Colonialities And Cartographic Disputes In Traditional Territories On The Southeast-South Coast Of Brazil

Colonialidades Y Disputas Cartográficas En Territorios Tradicionales De La Costa Sureste-Sur De Brasil

Abstract

The field of classical cartography has historically been mobilised to produce maps that serve as mechanisms for controlling and conquering territories. In opposition to this logic, the critical cartography movement suggests incorporating a diversity of interpretations and worldviews into territory representations. This article discusses the processes of cartographic elaboration within the scope of academic research in the context of traditionally occupied territories on the coast of the Brazilian states of Paraná and São Paulo, which are overlapped by development projects and Conservation Units. These cartographies allow the problematisation of overlaps involving the territories of the Guarani Indigenous people and traditional artisanal fishing communities by considering the autocartography of these social groups to produce counter-information in the face of the erasure of subjectivities and territorialities embedded in the instruments associated with environmental and land-use planning policies.

Keywords:
Traditional peoples and communities; critical cartography; decoloniality; coastal zone; Conservation Units; Guarani; large enterprises

Resumo

O campo da cartografia clássica tem sido mobilizado historicamente para produzir mapas que servem como mecanismo de controle e conquista de territórios. Contrapondo essa lógica, o movimento da cartografia crítica sugere a incorporação da diversidade de interpretações e visões de mundo nas representações de territórios. Este artigo discute os processos de elaboração cartográfica no âmbito da pesquisa acadêmica em contextos de territórios ocupados tradicionalmente no litoral do Paraná e São Paulo, sobrepostos por projetos de empreendimentos desenvolvimentistas e Unidades de Conservação. As cartografias enunciadas permitem problematizar sobreposições envolvendo territórios do povo indígena Guarani e de comunidades tradicionais da pesca artesanal, ao considerar a autocartografia desses grupos sociais para produzir contra-informação ao apagamento de subjetividades e territorialidades embutido nos instrumentos associados às políticas ambientais e de ordenamento territorial.

Palavras-chave:
Povos e comunidades tradicionais; cartografia crítica; decolonialidade; zona costeira; Unidades de Conservação; Guarani; grandes empreendimentos

Resumen

El campo de la cartografía clásica se ha movilizado históricamente para producir mapas que sirvan como mecanismo para controlar y conquistar territorios. En oposición a esta lógica, el movimiento de la cartografía crítica sugiere la incorporación de la diversidad de interpretaciones y visiones del mundo en las representaciones de los territorios. Este artículo analiza procesos de elaboración cartográfica en el campo de la investigación académica en el contexto de territorios tradicionalmente ocupados en la costa de Paraná y São Paulo, superpuestos por proyectos de desarrollo y Unidades de Conservación. Las cartografías antes mencionadas permiten problematizar los solapamientos que involucran los territorios del pueblo indígena Guarani y las comunidades pesqueras artesanales tradicionales, al considerar la autocartografía de estos grupos sociales para producir contrainformación a la invisibilización de subjetividades y territorialidades incrustadas en instrumentos asociados con el medio ambiente y las políticas de planificación territorial.

Palabras-clave:
Pueblos y comunidades tradicionales; cartografía crítica; decolonialidad; zona costera; Unidades de conservación; Guarani; grandes emprendimientos

Introduction

The colonisation of Latin America by Europeans was marked by violence and slavery. The enslaving of Indigenous and African people, the raping of women, and the exploitation of nature were all part of the same colonising project that aimed to bring about the symbolic and material death of the native peoples. Despite the formal end of the colonial period, decolonial intellectuals and counter-colonial representations claim that a continuum of colonialities persists, expressed in the construction of being, knowledge, power, and nature. This is the basis for the formation of a modern-colonial world system that produces violence, inequalities, and the commodification of nature (ESCOBAR, 2003; QUIJANO, 2005; WALSH, 2008; PORTO-GONÇALVES; QUENTAL, 2012; SANTOS, 2015; MIGNOLO, 2017).

The coloniality of power (QUIJANO, 2005; PORTO-GONÇALVES; QUENTAL, 2012) has the concept of race as its central structuring axis, as it is argued that there is a “pattern of control, hierarchisation, and classification of the world’s population that affects all dimensions of social existence” (PORTO-GONÇALVES; QUENTAL, 2012, p. 7). The strategies of domination and maintenance of power in terms of the modern-colonial pattern and of coloniality were and still are based on the writing and interpretation of (linear) time and space with the “global north” as a reference, more specifically Western Europe (MENESES, 2018).

Modern science, guided by European rationality, creates a system of universal truth and imposes a single standard of knowledge that denies the one produced by black and Indigenous bodies (QUIJANO, 2005; CASTRO-GOMES, 2007; ROSA; ALVES-BRITO; PINHEIRO, 2020). This logic extends to the field of cartography, and its effects in the production of maps can be understood as central mechanisms for territorial control and domination, as well as for the maintenance of power. In this case, they can represent, within the coloniality of power and knowledge, a racial geopolitics that privileges those who hold power over the borders and their fences to the detriment of those who experience an erasure of their subjectivities and territorialities.

Modern cartography is based on a “monoculture of space, splintered by colonial cartographic orthopaedic thinking, which produces a space of domination, where the various cognitive interpretations of these spaces have no place” (MENESES, 2018, p. 66). These strategies build cognitive maps formed by imaginary lines, which are, in turn, instituted by spatial boundaries typified by a binary ideology, marked conceptions of superiority and inferiority, presences and absences, backward and modern, savage and civilised, and nature and society. The production of cartographies situated in this context of universal space-time has globalised dominant models that have compartmentalised dimensions of life that transcend borders, legitimise hierarchical processes of overlap, and invalidate and expropriate counter-hegemonic lifeworlds by producing “non-existences” (MENESES, 2018).

By questioning and countering this power logic, the critical cartography movement suggests incorporating a diversity of interpretations and worldviews into territory representations. In the Latin American context¹, the path towards social cartography has been built through traditional peoples and communities, contemplating their collective identities in a movement of resistance and counter-cartography that denounces and challenges the classic cartographic conventions that make them invisible (ACSELRAD, 2009; RIBEIRO, 2020; MESA, 2022; ALMEIDA; MARIN, 2022). This movement, beyond technical and descriptive instruments, comprises a means of mobilising social groups, politicising claims, and recognising and affirming rights (ALMEIDA; MARIN, 2022).

This article discusses the processes of cartographic elaboration in academic research as a tool for problematising the overlapping of territories traditionally occupied by development projects and Conservation Units in the coastal context of the states of Paraná and São Paulo in the light of the decoloniality and critical cartography contributions. To problematise current cartographic productions and management tools, we present the academic research process aimed at recognising the set of overlapping development projects and conservation units in territories traditionally occupied by traditional communities and the Guarani people on the coast of Paraná and São Paulo.

We begin by contextualising the south-east coast, based on the presence of the Guarani Indigenous people and traditional communities and the development projects represented by enterprises and conservation units. Next, based on the cartographic production process in academic research, we reflect on the limits and potential for constituting processes of counter-information to cartographic productions in the context of environmental and land-use planning policies.

The coast of Paraná and São Paulo: ethnic-racial belonging and territorial disputes

Brazil’s southeast-south coast, in the mosaic formed by the states of Paraná and São Paulo, is home to several social groups with ethnic-racial and territorial belongings linked to the Atlantic Forest and Coastal biomes. The different ethnic groups of the Guarani Indigenous people, especially the Guarani Mbya people (LADEIRA, 2020), have resisted on the south-east coast since the invasion of the colonisers, maintaining their strong link to Yvy marãey, the search for the “land without evil”. For these people, ethical principles and values that match their worldview, the place where they were born, where their relatives are buried, where they can develop their nhandereko, the “Guarani way of being” (MELIÁ, 1990; LADEIRA; MALINA; TUPÃ, 2004; FARIA; MALINA, 2013; MACHADO, 2015; LADEIRA, 2020) determine the boundaries defined by space. However, in the field of environmental management, this understanding is not always accepted.

Ethnic-racial and territorial diversity in the south-east-south region also involves countless traditional communities who, according to their identity characteristics, recognise themselves as caiçaras, artisanal fishermen, quilombolas, farinheiras, cipozeiras, among others (DIEGUES, 1995). On the coast of Paraná, the Sustainable Development Plan of the Paraná Coast identified² 155 locations linked to traditional peoples and communities, which are represented by quilombolas, caiçaras, artisanal fishing communities, and family farming communities (GOVERNO DO ESTADO DO PARANÁ, 2019). The Paranaguá Estuarine Complex (PEC) is important as a nursery for marine life and a fishing ground for artisanal fishing communities. It is also linked to a persistent economic project that favours the flow of production related to agribusiness and private interest, which is materialised by the expansion of the port-industrial sector linked to the Ports of Paranaguá and Antonina, to new private ports, and to infrastructure for overland flow and pre-salt extraction (PIERRI et al., 2006; ABRAHÃO; CANEPARO, 2014; TIEPOLO, 2015).

The coastline of São Paulo, especially the north coast and the Baixada Santista region, has undergone major demographic and territorial transformations in recent decades as a result of investment in mega-development projects, such as the installation of the Almirante Barroso Waterway Terminal (TEBAR, in Portuguese), the Ports of Santos and São Sebastião, and gas and oil exploration projects (VIGLIO; CALVIMONTES; FERREIRA, 2017; GONÇALVES et al., 2020). These colonially-rooted development projects have been significant in their appropriation of resources and/or spaces, be they terrestrial or aquatic, which are of everyday use to many traditional peoples and communities (COUNCIL OF THE POPULAR COURT OF THE ECONOMY OF THE SEA, 2022).

In both states, there is also a significant presence of Integral Protection Conservation Units, the logic of which reaffirms the myth of “untouched nature” (DIEGUES, 2008). This logic hinders traditional peoples and communities’ access to the natural resources which are essential to their subsistence in cases of territorial overlap, undermining the conditions of these groups’ physical, cultural, and social reproduction associated with large enterprises’ fallacious compensatory measures (FOPPA et al., 2018), in a constant search for expulsion by fatigue (CASTRO, 2017).

According to Sousa and Serafini (2018), on the coast of São Paulo, the creation of Conservation Mosaics between 2006 and 2013 totalled six of the state’s seven mosaics, four of them created at the state level, representing 25% of Brazil’s mosaics. The Paraná coastline, in turn, has 82.6 percent of its length covered by Conservation Units (PAULA; PIGOSSO; WROBLEWSKI, 2018).

Conversely, there is a deficit of Indigenous Lands that are ratified or even in the process of demarcation in the southeast-south region, revealing a significant mismatch between the institutionalisation of these two types of protected areas (JABUR, 2018), i.e. the non-recognition of Indigenous lands (or quilombola communities) as protected areas, with the preservationist logic of parks prevailing with the creation/implementation of Integral Protection Conservation Units³.

Simultaneously, Brazil opts for economic dependence, based on the hydro-mining-agribusiness commodity exporter model, and this choice articulates local and regional political-economic structures. Fernandes and Góes (2022) point out that the environmental counterpart of development projects consists in creating Conservation Units - since the 1970s-80s, “98 per cent of the more than 2,200 Conservation Units that currently exist in Brazil have been created” (FERNANDES; GÓES, 2022, p. 313).

Many of the projects associated with the creation of Conservation Units are also responsible for conflicts with Indigenous territories and those of traditional communities. It is these phenomena of coastal zones appropriation related to the processes and mechanisms of conservation, development, and fisheries management that have disproportionately affected small-scale fishing communities and historically vulnerable coastal populations (BENNET; GOVAN; SATTERFIELD, 2015; FOPPA et al., 2018; FERNANDES; GÓES, 2022).

Cartographic production as a tool for environmental management, scientific research, and counter-cartography

When evaluating cartographic productions in the context of the states of Paraná and São Paulo, it is noticeable that they have been mobilised as an instrument of policies, plans, and programs, such as the Ecological Economic Zoning provided for in Law no. 7.661/88, which establishes the National Coastal Management Plan (BRASIL, 1988), in the zoning that is part of the Management Plans for Conservation Units (BRASIL, 2002), in Master Plans - in urban contexts -, and in the National Environmental Policy (BRAZIL, 1981) with Environmental Impact Statement in the environmental licensing processes for projects.

To identify the scenario of planned development projects and traditional communities on the coast of Paraná, we used the thematic map produced in a master’s research project on the cumulative impacts of enterprises on the PEC (ONOFRE, 2021). The thematic map was produced using the free QGIS 2.18.4 software with the Coordinate Reference System (CRS) SIRGAS2000 UTM 22s The Paraná State Public Prosecutor’s Office and the UFPR Geoprocessing and Environmental Studies Laboratory (LAGEAMB) made the geospatial data on the enterprises available. The data relating to the locations of traditional peoples and communities was based, exceptionally, on the Coastal SDPl survey (2019) and the Local Mariculture Development Plan (PLDM, 2010)(ONOFRE, 2021).

Regarding the identification of overlapping Guarani Indigenous territories by Conservation Units, the maps produced by Rossato (2021) were used as a basis and updated by consulting and cross-referencing different data on the website of the following institutions⁴: i) FUNAI - National Indigenous People’s Foundation; ii) ISA - Instituto Socioambiental; iii) CPISP - São Paulo Pro-Indian Commission; iv) SESAI - Secretariat for Indigenous Health; v) Digital Guarani Map; vi) MPF - Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office; vii) CIMI - Indigenous Missionary Council; viii) ICMBio - Chico Mendes Institute for Biodiversity Conservation; ix) ITCG - Earth, Cartography, and Geology Institute of Paraná.

Spatial data operations and map production were also carried out in QGIS. The information plans of the federal and state integral protection and sustainable use Conservation Units were obtained from the Brazilian Ministry of the Environment’s National Conservation Unit Register website. The information plans for the Indigenous Lands and the geographical coordinates of the territories were obtained from the FUNAI website and the Guarani Digital Map. The available Management Plans were consulted to understand how the Conservation Units deal with the issue of overlap.

Pressures and overlaps between major development projects and traditional territories on the Paraná coast

In the Paranaguá Estuarine Complex (PEC), the socio-spatial configuration suggests an attempt at port-industrial monoculture in the immediate surroundings of the Paranaguá and Antonina bays, in locations where the port-industrial node is present, which overlap with the territory of traditional communities whose main activity is artisanal fishing but is not restricted to them.

The mapping provides 151 geospatial data points on the locations of traditional peoples and communities compared to the Coastal PSD, which mentions the presence of 155 locations. In addition, relevant areas represented by fishing grounds were identified, thus demonstrating the importance of artisanal fishing on the Paraná coast. There are 70 localities belonging to artisanal fishing communities, 25 to cipozeiras(os), 12 to caiçaras, 11 to small agricultural producers, 5 Indigenous territories, 2 quilombola territories, and localities of communities of unidentified territorial belonging.

In the Paranaguá Estuarine Complex (PEC), a place of high port-industrial pressure, there are 66 Traditional Peoples and Communities sites. In addition, there are many fishing grounds where these same communities develop their livelihoods through artisanal fishing. The survey carried out by Onofre (2021) and Pigosso (2022) identified the existence of 23 projects in the environmental licensing process or otherwise planned for the coast of Paraná, with a billionaire investment of R$ 27,557,789,189.02, 65% of which comes from public investments. The following enterprises on the coast have been identified (ONOFRE, 2021):

• a) Road transport infrastructure (9): PR 404 and extension of PR 340, Paving of PR 405 - Guaraqueçaba Road, BR 101 - Paraná / Antonina, Guaratuba and Morretes stretch, PR 340 - Antonina - BR 277 stretch, Road access to the Port of Paranaguá, Duplication of PR 407, Infrastructure Strip in Pontal do Paraná, Proposed improvements to PR 412 and the Guaratuba Bridge;

• b) Waterway projects (8): Expansion of the Ponta do Félix Port Terminal, Dredging and emergency excavation of the Palanganas rock mass - Access channels, Berths and Evolution Basin - Port of Paranaguá and Antonina, Novo Porto Terminais Portuários Multicargas e Logística (Embocuí), Porto Guará Infraestrutura SPE S/A, Organised Port of Paranaguá: Expansion of East Pier T, L, F, Nautical Complex, Organised Port of Paranaguá (recovery and protection works for the liquid pier), Melport Multifunctional Terminal / Pontal do Paraná, 3P Porto Pontal do Paraná;

• c) Railway (1): New Railway for the implementation or readjustment of the railway on the stretch between Maracaju (MS) and Paranaguá (PR) - FERROESTE;

• d) Beach (1): Matinhos waterfront development;

• e) Metallurgical industry (2): Rehabilitation of the quay and dredging work at TENENGE, Subsea7 Welding Base / Pontal do Paraná;

• f) Land products (1): Poliduct (Sarandi - Paranaguá);

• g) Airway (1): New Airport (relocation of the current Paranaguá airport).

Onofre (2021), understanding the importance of cartographic production as a tool for counter-information and critical analysis, spatialised the communities/territories and the enterprises identified (Figure 1).

Figure 1
Overlap of major enterprises and locations of traditional peoples and communities on the Paraná coastline.

The multi-ethnic Tupã Nhe’e Indigenous Territory (IT), in the municipality of Morretes, is situated in the immediate vicinity of the New Railway and the Poliduct, so part of the route of these projects is also close to the Alexandra and Vila Guarani fishing communities in the municipality of Paranaguá. There are also the fishing communities of Teixeira’s Island and Ponta da Pita, located close to the installation of the new PR 340 that connects to the Ponta do Félix Port Terminal (PFPT) expansion project.

In the north, the paving of the PR 405 has in its immediate vicinity two Indigenous territories (IT Cerco Grande and IT Kuaray Haxa), two artisanal fishing communities (Cerquinho and Costão), eleven unidentified communities (Utinga, Morato, S/N, Pedra Chata, Rio Bananal, Serra Negra, Açungui, Capivari, Bromado, Lajeado, and Limoeiro), three caiçara communities (Tagaçaba, Tagaçaba de cima, and Potinga), and one cipozeiro community (no name).

The Sambaqui Indigenous Territory (IT Sambaqui, in Figure 1 see 122) is made up of two tekoa⁵, Karaguata and Guaviraty (GÓES et al., 2020), which are overlapped by the SubSea7 company project. It is also close to the New Infrastructure Belt project, imposed as a condition by the Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA) for installing the 3P Porto Pontal development project, currently called Maralto. In this case, the situation is exacerbated when we perceive the omission of IT existence in the land-use planning instruments structured by the state, the Environmental Impact Studies (EISs), and the Ecological Economic Zoning (ZEE LITORAL, 2016) (INSTITUTO DE TERRAS, CARTOGRAFIA E GEOLOGIA DO PARANÁ 2016; GÓES et al., 2020), resulting in technical planning cartographies that are composed of “non-existences”, and which grant entry to large enterprises.

In the southern portion of the PEC, the Ponta do Poço community (54) was directly overlapped by 3P Porto Pontal. This led to its territorial expropriation prior to the start of environmental licensing; a process articulated through legal proceedings. The community was removed twice (2003 and 2007) to the vicinity of the National Sewage Works Department canal (DNOS), which forms part of the fishermen’s village, the current Area of Direct Influence of the 3P Porto Pontal development (current Maralto) (ONOFRE; SILVA; QUADROS, 2019).

The fishing community of Barrancos (51) has its territory crossed by the New Infrastructure Belt project, located in Pontal do Paraná. Four enterprises linked to the Pontal do Paraná port-industrial complex are in the immediate vicinity of the territory of the Maciel artisanal fishing community (53). Both communities have a history of human rights violations related to the right to territory due to the legal dispute over land titling, which involves the concession of so-called ‘public’ land from the state to private entities in the property market - a situation represented by Empresa Balneária Pontal do Sul, whose entrepreneur is also the creator and former entrepreneur of Porto Pontal (PORTES, 2019; ONOFRE; SILVA; BUFF, 2020).

In the case of Maciel, in addition to the lack of titling of the territory on ‘paper’, the scenario is aggravated by the attempt to erase its existence in the land-use planning instruments Coastal Ecological Economic Zoning (2016) and Pontal do Paraná Master Plan (2014, 2017). This implies the legitimisation of the Differentiated Development Zone and the Special Port Zone (SPZ), created to the detriment of the traditional territory’s legitimacy, strategically overlapping the fishing community (MINARI, 2016; ONOFRE; SILVA; BUFF, 2020). This production of “non-existence” is, therefore, a colonising strategy enunciated by the power of maps treated as official (MENESES, 2018) to the detriment of traditional territories that have historically been considered obstacles to “progress”.

The situation of port-industrial and road expansion in the immediate surroundings of the Paranaguá Estuarine Complex (PEC) raises concerns because, out of the 23 major enterprises, 17 are concentrated in the PEC and “involve the expansion and new infrastructure of port terminals, new industries, roads, railways, pipelines, airports, and dredging” (ONOFRE, 2021, p. 70).

To summarise, it was found that three artisanal fishing territories (Maciel, Ponta do Poço-already expropriated-and Barrancos) and the Sambaqui Indigenous Territory are directly overlapping. Four new port enterprises (3P Porto Pontal - , Melport, Embocuí, and Guará) overlap on the fishing grounds of the PEC on the coast of Paraná, causing new areas of pressure and tension.

The overlapping of Guarani Indigenous territories by Conservation Units

On Paraná and São Paulo’s coast are 26 Guarani Indigenous territories (GIT), overlapped by 18 Federal and State Conservation Units of Full Protection and Sustainable Use. There are 13 Conservation Units on the coast of São Paulo, overlapping a total of 21 GITs (Table 1) (Figure 2) and five Conservation Units on the coast of Paraná, overlapping four GITs (Table 2) (Figure 3).

Among the overlapping Conservation Units, 8 have a Management Plan, 7 of which are located on the coast of São Paulo and 1 on the coast of Paraná. When analysing the Management Plans for the Serra do Mar State Park, Xixová Japuí State Park, Carlos Botelho State Park, Intervales State Park, Cardoso Island State Park, and Cananéia-Iguape-Peruíbe Federal Environmental Protection Area, Rossato (2021) identified ways of dealing with the issue of territories: (i) cited as not being the object of zoning because they are recognised by specific legislation; (ii) considered as “occupations” or “invasions” involving legal proceedings for expulsion; (iii) non-recognition of the existence of Indigenous territory, by omitting the presence of Indigenous peoples from the document.

According to Ladeira (2004), the territorial management practices, defined by public policies involving Indigenous peoples’ territories, generally result in the submission of the spatial conceptions, organisational norms, occupation, and sociability specific to these groups to the dominant political and economic conventions and standards.

For the Guarani Indigenous peoples, the notion of territory is associated with the idea of the world, linked to the geographical space where relationships develop that define their way of life, and this cannot be delimited. The notion of land is embedded in the concept of territory, which, for these peoples, is infinite (LADEIRA; TUPÃ, 2004; FARIA; MALINA, 2013; MACHADO, 2015; LADEIRA, 2020).

Based on the Management Plans analysed, the planning of Conservation Units does not consider the existing forms of management as an initial reference for zoning. Indigenous peoples are forced to adapt to the preservationist model in a binary way that reaffirms the human-nature dichotomy, disregarding traditional ways of life.

Table 1
Overlapping Federal and State Conservation Units in Guarani Indigenous Territories on the coast of São Paulo.

Conservation Units	Indigenous Territory (IT)	IT Situation
Restinga de Bertioga State Park	Silveira Brook	Declared
Serra do Mar State Park	Guarani do Aguapéu	Ratified
	Boa Vista do Sertão do Promirim	Sanctioned
	Peruíbe (Bananal)	Sanctioned
	Silveira Brook	Declared
	Rio Branco	Sanctioned
	Tenondé Porã	Declared
	Djaiko Aty	Delimited
Serra do Mar State Environmental Protection Area	Djaiko Aty	Delimited
	Taquari	Reserved
	Amba Porã	Delimited
	Peguaoty	Delimitada
Xixová-Japuí State Park	Paranapuã	Study in Progress
Carlos Botelho State Park	Peguaoty	Delimited
Intervales State Park
Paranapanema Springs State Park
Cardoso Island State Park	Pakurity (Yvyty Parapau - Cardoso Island)	Delimited
Juréia-Itatins Ecological Station	Itariri (Itatins Mountain Range)	Approved
Cananéia-Iguape-Peruíbe Federal Environmental Protection Area	Itariri (Itatins Mountain Range)	Approved
	Tapy’i (Branquinho River)	Delimited
	Guaviraty	Delimited
	Pindoty/Araçá Mirim	Delimited
	Ka’aguy Hovy	Delimited
	Pakurity (Yvyty Parapau - Cardoso Island)	Delimited
	Takuarity	Study in Progress
	Paraíso	No action taken
	Mbotuy/Ariri	No action taken
Lagamar de Cananéia State Park	Mbotuy/Ariri
	Tapy’i (Branquinho River)	Delimited
Itinguçu State Park	Paraíso	No action taken
Prelado State Park	Pakurity (Juréia)	No action taken

• Font: Adapted from Rossato, 2021.

Figure 2
Overlap of Guarani Indigenous Territories with Conservation Units on the São Paulo Coast.

Table 2
Overlapping Federal and State Conservation Units in Guarani Indigenous Territories on the coast of Paraná.

Conservation Units	Indigenous territories (IT)	IT situation
Guaraqueçaba Federal Environmental Protection Area	Kuaray Haxa	Claimed
	Cerco Grande (Kuaray Guata Porã)	Delimited
Bom Jesus Biological Reserve	Kuaray Haxa	Claimed
Guaraqueçaba Ecological Station	Cerco Grande (Kuaray Guata Porã)	Delimited
Guaraguaçu Ecological Station	Sambaqui	Delimited
Guaricana National Park	Tupã Nhe’é	Claimed

• Font: Adapted from Rossato, 2021.

Figure 3
Overlap between Guarani Indigenous Territories and Conservation Units on the Paraná Coast.

Cautions, challenges and potentials in the cartographic productions listed

Classical cartography has been mobilised to implement different public policies on the coasts of São Paulo and Paraná. These are spatial areas mobilised for different purposes, and their results are in dispute and involve different groups and institutions. Indigenous peoples and traditional communities have historically been made invisible in their own territories through the reproduction of a hegemonic narrative that considers the existence of Indigenous peoples and other people categorised as “traditional” to be something from the past to serve colonial projects and interests that fuel racism, genocide, and ethnocide (MILANEZ et al., 2019; NÚÑEZ, 2021). Invisibilisation, as part of the methodology used by classical cartography, is a treatment given to those in the “zone of non-being” (FANON, 2008) by the modern colonial project.

The advances in the debate on social cartography that consider counter-information and autocartography make us aware of the institutional and political complexity behind the arrangements that allow “participatory” cartographies to be realised (HOFFMANN, 2010). However, it is important to note that the notion of participatory mapping arises as a requirement of multinational agencies to meet the conditions of project implementation manuals, resulting in contexts in which the “participation” of social groups, interpreted by this mechanism as consent to the implementation of megaprojects, is defined by the implementing body or entrepreneur with a “purpose of democratic illusion that conspires against prior consultation and the notion of participation” (ALMEIDA; MARIN, 2022, p. 149).

This mechanism is nothing more than the maintenance of colonialities based on the superficial and utilitarian construction involving traditional peoples and communities. In many cases, the collective autonomy of peoples and “the right to say no” is systematically disrespected (MILANEZ et al., 2021). In the states of Paraná and São Paulo, cartographic productions are diluted in fragmented studies for the Environmental Impact Statements of major enterprises, associated in a clientelist way with countless government plans and programmes at different levels (municipal, state, and federal), as seen in the manoeuvers to change municipal and state zoning to support and legitimise these undertakings at a local level.

These manoeuvers, when combined with the lack of recognition and demarcation of traditional territories, end up producing human rights violations, given that the demarcation of Indigenous and Quilombola territories is a constitutional right. As we have seen in the south-east-south context, regarding the great diversity of land that is integrated with the presence of various traditional communities, there is a gap with the state regarding the right to demarcate traditional territories belonging to others, such as artisanal fishing communities, riverine or caiçara communities. On this last point, Little (2003) already drew attention to the land and socio-cultural diversity and the lack of recognition and effective demarcation of the multiple traditional territories in Brazil.

In addition, the presence of Integral Protection Conservation Units, when associated with environmental licences, is linked to compensatory measures that, as well as being fallacious from an environmental point of view, reaffirm management actions that strengthen the preservationist logic that persecutes traditional populations, historically affected by the overlapping of Conservation Units in their territories of belonging. The arbitrary definitions of this process are configured in decision-making processes legitimised by advisory councils, whose social participation is fragile. Nor is it recognised that traditional territories are types of protected areas that work to preserve socio-biodiversity.

The experiences of cartographic production in the academic sphere, albeit without the direct participation of social groups, but in line with the territorial rights of traditional populations to produce counter-information and a decolonial science (SOUZA and ROMAGNOLI, 2022), allow us to recognise some precautions, challenges, and potential.

1. Self-organised cartographic productions. The existence of the Digital Guarani Map⁶, produced by the Guarani people as part of the Yvyrupa Commission - CGY, in partnership with the Centre for Indigenist Work - CTI and the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Heritage - IPHAN in Portuguese, with the support of the Royal Norwegian Embassy, constitutes a robust database to be recognised in scientific research processes. Its existence can be considered a counter-information and counter-mapping production to other productions that do not consider the presence of these territories along the coast. Valuing and feeding back on these bases can deepen interpretations, as with the spatialisation of the numerous Indigenous territories of the Guarani people overlapped by PAs, especially those of integral protection and their preservationist logic. The New Social Cartography of the Amazon Project also highlights other regional autocartographic productions that guarantee social groups’ visibility on the margins of decision-making processes, whether for the implementation of enterprises or the management of Conservation Units.

2. Intercultural construction, data fragmentation, scales and temporalities for cartographic production. The complexity of the territorialities and diversity of groups along the coast poses challenges for academic research. The limitation of financial resources for systematic fieldwork is a structural challenge. The temporalities of the communities and the time of the study (scientific initiation, master’s, and doctorate) are factors to be considered in the construction of dialogue, and they are not always reconcilable. The exponential increase in enterprises along the coast and the volume of Environmental Impact Statement (EIS/EIRs) technical productions and zoning instruments impose other challenges. The lack of transparency in access to documents and, consequently, cartographic productions for research groups to respond to the excessive number of EIS/EIRs and other environmental management instruments requires multidisciplinary teams with great energy to produce counter-information. The fragmentation of these studies, with countless government projects and plans with different scales and spatial sections, requires careful translation and problematisation in the counter-information process. Using secondary databases, whether from social movements or other academic productions, is a strategy to be adopted with ethical conduct. Understanding the territorialities of traditional communities with different memberships is limited without an adequate database or more systematic fieldwork. However, the lack of prior enunciation that can counter the absence of these communities in decision-making processes is even more damaging. Presence announces histories, belonging, representations, and identities that have rights in their places of enunciation.

3. Complementary studies and partnerships with social movements. The previously discussed points indicate the need to complement the spatialisation of the different undertakings that affect the territories/territorialities of the Guarani people in the context of the coast and their association with other traditional communities. The official data from the Coastal SDP can be confronted by valorising the processes of autocartography and counter-information, built with protagonism and/or processes of participatory action-research with the groups directly affected. These principles of participation have been swept aside in the mobilisation of environmental management instruments, such as the Environmental Impact Studies (EIS/EIRS) associated with the environmental licensing of projects or the Management Plans for Conservation Units, which are guided by a logic that excludes traditional populations from thinking about the well-being of marine-coastal territories.

Conclusions

Beyond descriptive and technical cartography, the data presented here shows the presence of traditional territories on the coast of Paraná and São Paulo, where enterprises and Conservation Units overlap. Critically, we recognise the limiting logic of the ‘Cartesian’ maps used in Environmental Impact Statement (Environmental Licensing) or environmental management (Conservation Units), as they do not portray the territorialities of the traditional peoples and communities that inhabit the Coastal Zone and Atlantic Forest Biomes.

These rigid and technocratic factors, which are part of the very logic of modern-colonial cartographic science, do not allow for an intersectional look at belonging and socio-cultural aspects, self-recognition, the affirmation of rights and the construction of policies aimed at combating the oppressions of race, class and gender. Even less so, they enable processes of mobilisation and engagement of social groups and, at best, work in the opposite direction, setting up demobilisation processes.

On the other hand, the mapping, even though it was carried out using secondary data, made it possible to visualise situations of overlap and pressure caused by the relationship between large projects, both under licensing and proposed, Conservation Units and the places where the Guarani Indigenous peoples and traditional communities live. Considering the presence of these social groups in these processes is a sine qua non condition for tackling the threats and chronic damage to the Atlantic Forest and Coastal Zone Biomes over the last five centuries.

The result of these mappings can and should be the product of counter-information, especially in cases of disputes and violations, whether it’s the attempt to erase territories from official maps, the direct overlapping of enterprises and Conservation Units on these territories or the distortion of spatialities and temporalities that are multidiverse according to each ethnic-racial and territorial belonging in Brazil’s southeast-south context.

Acknowledgments

We offer our thanks to the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES) for the scholarships awarded to the first two authors and to the Academic Publishing Advisory Center (CAPA - http://www.capa.ufpr.br) of the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR) for assistance with English language translation and developmental editing.

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• 1
  - In Brazil, the movement stands out in the Amazon context, as illustrated by the New Social Cartography of the Amazon Project (PNCSA), which is involved in debating and building an autocartography of traditional peoples and communities in the Amazon. To find out more: http://novacartografiasocial.com.br/http://novacartografiasocial.com.br/.
• 2
  - We used the term “identification” rather than “self-identification”, as it refers to secondary data, and there was no measurement alongside the social groups to understand their processes of self-identification
• 3
  - Decree 5.758/2006 establishes the National Strategic Plan for Protected Areas (PNAP, in Portuguese), and Law 9985/2000 establishes the National Nature Conservation Units System (SNUC, in Portuguese).
• 4
  - In Portuguese: i) Fundação Nacional dos Povos Indígenas; ii) Instituto Socioambiental; iii) Comissão Pró-Índio de São Paulo; iv) Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena; v) Mapa Guarani Digital; vi) MPF - Ministério Público Federal; vii) Conselho Indigenista Missionário; viii) Instituto Chico Mendes de Conservação da Biodiversidade; ix) Instituto de Terras, Cartografia e Geologia do Paraná.
• 5
  - The Guarani Mbya considers the term tekoa to be “the place where the true way of being is expressed” (MACHADO, 2015, p. 21). In some simplified translations, the term is used to refer to the idea of a “village,” as it is understood by non-indigenous society.
• 6
  - Available at: https://guarani.map.as/#!/

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  16 May 2025
• Date of issue
  2025

History

• Received
  20 Mar 2024
• Accepted
  28 Aug 2024