazil was closely related to Comendador João Elisário de Carvalho Montenegro, an emigrant himself, coming to Brazil in 1840⁶.

The emigration opportunity offered by Montenegro was unique, because the costs related to a transatlantic journey would be unlikely supported by the peasants from Lousã. The ones who really wanted to undertake such a costly project, felt obliged to ask for a loan to make the dream of a better life come true.

In the case of the emigration from Lousã to the settlement kept by Montenegro, the wage system allowed the employees to pay the debts regarding the travel in a short time, along with the subsidy granted by the Imperial government for the work performed in the farm⁷.

Thus, the first migratory flow to Brazil came from Vila da Lousã, under the auspices of Montenegro. Therefore, the focus of the research was to reconstitute that location through the sources and methodologies of Historical Demographics and Social History to compare the profile of the emigrants with the rest of the population on such community. To collect preliminary data, some maps of population, from the documental compilation of the Lousã Public Library were considered, and they inform about the total population and its distribution by gender⁸.

As noted in other regions of the central-northern area from Portugal, the gender ratio was unbalanced in favor of women: that is, there was an overpopulation of women, a situation kept throughout the period considered, but with lower rates, as it moved to the 1880s, the final period of analysis. For Lousã, the gender ratio varied from 85.0 to 97.0, between the decades of 1850 and 1880, confirming the imbalance between the amount of men and women, a phenomenon typical of populations with substantial emigration.

In the case of Nova Lousã, the characteristics of the population of the colonial nucleon were collected with data compiled by the farm owner, Comendador Montenegro. They appear in the reports sent to the presidency of the São Paulo Province, with special attention given to “Mapa Geral das Pessoas que tem vindo para a Nova Louzã desde sua fundação”, dated with the year 1875⁹, listing 154 individuals coming to the colony since its foundation in 1867.

But what 154 Portuguese individuals would mean in relation to another existing private colonial nucleon in the São Paulo Province during the second half of the 19^th century?

To evaluate its importance with regard to other existing colonial nucleons in São Paulo, I used data available for twelve settlements, belonging to private owners¹⁰, where Portuguese immigrants were listed, and most of them were in the area close to Campinas, in coffee producing areas, as expected.

Núcleo Colonial Senador Vergueiro (Limeira), belonging to Nicolau de Campos Vergueiro - a notorious farmer from São Paulo, was the settlement with higher concentration of Portuguese immigrants, with 55 families and 258 individuals in total. Núcleo Colonial Tatu, belonging to Cândido José da Silva Serra, presented 27 Portuguese families, with 108 individuals in total. Then, Núcleo Colonial Boa Vista, belonging to Benedito Antônio de Camargo, in the municipality of Rio Claro, with 11 Portuguese families, with 63 individuals in total¹¹.

Colônia da Nova Lousã was, thus, among the most important nucleons to receive Portuguese immigrants, second only to the settlement belonging to Vergueiro, giving a picture of the magnitude of the undertaking of João Elisário de Carvalho Montenegro.

Among the 154 settlers listed in 1875, 132 were men. Only 22 women were registered. This pattern for settlers is in line with the general characteristics of the immigrants coming from Portugal to Brazil, where we can see the great dominance of men over women. The analysis of the marital status of the settlers, when they arrived in the colony, also fits the profile of the Portuguese immigrants: most of them were single. Only 29 settlers registered in 1875 were married, two of them were widowers and the marital status of three of them was not defined. In total, a bit more than 24% of the settlers were married or had been married.

When comparing such specific data of Colônia de Nova Lousã with the first general population census in Brazil, in 1872¹², it can be seen that, among the Portuguese population counted in São Paulo, there is a total of 6,867 Portuguese individuals, where 5,434 are men and 1,433 are women. This makes up 20.8% women and 79.2% men among the immigrants from Portugal. Among the population in Colônia da Nova Lousã, the percentage of women was even lower to the one found for the Portuguese immigrants in São Paulo as a whole. In Nova Lousã, the population recorded from 1867 to 1875, had only 14.3% of women, in relation to 85.7% of men, resulting in a gender ratio strongly off.

To what extent the conditions found in the colonial nucleon and the Portuguese immigrant profile resulted in a different demographic behavior, when comparing the population still in their homeland and the group of emigrants/immigrants? Is it possible to see any changes in the short period analyzed (two decades)? We will try to discuss this in the following sections.

From Lousã emigrants to settlers in Nova Lousã: being born and getting married in both sides of the Atlantic

In a work about the Lousã area, Paulo F. Monteiro stated that the locations of the Lousã municipality are “in the middle of the mountains of the Agreste sierra” with the same name (Serra da Lousã). According to the author, the narrowness and the inclination of the land would limit in such a way that the balance among several activities was essential. Nevertheless, this balancing was very precarious and susceptible to changes¹³.

Most of the people from Lousã shared the same challenges, since there was a relative homogeneity amongst its inhabitants.

{...} the professional differentiation in each place was almost zero: all with the same condition for farmers. A small part of them was able to spend a part of the day in a profession; but, for 433 marriages listed from 1860 to 1939, amongst bride and groom, parents, groomsmen and bridesmaids, we only found six cases where people did not present themselves as “workers” or “owners” (because in such places, most of people was one of these things, and even those had agriculture as basic occupation) {...}¹⁴.

Besides the homogeneity of the population outlined in the marriage registers by the author, the excerpt invites us to think about other aspects related to nuptiality, which are associated to traditional populations, who had agriculture as basic occupation. In this case, the first variable we are going to explore involves the monthly distribution of marriages, or, in terms of demographic trends, the seasonality of the events.

Particularly in the areas where Catholicism prevailed, as the case of this study, the choice of the wedding month was directly linked to religious prohibitions imposed by Catholicism, as the Advent and the Lenten season, periods in which the Catholic Church prohibited the nuptial blessings. In fact, because of the prohibitions, the number of marriages in traditional Catholic communities was drastically reduced (almost no marriage used to take place between March and April - Lenten period, and there was a sharp decline of marriages in December - Advent).

On the other hand, the marriages also kept pace with the prevailing economical activities in the respective communities. In agricultural communities, the working cycle in the fields affected the selection of the wedding date. In the case of France, for example, there was an increase in marriages during the months of February (before the Lenten period) and November (before the Advent) and presented a peak in July, before the months with more work. On the contrary, when the agricultural tasks were more intense, the number of marriages reduced¹⁵.

For the Portuguese case, Rui Cascão shows that the demographic behaviors of populations in the 19^th century also followed those constraints:

variations related to the local and social uses and practices can be detected, but they depend equally on economic factors and paces. In rural areas, the avoidance of periods in the year more sensible to accumulation of farm work is clear (specifically during Summer) or during a relative material poverty (Winter and specially Spring)¹⁶.

Lousã did not deviate from this norm. The prohibitions were respected and the indicators showed a sharp decline of marriages in March and December, out of respect to the prohibitions imposed to the Catholic congregation. Also during the Summer, specially July (Summer in Brazil), the decline was massive, and put the Portuguese demographic behavior in a different position, especially in relation to an increase of marriages for the same month, registered among the French population. In Lousã, the analysis of the parish sources indicated the step back in the number of marriages in the same period of the year.

Chart 1
Seasonality of Marriages in Lousã (decades 1860-1880)¹⁷

Agriculture was the main occupation and revenue sources of the Lousã people also determined the marriage calendar. The farm activities were linked to the plantation of different products, as olive, which was concentrated in the hillsides, vines, as well as cereals (wheat, rye and maize).

However, maybe the decisive factor to explain the decline of marriages in July is the internal seasonal migration, which affected the population of the Lousã area. The movement for the Alentejo lands began in May and the return was only in the end of the Summer. The work in the harvest, the olive harvest, the manufacture of olive oil and, especially, the reap in the Alentejo lands oriented the men working in such seasonal tasks, certainly affecting the marriages calendar¹⁸. As shown in Chart 01, in the end of the European Summer, from August on, it could be perceived in Lousã the increase in the number of marriages, which kept this way up to the Advent period. Definitely, not only because of the end of the farming work season in Serra da Lousã, but, especially, because of the profits earned in the seasonal work in the Alentejo fields, facilitating the marriages of people from Lousã.

If there were preferences (or restraints) in relation to certain months to the marriages, there was an intentional selection for the preferred week days, with a close relationship with cultural and religious aspects.

According to Maria Luiza Andreazza, the fertile ground of popular religiosity and beliefs is essential to understand the acceptance of certain days of the week to marry, while some of the days were put aside. For example, the selection of Mondays to marry, in several cultures, is related with the moon cycle and fertility (both soil and women’s fertility). Similarly, other days were not considered favorable to marry: Sunday, because it was a day dedicated to religious tasks, Wednesday and Friday, because they were related to the Passion and death of Christ¹⁹.

In the case of the Lousã community, the weekday chosen for the bride and groom in the parish church of the village was Thursday. Almost 60% of the marriages were celebrated in this day of the week. Sunday (1.1%), Wednesday (2.4%), Tuesday (2.7%) were, respectively, the days the couples would avoid the most. Saturday (13.3%) and, curiously, Friday (11.1%) are the immediate alternatives to Thursday (however, they came in second and third places, well behind in the preference of the engaged couples).

In general, the Lousã community seemed to distribute, in a balanced manner, the most important catholic celebrations for the traditional populations throughout the week: marriages on Thursdays, masses on Sundays and, as we will see later, baptisms on Tuesdays.

Were such patterns modified by emigration? Did the land where they arrived transform the people from Lousã and create, effectively, other tradition or habit for Nova Lousã in two decades?

The effective confirmation of such assumption is compromised by the amount of marriage registers collected for the Portuguese population located in Nova Lousã, just under forty. However, what initially draw the attention was the absolute absence of marriages in March during the twenty years considered, observing the prohibited Lent period²⁰.

In Nova Lousã, October was also not very favorable to marriage, because it was the month when the coffee growing season started in the region, and was extended to December. On the contrary, January, June and July figured as the favorite months, showing new habits, specially in relation to July, along with the pace of the work activities connected to coffee plantations.

Chart 2
Seasonality of Marriages in Nova Lousã (decades 1870-1880)

Regarding the week days chosen to marry, Saturday and Tuesday were the favorite ones (nine marriages each), followed by Wednesday (seven), Sunday and Monday (six each), finally, and unlike Lousã, Thursday was not very popular (two). No marriages took place on Fridays. That is, also in relation to the days chosen for marriages, the trend to incorporate “new habits” was noticed, considering, in any case, the limitation of the sample.

It is also necessary to evaluate another aspect of nuptiality, related to age of first marriage, an indicator with profound implications in the social and biological reproduction of the communities considered.

From a historical perspective, the age at first marriage in Portugal varied considerably according to the region. Broadly, we can recognize the existence of two matrimonial systems: one in effect in the north part of Portugal and the other, in the south part of Portugal. The limits were roughly outlined between the regions in the north or the south of the Tagus river. In the North part of Portugal, a restricted access to marriage prevailed, with high levels of permanent celibacy²¹ and the first marriage at a higher age, over 27 years of age for both genders, a recurring behavior, mainly in Minho and Beira. On the other hand, in the South, marriage was virtually universal, with lower ages (20-21), for men and women²².

The data collected for Lousã confirms the trend of high entry ages for the first marriage in the Beira area, and did not deviate from the norm of the province²³. Among the men married in Lousã, the marriage entry age exceeded 29 years of age (29.6) for the period between 1860 and 1880. In the same period, the women from Lousã used to get married with a lower age in comparison to the overall average in the North of Portugal, (26 years of age).

To assess the results, it is important to consider a broader context of continental Portugal and to pay attention in the regional differences. Clearly, the higher or lower level of difficulty to access marriage is linked to a series of demographical, socioeconomic and cultural conditions. The North of Portugal, where the population was constantly growing, was a smallholding area, with traditions favoring one of the heirs to the detriment of the others. Those factors have a decisive impact in the opportunities of access to marriage, which were generally very strict, as we can see in the data about celibacy and the age of first marriage. In Lousã, the permanent celibacy rate (single individuals over 50 years of age who are deceased) was 20.5% for women and 12.2% for men²⁴, proving that the marriage access was not universal and, specially for women, was a very limited option, because a quarter of them died unmarried within that age group²⁵. In this context, with limited access to land and uneven distribution of inheritance goods and assets, emigration seemed to be an attractive choice, specially for men²⁶, and this was actually a trait of secular character of the area on the North of the Tagus river since, at least, the 16th century.

Regarding emigration, the Beira area was only behind other North districts (Viana, Braga and Porto). When analyzing the overall emigration by districts, between 1866 and 1960, Joel Serrão divided the country in four separate areas, according to the different levels of eviction: North (from the Mondego river - Coimbra region); the central area; Alentejo and Algarve. The center of the North area was the Porto district (15%), with the range of attraction expanded towards Aveiro and Viseu (10.1% to 15%); in the countryside of this area there is Braga, Vila Real, Bragança, Guarda and Coimbra (5.1% to 10%) and, finally, Viana do Castelo (1.1% to 5%). The central area included Lisboa, Leiria, Santarém, Castelo Branco (1.1% to 5%). Algarve is in the same level. The Alentejo area had a lowest rate of emigration, with an insignificant rate (1%)²⁷.

Beira even recorded an increase in the average annual emigration rates in the second half of the 19^th century. From 1867 to 1871, for example, the emigration rate was 0.7 per thousand inhabitants, which has risen continuously until the end of the 19^th century, with 4.0 per thousand between 1880-1882 and 6.2 per thousand between 1896-98. Within the same time bands, the Coimbra district, specifically, reached a rate of 3% of emigrants at first, and then increased to 11.6, getting to the end of the 19^th century with 10.6% of emigrants²⁸.

This differential emigration generated a female overpopulation in the districts which were more affected by this phenomenon, and that was the case of Vila da Lousã during the period considered here. An important indicator confirming the male differential emigration is the gender ratio. At Vila da Lousã, we found ratios around 85/89 men per 100 women in the 1860s, which influenced the high rates of permanent celibacy among women.

What about the Lousã population who decided to emigrate? Did they keep the same pattern of limited and belated marriage prevailing in their native land?

The trend revealed by the few marriage registers listed in Nova Lousã showed that the age for the first marriage tended to decrease among the population immigrating to the Nova Lousã colonial nucleon. The decrease was recorded for both genders, but, for women, it was a considerable reduction (almost seven years). In Nova Lousã, men used to marry at the age of 27.2, on average, and women, at the age of 19.3.

When comparing those figures to other immigrant populations, we can see that the Portuguese women based in Nova Lousã were no exception when getting married younger, although they did it earlier than women from other ethnicities. Maria Silvia Bassanezi gathered data showing that male foreigners used to get married after 23, while women used to get married when they were around 20 years old. By comparing the results referring to women in Nova Lousã to the data gathered by the author, the women in Nova Lousã used to marry at a younger age. Even when the data were collected with other Portuguese women, they tended to marry, on average, when they were 20.7²⁹. Even though the sample was limited to forty cases, it did not challenge the trend of decrease in the age at first marriage for the immigrant populations.

Most of the marriages included, obviously, single individuals (85.6%), although almost 14% of the marriages involved widowers. The data for Nova Lousã did not allow this type of analysis, because the marital status of the engaged couple was not clearly specified.

The origin of the spouses was also considered, and it showed a strong geographical endogamy. The data presented for Lousã is useful only when we know the origin of bride and groom, which reduced our samples to 981 marriages registers.

We considered the origin of the spouses in the light of two hypotheses. Firstly, if we look at the spouses who were born and got married only in Vila da Lousã, we can find over – of the marriages, totaling 75.4% of the cases. When considering the individuals born in the municipality of Lousã (those native from the village and the boroughs of Casal do Ermio, Foz de Arouce, Serpins and Vilarinho), the number would be of 84.4% of the couples. A low rate of 1.6% of the marriages included the cases which both men and women were born in other locations within Portugal. There was a high demand for the selection of marital partners among individuals of the same location.

The trend to choose a partner among the individuals with the same experiences, habits and traditions prevailed in Nova Lousã. There, 77% of the marriages was between Portuguese individuals. If we add those in which at least one of the spouses was from Portugal, the number would increase to 87.2% of the total.

Finally, marriages marked the beginning of a new family and the birth of children, at least for most of the inhabitants on both communities. However, for many Portuguese individuals, the birth of children was not always connected to the marriage in church.

First, we analyze the fertility issue according to the seasonality of the baptisms³⁰. For the period studied in Lousã, 4,547 baptisms registered were distributed throughout the year, with higher intensity in the first and last months (January to March/November and December), according to the Chart 03. The decrease in the number of baptisms occurred from April to October, and the lower incidence was registered in June. We believe that the distribution of the baptisms is connected to the farming calendar and the departures of the population for seasonal migration to Alentejo.

The sample collected for the Portuguese individuals based in Nova Lousã, limited to the data available between 1870-1880, indicated a quite different distribution, following demands connected not only to economic activities of the coffee production (which was new to all immigrants), but also to the adaptation to the new environment, the new daily routine and habits of the land they went to.

Chart 3
Seasonality of Baptisms in Lousã (decades 1860-1880)

Chart 4
Seasonality of Baptisms in Nova Lousã (decades 1870-1880)

The coffee farm activities varied widely according to the time of the year. According to Bassanezi, the times of harder work in the farm were from April/May to October/November. During October and November, the coffee harvest was in its final stage.

Still regarding to the baptism of children born in both locations, we considered the incidence of children registered as “natural”, that is, children of single mothers, and this refers us to the study of illegitimacy.

The analysis of the Lousã baptism registers revealed a low percentage of natural children in comparison to other regions in Portugal, especially Minho and Trás-os-Montes (Provinces in the North of the country). In those regions, the illegitimacy rates were very high, and could get to 20%, 25% and even exceed 30% in some locations³¹. In the Lousã area, this figure did not reach 7% for the whole period studied. The comparison of such results with baptisms held in the Cathedral of Coimbra showed that the percentages were even lower there (2%-4%)³².

The Portuguese anthropologist João de Pina Cabral puts forward the scenario of relating the illegitimacy with the difficult access to land³³. Paulo Monteiro, when studying Lousã, admitted that, if the significant split was between the land owners and landless workers, the modest indicators of illegitimacy found suggest that, in the case of Lousã, this division did not occur, because “we did not find a completely landless house³⁴.

In Nova Lousã, among the 200 baptism registers collected also shown a low incidence of illegitimacy, even lower in relation to the Lousã population: 3.5% of the baptisms were of natural children. This means that the individuals emigrating kept the same behavior: getting married and only then having children. It is also necessary to consider that, maybe, the strong endogamy marking the marriages between immigrants in Nova Lousã, is another factor contributing to the low illegitimacy levels, even in relation to their original community.

Table 1
Illegitimacy comparative indicators in Portugal

District	Location	1860	1870	1880	1890
Viana	Couto	14.3	20.3	20.5	14.3
	Paço	11.1	9.6	12	12.6
	Lanheses	11.3	15.1	10.1	13.9
Bragança	Mosteiro	-	29.2	35.2	40.8
Braga	Barcelinhos	14.2	15.9	16.3	16
	Mosteiro	22.3	19.8	21.1	21.9
	Cambeses	21.7	17.1	6.3	5.8
	Ronfe	6.5	6.1	4.1	5.4
	Regalados	9.2	9.2	9.2	9.2
	Alvito	11	25	23	13
Coimbra	Lousã	6.3	6.8	6.8	6.7

• Source: Scott, A. S. V. Famílias, Formas de União e Reprodução Social no Noroeste Português (séculos XVIII e XIX). São Leopoldo: OIKOS/Editora da UNISINOS, 2012:353.

Considering the importance given by the Catholic populations to baptism, comparing the difference in the time span between the birth of the child and the subsequent baptism³⁵. The difference here is remarkable, because while in Lousã 59% of the children were baptized before the two weeks of life, the situation of the children of Portuguese parents based in the countryside of the São Paulo province shows that just over 20% (20.5%) of the children born in Nova Lousã were baptized in this period.

Table 2
Interval between Birth and Baptism in Lousã (1860-1880 decades)

Interval in days	Total	%	% Accum.
up to 7 days	630	13.9	13.9
8-14 days	2050	45.1	58.9
15-30 days	1363	30.0	88.9
31-60 days	339	7.5	96.4
more than 60 days	165	3.6	100.0
Overall total	4547	100.0

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Lousã

Until the first month of life of the child, almost 90% of them were already baptized in Lousã, while in Nova Lousã this percentage did not reach half of the children (47.0%). One of the reasons to explain this change may be related to the problems of locomotion to the church (if the baptism is outside the farm) or, by contrast, to wait for the priest to come to the chapel within the property to officiate the baptism of the children, and after that, registering the baptism in the books.

Table 3
Interval between Birth and Baptism in Nova Lousã (1870-1880 decades)

Interval in days	Total	%	% Accum.
up to 7 days	23	11.5	11.5
8-14 days	18	9.0	20.5
15-30 days	52	26.0	46.5
31-60 days	59	29.5	76.0
more than 60 days	48	24.0	100.0
Overall total	200	100.0

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Nova Lousã

The day of the week selected to celebrate the baptism of the children also revealed some behavioral differences in relation to the Lousã individuals and the ones who emigrated and established in Nova Lousã.

The day chosen to take the newborn children to baptize in Lousã was Tuesday, with a growing preference throughout the studied period, increasing from 46.3% to 62.7% of the total baptisms. Sundays and Fridays were the least common days of the week for baptisms. In this case, Sunday was also excluded, probably because of the habit/obligation to go to church, as observed before in relation to marriages. Fridays seemed to be, likewise, inappropriate for baptisms, and this belief was probably linked to superstition, dating back to ancient times, when Friday was considered a nefarious and “bad omen” day, and this idea was also applicable to marriages.

Was there any reason to explain Tuesday among the Lousã inhabitants? The assumption is the existence of a monthly fair occurring in that day of the week. The fact of a great number of people coming to the village for the fair, to shop and make business, could promote the gathering of inhabitants from different parts of the village and the municipality. The fairs are important social spaces, as they provide the opportunity and availability needed to comply with the solemnities of baptisms, and it was easier to bring together parents and godparents.

Table 4
Weekly distribution of Baptisms in Lousã (1860-1880 decades)

Day of the week	1860/69		1870/79		1880/89		Total
	Bapt.	%	Bapt.	%	Bapt.	%	Bapt.	%
Sunday	78	5.1	52	3.6	58	3.7	188	4.1
Monday	96	6.3	83	5.7	82	5.3	261	5.7
Tuesday	707	46.3	814	55.8	978	62.7	2499	55.0
Wednesday	173	11.3	121	8.3	110	7.1	404	8.9
Thursday	193	12.6	166	11.4	111	7.1	470	10.3
Friday	111	7.3	89	6.1	88	5.6	288	6.3
Saturday	169	11.1	135	9.2	133	8.5	437	9.6
Total	1527	100	1460	100	1560	100	4547	100

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Lousã

For the community of Portuguese immigrants in Nova Lousã, Thursday was the favorite day to baptize children, but this dominance was not so pronounced against Tuesday (preferred day in Lousã), and it lead to a more balanced distribution among the other days of the week. It must be stressed that Friday became a significant day for baptisms (15%). Similarly, Sunday also appears as an option, as opposed to the home community. It seems reasonable to admit that, as it was difficult to move around and/or have the presence of the priest in the farm, parents and godparents used to take advantage of the obligation to go to the Sunday mass and baptize their children on the same day.

Table 5
Weekly distribution of Baptisms in Nova Lousã

Day of the week	1870/79		1880/89		Total
	Bapt.	%	Bapt.	%	Bapt.	%
Sunday	5	13.5	25	15.3	30	15.0
Monday	6	16.2	9	5.5	15	7.5
Tuesday	9	24.3	24	14.7	33	16.5
Wednesday	10	27	20	12.3	30	15.0
Thursday	2	5.4	36	22.1	38	19.0
Friday	1	2.7	23	14.1	24	12.0
Saturday	4	10.8	26	16	30	15.0
Total	37	100	163	100	200	100

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Nova Lousã

Besides the options related to the day of the baptism, the analysis of the nomination practices and the range of options of names chosen for children is an interesting field to explore. Was there any difference between the selections of both groups? Did the emigrants/immigrants tried to strengthen their ties to their homeland when choosing the names of their children born in Brazil? What the data reveal about this behavior?

In Lousã, more than half of the girls baptized in the period studied was named Maria or compound names with Maria… (for instance: Maria da Piedade, Maria das Dores reaching 55.3%).

Table 6
Distribution of Female Names in Baptisms - Lousã

Name	Qty	%	% Accum.
Maria	700	31.4	31.4
Maria...	534	23.9	55.3
Ana	138	6.2	61.5
Rosa	67	3.0	64.5
Joaquina	56	2.5	67.0
Guilhermina	44	2.0	69.0
Mariana	38	1.7	70.7
Adelaide	35	1.6	72.2
Emília	27	1.2	73.4
Júlia	23	1.0	74.5
Others	570	25.5	100.0
Total	2232	100.0

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Lousã

Although it is a broad range, the analysis undertaken selected, initially, five names preferred by the parents. Besides Maria, the preferred names were Ana, Rosa, Joaquina and Guilhermina (almost 70% of the total). Outside this universe of names, the range recorded over 500 different options.

In the case of boys baptized in Lousã, I found the same amount in a small set of options, even though there were more than 400 names enrolled. The favorite name was José, but it did not have the same weight as Maria in Lousã. From the boys baptized, over 70% received traditional names as José (and compound names with José), Manoel, Antônio, João, Francisco and Joaquim, in this order of preference.

The baptisms registered in Nova Lousã showed that the preference for the name Maria for girls remained in almost 20% of the cases. But, besides the distortions because of the sample limitation, the range of names chosen is different, and we must highlight the emergence of names such as Benedita and Belmira.

Table 7
Distribution of Male Names in Baptisms - Lousã

Name	Qty	%	% Accum.
José	449	19.5	19.5
Manoel	387	16.8	36.3
Antônio	305	13.3	49.6
João	184	8.0	57.6
Francisco	160	7.0	64.6
Joaquim	160	7.0	71.5
Luiz	66	2.9	74.4
Adelino	59	2.6	77.0
Augusto	43	1.9	78.8
Fernando	32	1.4	80.2
Abílio	27	1.2	81.4
Others	428	18.6	100.0
Total	2300	100.0

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Lousã

Table 8
Distribution of Female Names in Baptisms -Nova Lousã

Name	Qty	%	% Accum.
Maria ...	18	19.1	19.1
Joana	5	5.3	24.5
Benedita	4	4.3	28.7
Belmira	4	4.3	33.0
Rosa	3	3.2	36.2
Ana	3	3.2	39.4
Amélia	3	3.2	42.6
Alzira	3	3.2	45.7
Others	51	54.3	100.0
Total	94	100.0

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Nova Lousã

For boys, the preferred names in Lousã were kept on the other side of the Atlantic, with only the reversal of the preference order.

Table 9
Distribution of Male Names in Baptisms -Nova Lousã

Name	Qty	%	% Accum.
João	16	15.1	15.1
José	14	13.2	28.3
Antônio	10	9.4	37.7
Joaquim	6	5.7	43.4
Manoel	3	2.8	46.2
Sebastião	3	2.8	49.1
Benedito	3	2.8	51.9
Others	51	48.1	100.0
Total	106	100.0

• Source: NACAOB_Registros Paroquiais - Nova Lousã

Children named João, José, Antônio, Joaquim, Manoel made up 46.2% of the total. However, in Nova Lousã we can see the absence of the name Francisco and the addition of Sebastião and Benedito.

The name of the baptized children was also tied to the name of the godparents, which is in line with the studies about compadrazgo, analyzing even other population segments, such as slaves.

In Lousã, this connection was constant and is more than half of the cases: children carried the name of their godparents in 64.4% of the baptism registers for boys and 56.4% for girls.

In Nova Lousã, this tradition was not so intense. The coincidence between children and godparents’ names occurred in only 11.8% for girls and 20.8% for boys. But here, the hypothesis is that other factors interfered in the selection of the names and also in the selection of the godparents.

The emigration to the countryside of São Paulo, under the auspices of Comendador Montenegro, led him to be chosen as the godfather of many children born in his farm, and that can explain the choice of the name João. His brother, Father José Daniel de Carvalho Montenegro (who lived for a period within the settlement), serve this role occasionally. Comendador Montenegro was godfather to 63 of the 200 baptisms registered in Nova Lousã (31.5% of the total), and his brother was godfather to nine baptisms.

However, the baptisms in Nova Lousã have a different characteristic, as they selected names paying tribute to characters of the Portugal History, especially for boys. The link to the homeland was strengthened with the tribute paid to important characters such as authors, explorers, etc. Thus, it was common to see boys with names revering characters such as Alexandre Herculano, Vasco da Gama, Afonso Albuquerque, Egas Moniz, Gil Vicente, Nuno Álvares, Fernão Magalhães, Damião de Góes, Pedro Álvares.

It is worth highlighting, in conclusion, the possibilities offered by the microhistory to the researchers of the migratory phenomenon, which may not be limited to the quantitative approach. Although the last one has been privileged thus far, it does not embrace all the diversity of the individual and familiar experiences of immigrant groups.

The qualitative analysis, based on nominative record linkage for the population in hand showed other facets of the peculiar case of emigration/immigration between Lousã and Nova Lousã, in the second half of the 19^th century. The record linkage among different nominative sources has generated a set of data on the trajectory of individuals and families which were rebuilt, allowing us to identify different “uses” and strategies to incorporate the migratory process in the (biological and social) reproduction of the families, a topic addressed in other opportunity³⁶.

However, by and large, it is important to highlight that the study of the Portuguese migration to the Nova Lousã settlement indicated the strong cohesion of family and neighborhood, built in their homeland and serving as “ballast” and support to the process of uprooting and inclusion in a new environment found in the countryside of the Province of São Paulo.

The preservation and the strengthening of a relationship network which was previous to the migration were decisive factors in every stage of the process. Those relations were especially important for the individuals from Lousã, if we remember their recruiting process for new employees, a distinguishing mark of the Nova Lousã colonial nucleon.

Comendador Montenegro was personally responsible for recruiting the settlers, who were accepted as workers in his farm. In fact, he used an original recruiting system: he took advantage of his immigrant status to choose directly the peasant families willing to emigrate, or selected someone to make it according to his instructions:

Mr. Montenegro came from that same village, and he knows its inhabitants personally. For this reason, he selects with full subject knowledge, and the newcomers find themselves, almost with no need to transition, amongst their friends, from whom they were only separated for a few years³⁷.

Unlike other colonial nucleons, the option for the emigration was based on a strong bond of trust, straitened over the time in the settlement. The analysis of the nomination practices and the compadrazgo among landlords and their employees, mentioned before, illustrates the (re)built connections strengthening consanguinity, affinity, spiritual kinship and neighborhood bonds amongst the Nova Lousã community members.

Supporting this statement, we can see the report of a commissioner of the Imperial Government, who visited the farm belonging to Montenegro in 1870:

Nova Lousã is more a family than a settlement, and it is different from other similar establishments of the Province³⁸.

As mentioned in a previous work, it was as if the commitment made in the recruitment bonded Montenegro to such individuals and families in a way going far beyond a mere employment contract. The concern showed by the landowner in relation to the workers arises from concrete measures taken, such as the creation of a night school and the establishment of benefits, being effective evidences of the search for improving life condition of the ones responding to his calls³⁹.

Over time, a dynamic and articulated network was established between Lousã, in Portugal and Nova Lousã, in the countryside of São Paulo. Such network tended to expand with the years, according to the information of the letters exchanged between Lousã and Nova Lousã, and to the living testimony of the ones who returned (some would come and go) from time to time. The analysis of some of the trajectories clearly showed the willingness of some individuals to remain for some time in Brazil and then coming back to Portugal.

This return to the homeland can be seen as a sign of the strong mobility between origin and destination, indicating strategies of circular migration and a low level of rupture with the origin. Therefore, after some years of work in the farm, they would come back to their homeland and the same settlers suggested to the landowner to employ and import other relatives and acquaintances. This policy yielded fruits, since, according to the land owner:

the best recommendation in favor of this establishment are the requests sent by most of our employees, asking us to bring their relatives or neighbors⁴⁰.

Montenegro himself, when writing about Nova Lousã, indicated the utmost importance of the family and neighbor networks among settlers based in his farm. In the report presented in 1875 he listed the “map of families and closer relatives currently in Nova Lousã”, with the proviso that he was “not mentioning here a grand part of cousins and second cousins”⁴¹:

• Francisco Guilherme Rodrigues

• Maria Serra de Jesus

• Children: Alexandre Herculano

• Antônio Guilherme

• Anna Clara

• João Gonçalves

• Maria Piedade Gonçalves

• Children: Peregrina Eugênia

• Ernestina

• Damião Francisco

• Victoria de Jesus

• Children: Maria Victoria

• Manoel Elysio Crespo

• Carolina Amélia

• Branca de Nazareth

• Etelvina Jesus

• Lusitana Augusta

• Alexandre Herculano

• Manoel Pedro Gomes

• Ludovina Maria

• Children: Roza Elysa

• Egas Moniz

• Manoel Carvalho

• Eufrazia Maria

• Son: Vasco da Gama

• Manoel das Neves

• José das Neves, brother

• João Francisco

• Antônio Fernandes, nephew

• José Santos Semide

• Anna Conceição

• Children: Jacintha

• Martim Freitas

• Joaquim Couceira Arouce

• Anna da Serra

• Son: Afonso de Albuquerque

• Manoel Viriato da Serra

• Brothers and sisters: João Herculano Serra

• Maria Piedade Serra

• Antônio Afonso Serra

• Joaquim Antônio Catarredor

• José Antônio, son

• Manoel Dias

• Joaquim Dias, son

• José Ignácio Serra,

• Serafim da Serra, brother

• Antônio Simões Secco

• Joaquim Secco, brother

• Herculano Simões

• Nephews: Antônio Simões Sarnadinha

• Herculano Simões, nephew (they are both brothers)

• Miguel Maria

• José Maria, brother

• Manoel Alves Serrano,

• Antônio Rodrigues Serrano, nephew.

The networks and friendships were important in every stage, including the proceedings to obtaining the passport and travel to Brazil, with the Coimbra Civil Government. It was common to see groups of individuals getting passport together and coming to Brazil on the same vessel, and then going by train to Nova Lousã.

The nominative record linkage of parish sources with the registration of passports and other sources also reveal other aspects of this migratory flow from Lousã. Among them, the information about the age of the individuals leaving their homeland to try their luck in Brazil.

The sample recovered through nominative cross-checking indicated that men would leave Lousã by the age of 24.7, on average, and women, 22. Specially regarding men, this behavior is very different from the pattern of Portuguese Immigration to Brazil during most part of 19^th century, with much younger individuals (12, 13, 14-year-old boys).

With the passport information, we also can see that most of the men coming to Brazil declared they were “workers”, confirming the aforementioned hypothesis made by Paulo Monteiro. According to 72 passports belonging to individuals emigrating to Nova Lousã, declaring their occupation, 65 stated they were workers. In addition to this group, there were other professions listed in those sources, such as carpenter, mason and miller. Only one woman had the profession declared in the passport: sewer.

The changes in this pattern have been felt when getting to Nova Lousã, because according to the General Map from 1875, the professions listed varied considerably, indicating a level of upward mobility, and that some individuals were trying to adapt to the new circumstances, although among the 129 men with the profession listed in the source mentioned, half of them declared themselves as “worker”⁴².

Table 10
Occupation of the settlers in the general Map from 1875

Profession	Qty.
Administrator	1
Tailor	2
Cashier	1
Carpenter	11
Coachman	3
Wagon drivers	1
Wagon owners	4
Coachman	1
Cook	1
Domestic servant	1
Textile factory employee	2
Hotel employee	1
Stable employee	1
Textile factory employee	1
Employee at E.F. Paulista	2
Contractor at E.F.	1
Going back to the settlement	1
Farmyard foreman	2
Blacksmith	1
Ignored	1
Farmer	5
Merchant	6
Businessman	3
Mobile businessman	1
Mason	3
Owner in Nova Lousã	1
Shoemaker	3
Partner in a hotel	1
Roof tiles worker	2
Worker	62
Total	129

• Source: Mapa Geral das Pessoas que tem vindo para a Nova Louzã desde sua fundação. Montenegro, João Elisário de Carvalho. Colônias Nova-Louzã e Nova Colômbia. Report presented to the Honorable Mr. President of the São Paulo Province - February 6^th, 1875. São Paulo: Typ. da Província de São Paulo, 1875

In conclusion, it might be said that the short period of two decades in which Montenegro kept his property in the countryside of São Paulo, provided for a special experience for a few dozen individuals and families arriving from Serra da Lousã, as well as a unique opportunity to analyze the migration process of Portuguese individuals to Brazil.

Unlike the majority of the immigrants who just “fade away” among Brazilians, the group coming from Lousã kept cohesive, in the same environment, with a close and intense relation to their “crossing” partners, as well as with friends and relatives who stayed in their homeland. In Nova Lousã, the bonds created between fellow countrymen were strengthened, encouraged by the recruiting policy and by the administration system created by Montenegro.

Furthermore, the possibility to compare the behaviors regarding marriage and fertility of the people from Lousã with the emigrants/immigrants was another aspect to be explored, putting in evidence significant changes between both groups, as well as in relation to the profile of the Portuguese emigrants/immigrants, after all, the environmental and economical conditions in Brazil were very different from the ones on the other side of the Atlantic, and, in the case of Nova Lousã, they played a decisive role.

Despite the differences, the strong cohesion of the group (revealed by the family networks established) was essential to keep a strong emotional bonding, which was strengthened and fed back with the “memories of their homeland”, symbolized especially by the selection of the names to baptize children born “on this side of the Atlantic”, which kept the open flame of the Portugal History and Culture, with the connection made through the tributes paid, for example, to the explorers who, centuries before them, set out to sea, to “discover new lands” and new opportunities, just as themselves.

Many other topics may be addressed from this case study. Namely, the recovery of individual and familiar trajectories, as some of them analyzed in different opportunities. The challenge to the future is to expand the linkage of nominative sources, in order to know the migratory paths in those two decades, and also to follow the individual and familiar stories, before and after the end of the experience in the farm belonging to Montenegro, whether in other locations of the São Paulo countryside, or in returning to their homeland.

Bibliografia

• Amorim, M. N. Evolução demográfica de três paróquias do Sul do Pico 1680-1980 Braga: Instituto de Ciências Sociais/ Universidade do Minho, 1992. 844 p.
• Andreazza, M. L. O paraíso das delícias. Um estudo da imigração ucraniana 1895-1995 Curitiba: Aos Quatro Ventos, 1999. 373 p.
• Andreazza, M.L. Cultura familiar e registros paroquiais. In: Bassanezi, M.S.C.B; & Botelho, T.R. (orgs). Linhas e entrelinhas: as diferentes leituras das atas paroquiais dos setecentos e oitocentos Belo Horizonte: Veredas & Cenários, 2009, p.137-156.
• Bassanezi, M. S. C. B. Considerações sobre os casos de celibato e a idade ao casar no passado brasileiro. Anais do IX Encontro Nacional de Estudos Populacionais, v.1, p.381-395. 1994.
• Cascão, R. Demografia e Sociedade. In: J. Mattoso (Ed.). História de Portugal. O Liberalismo (1807-1890) Lisboa: Editorial Estampa, v.5, 1993. Demografia e Sociedade, p.425-439
• Mendes, J. A. A área económica de Coimbra: estrutura e desenvolvimento industrial, 1867-1927. Coimbra: Comissão Coordenadora da Região Centro, 1984
• Mendes, J. A. Etapas e limites da industrialização. In: J. Mattoso (Ed.). História de Portugal Lisboa: Editorial Estampa , v.5, 1993. Etapas e limites da industrialização, p.355-367.
• Monteiro, P. F. Terra que já foi terra. Análise sociológica de nove lugares agro-pastoris da Serra da Lousã Lisboa: Edições Salamandra. 1985. 290 p.
• Monteiro, P. F. Emigrantes imigrados: da Lousã ao Connecticut, uma investigação em dois tempos. In: Silva, Maria Beatriz Nizza; Baganha, Maria Ioannis B; Maranhão, Maria José; Pereira, Miriam Halpern (eds). Emigração/ Imigração em Portugal. Actas do Colóquio Internacional sobre emigração e imigração em Portugal (séc. XIX - XX). Lisboa: Fragmentos, 1993, p. 323-347.
• Montenegro, João Elisário de Carvalho. Carta ao Ilmo. Exmo. Conselheiro João Luis Vieira APESP, Colônia (1879 - 1890), 1879.
• Montenegro, João Elisário de Carvalho. Colônias Nova-Louzã e Nova Colômbia. Relatório apresentado ao exm. Sr. Dr. Presidente da Província de São Paulo - 6 de fevereiro de 1875 São Paulo: Typ. da Província de São Paulo, 1875.
• Montenegro, João Elisário de Carvalho. Opúsculo sobre a Colônia Nova-Louzã fundada por João Elisário de Carvalho Monte-Negro em 1867 Campinas: Typographia Gazeta de Campinas, 1872.
• Pina Cabral, J. Filhos de Adão, Filhas de Eva. A visão de mundo camponesa no Alto Minho Lisboa: Publicações D. Quixote. 1989
• Roque, João L. A população da freguesia da Sé de Coimbra (1820-1849). Breve estudo demográfico 1820. Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras.
• Rowland, R. Velhos e Novos Brasis. In: F, Bethencourt; e K, Chaudhuri(Ed.). História da Expansão Portuguesa Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, v.4, 1998. Velhos e Novos Brasis, p.303-373.
• Scott, A. S. V. Famílias, Formas de União e Reprodução Social no Noroeste Português (séculos XVIII e XIX) São Leopoldo: OIKOS/Editora da UNISINOS, 2012.
• Scott, A. S. V. Alternativas regionais e locais à emigração para o Brasil no final do século XIX: o exemplo do Concelho de Guimarães. Revista Brasileira de Estudos de População, v.19, n.1, p.95-111. 2002.
• Scott, A.S.V; e Scott, D. «Uma alternativa metodológica para o cruzamento semiautomático de fontes nominativas: o NACAOB como opção para o caso luso-brasileiro», in Tarcísio, R. Botelho; e Marco, H. D; van, Leeuwen (Orgs.), História social: perspectivas metodológicas, Belo Horizonte, Veredas & Cenários, 2012, pp. 83-108
• Scott, A. S. V.; Truzzi, O. M. S. (2008). O valor do trabalho. Revista de História (Rio de Janeiro), v. Ano 3, p. 78-81.
• Serrão, J. A emigração portuguesa para o Brasil na segunda metade do século XIX. In: (Ed.). Temas Oitocentistas. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, v.1, 1980. A emigração portuguesa para o Brasil na segunda metade do século XIX, p.161-186.
• Truzzi, Oswaldo; Scott, A. S. V. (2005). Pioneirismo, disciplina e paternalismo nas relações de trabalho entre proprietário e imigrantes no século XIX: o caso da colónia da Nova Lousã, em São Paulo. Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Série de História(Universidade do Porto), Porto - Portugal, v. 6, p. 339-354.

• 1
  SERRÃO, J. A emigração portuguesa para o Brasil na segunda metade do século XIX. In: Temas Oitocentistas. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, v.1, 1980, p.177.

• 2
  Also, the relationship between the landlord (Comendador João Elisário de Carvalho Montenegro) and the settlers was different from the one mentioned by Serrão. This subject matter will be mentioned further on, but as it was already addressed in previous works, it will not be analyzed in-depth herein. For further information on this discussion, see, for instance: Truzzi, Oswaldo; Scott, A. S. V. Pioneirismo, disciplina e paternalismo nas relações de trabalho entre proprietário e imigrantes no século XIX: o caso da colónia da Nova Lousã, em São Paulo. Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Série de História (Universidade do Porto), Porto - Portugal, v. 6, p. 339-354, 2005; Scott, A. S. V.; Truzzi, O. M. S.. O valor do trabalho. Revista de História (Rio de Janeiro), v. Ano 3, p. 78-81, 2008.

• 3
  The recording system NACAOB (NAscimentos, CAsamentos, ÓBitos - Births, Marriages, Deaths) is a tool specially developed for the registry of parish registers (baptism, marriage, death) allowing, via nominative cross-checking, the semi-automatic reconstitution of families. For further information about NACAOB and its capabilities, see SCOTT, A.S.V. and SCOTT, D. Uma alternativa metodológica para o cruzamento semiautomático de fontes nominativas: o NACAOB como opção para o caso luso-brasileiro. In: BOTELHO, Tarcísio R. e VAN LEEUWEN, Marco H. D. (orgs.). História social: perspectivas metodológicas. Belo Horizonte: Veredas & Cenários, 2012, pp. 83-108. Further information on the software available in: <http://www.nacaob.com.br/>.

• 4
  Also, statistical data were collected for the Lousã population. This set of documents was complemented by printed sources, collected in local and regional libraries and archives from institutions located in Portugal. *Translator’s Note: The title “Comendador (Commander) was kept in Portuguese.

• 5
  MONTEIRO, P. Terra que já foi terra. Análise sociológica de nove lugares agro-pastoris da Serra da Lousã. Lisboa: Edições Salamandra, 1985.

• 6
  Ibidem.

• 7
  According to the information of Comendador Montenegro, in around five months the debts would be paid. See TRUZZI, Oswaldo; SCOTT, A. S. V. Pioneirismo, disciplina e paternalismo nas relações de trabalho entre proprietário e imigrantes no século XIX: o caso da colónia da Nova Lousã, em São Paulo. Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Série de História (Universidade do Porto), Porto, p.353.

• 8
  There were maps (tables) of population for the years 1851, 1854, 1855, 1862, 1863, 1865, 1868, 1876, 1883, 1884, 1885. They also show information about the number of fires. With those tables, it was possible to calculate, for example, the gender ratio.

• 9
  MONTENEGRO, João Elisário de Carvalho. Colônias Nova-Louzã e Nova Colômbia. Report presented to the Honorable Mr. President of the São Paulo Province - February 6^th, 1875. São Paulo: Typ. da Província de São Paulo, 1875.

• 10
  DAESP - Colônias.

• 11
  DAESP - Colônias.

• 12
  Data recovered from previous works, aforementioned.

• 13
  MONTEIRO, P. F. Emigrantes imigrados: da Lousã ao Connecticut, uma investigação em dois tempos. In: SILVA, Maria Beatriz Nizza; BAGANHA, Maria Ioannis B; MARANHÃO, Maria José; PEREIRA, Miriam Halpern (eds). Emigração/ Imigração em Portugal. Actas do Colóquio Internacional sobre emigração e imigração em Portugal (séc. XIX - XX). Lisboa: Fragmentos, 1993, p. 326.

• 14
  MONTEIRO, P. F. Terra que já foi terra. Análise sociológica de nove lugares agro-pastoris da Serra da Lousã. Lisboa: Edições Salamandra, 1985, p. 71.

• 15
  ANDREAZZA, M. L. O paraíso das delícias. Um estudo da imigração ucraniana 1895-1995. Curitiba: Aos Quatro Ventos, 1999, p. 176.

• 16
  CASCÃO, R. Demografia e Sociedade. In: J. Mattoso (ed.). História de Portugal. O Liberalismo (1807-1890). Lisboa: Editorial Estampa, v.5, 1993. Demografia e Sociedade, p.428.

• 17
  The seasonality was calculated in the form of an index, for comparative purposes. The line corresponding to the index 100 is the average of marriages registered in the period, indicating the months above or below the average index. The procedure was adopted in the other seasonality charts.

• 18
  VEIGA, Teresa Rodrigues. A população portuguesa no século XIX. Porto: CEPESE/Edições Afrontamento, 2004, p.128 e SOUSA, Fernando de. A população portuguesa nos inícios do século XIX. Porto: Universidade do Porto, 1979, p. 305. Thesis (Doctorate).

• 19
  ANDREAZZA, M. L. O paraíso das delícias. Um estudo da imigração ucraniana 1895-1995. Curitiba: Aos Quatro Ventos, 1999, p. 161-163.

• 20
  According to Maria Luiza Andreazza, François Lebrun is one of the few authors mentioning that the classical marriage law would have prohibited marriages in tempos feriarum, whether during the Advent or the Lent period, which were considered mortification periods and, thus, inappropriate to the festivities which traditionally follows the marriage. According to ANDREAZZA, M.L. Cultura familiar e registros paroquiais. In: BASSANEZI, M.S.C.B e BOTELHO, T.R. (orgs). Linhas e entrelinhas: as diferentes leituras das atas paroquiais dos setecentos e oitocentos. Belo Horizonte: Veredas & Cenários, 2009, p.144.

• 21
  From the demographic point of view, a person may be definitely considered a celibate when reaching the age of 50 unmarried.

• 22
  SCOTT, A. S. V. Famílias, Formas de União e Reprodução Social no Noroeste Português (séculos XVIII e XIX). São Leopoldo: OIKOS/Editora da UNISINOS, 2012, p.303 e seg.

• 23
  Teresa R. Veiga presents data about the Beira province, stating that the marriage entry age in 1864 was 29 for men and 26.9 for women. In 1900, a decrease was reported, and the entry age became 27.2 for men and 25.9 for women. VEIGA, Teresa Rodrigues. A população portuguesa no século XIX. Porto: CEPESE/Edições Afrontamento, 2004.

• 24
  It was not possible to make the calculation for Nova Lousã, because the death certificates have not been located.

• 25
  For a discussion on the matter of access to marriage and permanent celibacy, see SCOTT, A. S. V. Famílias, Formas de União e Reprodução Social no Noroeste Português (séculos XVIII e XIX). São Leopoldo: OIKOS/Editora da UNISINOS, 2012, especially Part IV.

• 26
  Ibidem, Part I

• 27
  SERRÃO, J. A emigração portuguesa para o Brasil na segunda metade do século XIX. In: (Ed.). Temas Oitocentistas. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, v.1, 1980, p. 137-139 e p.161-186.

• 28
  ROWLAND, R. Velhos e Novos Brasis. In: BETHENCOURT F. e CHAUDHURI, K. (ed.). História da Expansão Portuguesa. Lisboa: Círculo de Leitores, v.4, 1998, p. 312.

• 29
  BASSANEZI, M. S. C. B. Considerações sobre os casos de celibato e a idade ao casar no passado brasileiro. Anais do IX Encontro Nacional de Estudos Populacionais, v.1, 1994, p. 387-388.

• 30
  See Note 17. The same procedure adopted to study the seasonality of marriages was adopted to analyze the baptisms, in order to compare the results.

• 31
  SCOTT, A. S. V. Famílias, Formas de União e Reprodução Social no Noroeste Português (séculos XVIII e XIX). São Leopoldo: OIKOS/Editora da UNISINOS, 2012, p. 353.

• 32
  However, the results are related only to the first half of the 19^th century, as observed in ROQUE, João L. A população da freguesia da Sé de Coimbra (1820-1849). Breve estudo demográfico. Coimbra: Faculdade de Letras, 1988, p.41.

• 33
  PINA CABRAL, J. Filhos de Adão, Filhas de Eva. A visão de mundo camponesa no Alto Minho. Lisboa: Publicações D. Quixote. 1989.

• 34
  MONTEIRO, P. F. op.cit.

• 35
  The indications of the synodical constitutions governing the area in Portugal and in Brazil, showed that the children should be baptized up to the eighth day of life, to avoid the risk of death of the child before the sacrament, going, therefore, to the “limbus”.

• 36
  See SCOTT, A. S.V. “Entre idas e vindas”: a contribuição da micro-história para o estudo da migração entre Portugal e o Brasil. In: Vendrame, M. I.; Karsburg, A.; Moreira, P.R.S. Ensaios de micro-história: trajetória e imigração. São Leopoldo: Oikos/ Ed. Unisinos, 2016, p. 211-233.

• 37
  GAZETA DE CAMPINAS, 17 de outubro de 1872, apud MONTE-NEGRO, João Elisário de Carvalho Montenegro. Opúsculo sobre a Colônia Nova-Louzã fundada por João Elisário de Carvalho Monte-Negro em 1867. Campinas: Typographia Gazeta de Campinas, 1872.

• 38
  Ibidem, p. 36-37.

• 39
  TRUZZI, Oswaldo; SCOTT, A. S. V. Pioneirismo, disciplina e paternalismo nas relações de trabalho entre proprietário e imigrantes no século XIX: o caso da colónia da Nova Lousã, em São Paulo. Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Série de História (Universidade do Porto), Porto, v. 6, p. 339-354, 2005.

• 40
  MONTENEGRO, J. E. C. Opúsculo sobre a Colônia Nova Louzã. Campinas: Typographia da Gazeta de Campinas. 1872, p. 13.

• 41
  MONTENEGRO, João Elisário de Carvalho. Colônias Nova-Louzã e Nova Colômbia. Report presented to the Honorable Mr. President of the São Paulo Province - February 6^th, 1875. São Paulo: Typ. da Província de São Paulo, 1875. These lists show the underlined names referring to characters of the Portuguese History and Culture.

• 42
  For the group of 22 women listed, this information was not available in the source.

Annex - Images

Image 01
Portugal Map (Districts)

Image 02
District of Coimbra and Concelho da Lousã

Image 03
Map of the São Paulo Province - 1872 (Espírito Santo do Pinhal)

Image 04
Colony of Nova Lousã

Image 05
Comendador Montenegro (1867)

Image 05b
Comendador Montenegro (1913)

Image 06
Detail of the tribute to Montenegro (Lousã village)

Image 07
Detail of Serra da Lousã

Image 08
Detail of Serra da Lousã

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  Dec 2017

History

• Received
  16 May 2017
• Accepted
  17 Aug 2017