Migration and temporary special educational needs

Abstract

The article reflects on the psychosocial needs of migrant children and adolescents in Chile, highlighting both the lack of institutional resources and the insufficient coordination between the education system and the child protection system. Although migration has increased significantly, with a considerable number of boys and girls of migrant origin (both with and without parental accompaniment), special education regulations and the definition of special educational needs have not evolved to address the specific requirements that arise from migratory trajectories. The literature shows that key aspects—such as language barriers, periods without schooling, the absence of parental care, the exercise of progressive autonomy, and the transition to adult life—are not adequately considered in the legislation that defines a transitory educational need. In response, the article proposes an interdisciplinary approach and engages with conceptual frameworks from occupational therapy and sociology, emphasizing the importance of adaptation, equitable access to supports, and occupational justice. It also calls for the development of public policies and pedagogical guidelines that recognize diverse migratory experiences and ensure inclusive, timely, and culturally responsive educational responses.

Keywords:
International Migration; Special Education; Occupational Therapy

Resumen

El artículo reflexiona sobre las necesidades psicosociales de la infancia y adolescencia migrante en Chile, destacando la falta de recursos institucionales y la falta de coordinación entre el sistema educativo y el sistema de protección infantil. Apesar que en Chile existe un número considerable de niños y niñas de origen migrante (con y sin compañía parental), la normativa de educación especial y la definición de necesidades educativas especiales no ha evolucionado para abordar las necesidades específicas y temporales que surgen durante la trayectoria migratoria. La literatura revela que, aspectos como las barreras lingüísticas, los periodos sin escolarización, la falta de compañía parental, el ejercicio de autonomía progresiva y el proceso de transición a la vida adulta, no son consideradas en la legislación que define una necesidad educativa transitoria. Se propone un enfoque interdisciplinario y se reflexiona desde los marcos conceptuales de la terapia ocupacional y la sociología, enfatizando la importancia de la adaptación y la justicia ocupacional.

Palabras clave:
Migración Internacional; Educación Especial; Terapia Ocupacional

Resumo

O artigo reflete sobre as necessidades psicossociais da infância e da adolescência migrante no Chile, destacando tanto a falta de recursos institucionais quanto a insuficiente coordenação entre o sistema educativo e o sistema de proteção infantil. Embora a migração tenha aumentado significativamente, com um número considerável de meninos e meninas de origem migrante (com e sem companhia parental), a normativa de educação especial e a definição de necessidades educacionais especiais não evoluíram para contemplar as exigências específicas decorrentes das trajetórias migratórias. A literatura evidencia que aspectos centrais — como barreiras linguísticas, períodos sem escolarização, ausência de cuidado parental, exercício de autonomia progressiva e transição para a vida adulta — não são devidamente considerados na legislação que define uma necessidade educacional transitória. Diante disso, o artigo propõe uma abordagem interdisciplinar e dialoga com marcos conceituais da terapia ocupacional e da sociologia, enfatizando a importância da adaptação, do acesso equitativo a apoios e da justiça ocupacional. Também defende o desenvolvimento de políticas públicas e diretrizes pedagógicas que reconheçam a diversidade das experiências migratórias e garantam respostas educativas inclusivas, oportunas e culturalmente pertinentes.

Palavras-chave:
Migração Internacional; Educação Especial; Terapia Ocupacional

Introduction

This article aims to reflect on the psychosocial needs of migrant children and adolescents (hereinafter “children and adolescents”) as a problem that requires both human and material resources within the education system (school and higher education), as well as close collaboration with child protection services. The availability of resources necessary for the specialized care of migrant children and adolescents is absent from the legislation regulating the work of school integration teams in Chile and is also overlooked in vocational training. To date, there has been some progress toward standardizing initial teacher training, but such advances remain lacking in the preparation of other professions. This reflective article argues for the need to develop training and allocate material resources to address the specific needs brought about by the migration of children and adolescents, with particular emphasis on interventions carried out by health professionals.

To develop this discussion, we first review demographic statistics and examine current regulations. We then analyze the case through the conceptual frameworks of occupational therapy and sociology to challenge the field of Special Education. The bibliographic review was organized into three stages. First, all occupational therapy disciplinary journals published between 2020 and 2024 were reviewed, selecting all articles related to international migration. This selection generated a thematic and comparative analysis, which was systematized in literature files. Second, the bibliography from the author’s doctoral thesis (Poblete-Godoy, 2022) was reviewed, identifying connections with the occupational therapy literature. Finally, the bibliography was updated through peer review to strengthen interdisciplinary dialogue and guide the text toward a more transversal, rather than exclusively discipline-specific, perspective.

The Problem

In Chile, international migration has grown significantly in recent years, reaching 1,608,650 foreign residents (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 2025). Venezuelans (41.6%), Peruvians (14.5%), Colombians (12.3%) and Haitians (9,8%) make up the majority of foreigners residing in the country (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 2025). This migration is largely driven by political and humanitarian crises in countries of origin, affecting the entire continent and further exacerbated by post-pandemic return movements (Organización Internacional para las Migraciones, 2022). Chile is among the preferred destinations for migrants. However, the absence of a comprehensive migration policy and of international relations capable of responding to the humanitarian crisis has contributed to an increase in unauthorized border crossings, forced returns, and patterns of mobility marked by high economic and psychosocial vulnerability (Stang et al., 2020, 2021).

According to the National Institute of Statistics (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 2023) (hereinafter INE), it is difficult to determine the exact number of children of migrant origin in Chile. This is not only due to methodological limitations of the census—partially addressed through annual population estimates—but also to at least two additional factors. First, children of foreign parents acquire Chilean nationality by ius soli, meaning by being born within the national territory, and are therefore not counted as foreign nationals. Second, another group of children invisible in the statistics are those who entered Chile through unauthorized crossings and have not submitted an application for a residence permit (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 2023). Excluding these two groups, the INE reports 198,266 children between the ages of 0 and 19 residing in Chile who were born abroad, most of them from Venezuela (35%) (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, 2023).

According to Article 17 of Law No. 21,325 on Migration and Foreigners (Chile, 2021b), migrant children are guaranteed free access to preschool, primary, and secondary education. Additionally, Article 8 of Law No. 21,430 ensures their access to specialized protection systems for children and adolescents (Servicio Nacional de Migraciones, 2024). A decade before these legislative changes, evidence already documented the racism experienced by migrant children in the school system (Pavez-Soto, 2012; Tijoux-Merino, 2013). Educational policy at that time focused primarily on addressing access gaps for migrant children (Poblete, 2009), while inclusive projects appeared only as isolated experiences (Poblete, 2018). Moreover, those educational projects labeled as “multicultural” often remained oriented toward cultural assimilation into the national majority and fell short of valuing cultural diversity (Beniscelli et al., 2019; Riedemann et al., 2020).

In summary, the concepts of multiculturalism and interculturality are frequently used interchangeably in the guiding documents and legislation governing Chile’s Ministry of Education (Pavez-Soto et al., 2020a). In contrast, theoretical developments in the social sciences clearly differentiate between multiculturalist approaches—which merely acknowledge diversity—and intercultural approaches, which are grounded in dialogue and acceptance, assuming the active embrace of diversity (Fornet Betancourt, 1998). A critical perspective on interculturality (Walsh, 2012) goes further, advocating for situated education that explicitly rejects racism (Micolta & Lira, 2022) and is conceived as a process of liberation from the hegemony of colonial knowledge (Walsh, 2013).

Mora (2018) calls this absence of public policy and legislation “the eloquent silence” of school institutions at the national level in the face of migratory diversity. Along the same lines, Grau-Rengifo et al. (2021) carry out an exhaustive meta-analysis of literature produced in Chile and confirm what Mora (2018) points out. Both conclude that educational systems remain unchanged and are moving away from both interculturality and educational inclusion. This fact is concerning because, although challenges such as racism, vulnerability, and violence are evident in the educational field (Pavez-Soto et al., 2023), the intercultural perspective has not been concretely institutionalized, providing policy with the necessary resources to meet demand and also providing higher education institutions with the resources to develop new knowledge. Mora & Sanhueza (2025) support this reflection on the educational field and, at a micro level, serve as an example. It reveals that, while the heads of teaching programs in Chilean higher education express concerns about the incorporation of an intercultural approach, they do not demonstrate a deeper epistemological questioning of the training plans they direct.

It was not until 2024 that more substantial changes in educational policy were seen, when in January of that year, the Ministry of Education updated its policy: “Policy for Foreign Children and Students. Guarantee of the Right to Education for People in a Situation of Mobility.” According to Mora (2023), this update provides a broad view of educational trajectories, spanning from early childhood to higher education. However, a line of action that addresses initial teacher training is lacking. Teacher training remains a gap for the true inclusion of children of migrant origin (Pavez-Soto et al., 2023). In particular, through the development of certain intercultural and curricular competencies for teachers (Bennett, 2015), which will allow them to overcome the following challenges: (1) adapting and making the official curriculum more flexible to the needs of students (Pavez-Soto et al., 2024); (2) mainstreaming the intercultural perspective at the level of the hidden curriculum (Torres, 1991), that is, the implicit learning acquired through coexistence; and (3) moving from an intercultural approach to an anti-racist one that assumes and, therefore, eradicates violence and racism in the classroom (Pavez-Soto et al., 2023, 2024).

Although Chile currently has a ministerial-level institutional policy that broadens its horizons, no declaration can translate into sustainable actions unless human and material resources are allocated to educational centers in coordination with the child and adolescent protection system. This necessary coordination has, until recently, continued to show signs of disconnection. The research led by Iskra Pavez is pioneering in exploring the experiences of migrant children in Chile. It reveals a tension between institutional protection paradigms—based on the best interests of the child—and the principle of participation outlined in the International Declaration of the Rights of the Child. Her research examines the health effects of the child migration process, particularly psychological distress (Pavez-Soto & Poblete-Godoy, 2023). Furthermore, it identifies professional discourses that tend toward the auscultation of migrant families and the denial of children’s agency—that is, the refusal to recognize their capacity to participate, influence, and decide about their own lives (Pavez-Soto et al., 2021, 2023). The concept of “agency” is key because, if adopted by public policy and integrated into the principle of progressive autonomy, it would allow for more relevant and sustainable psychosocial interventions in which children and adolescents are protagonists and responsible for their own lives, while also upholding the principles of child participation and protection (Ortiz-López et al., 2024).

Specifically, emigration under certain conditions of vulnerability is considered a health risk factor (Blukacz et al., 2022; Pavez-Soto, 2022b; Ramírez-Santana et al., 2019) that jeopardizes the formal education of children and adolescents (Carreño et al., 2023; Pavez-Soto et al., 2022a). These two life stages—childhood and adolescence—are particularly vulnerable due to the oppression inherent in certain social hierarchies, such as age, as well as other identity categories like gender and foreignness (Poblete-Godoy, 2023). These factors heighten the risk of exclusion when language barriers exist (Campos-Bustos, 2019; Sumonte-Rojas et al., 2018), especially in cases where there is no parental accompaniment during migration or when periods of travel occur without schooling. Migration without parental accompaniment carries multiple vulnerabilities, including the difficult transition to adulthood (Gutiérrez-Rodríguez & Cáceres-Rodríguez, 2023). However, regulations defining special educational needs have remained unchanged in the face of migratory diversity. Decree 170 establishes standards for determining which students with special educational needs are eligible for special education subsidies (Chile, 2010a). This decree defines Temporary Educational Needs (hereinafter TEN) as:

Those non-permanent needs that students require at some point in their school life as a result of a disorder or disability diagnosed by a competent professional and who require extraordinary aid and support to access or progress in the curriculum for a specific period of their schooling (Chile, 2010a, p. 2)

The special subsidy must be supported by a diagnostic assessment: “It consists of the application of a set of procedures and instruments that aim to determine, through an interdisciplinary approach, the student’s learning and health status and their developmental nature” (letter “b” of Decree 170). It is worth noting that these instruments must follow the national standard established by the Ministry of Education, which refers to a decree dating from 1998—a time when the migration phenomenon in Chile had not yet reached the scale it has today. Ultimately, the allocation of public resources for the special school subsidy is contingent upon evaluative instruments used to determine a Temporary Educational Need (TEN). This brings us back to the issue of initial teacher training, as well as the preparation of other professionals in the medical or psychosocial fields who serve the migrant population.

The reflection begins with the following question: Does Chile have higher education institutions equipped to assess special educational needs arising from the migration process? And before that: Are there valid instruments to assess these needs? These questions can be addressed through academic research, provided that the literature defining the educational needs of migrant children is first reviewed, and that there is at least minimal scientific and legislative consensus on the applicability of the “special need” label. It is necessary to clarify whether the psychosocial difficulties resulting from the migration process constitute a classification in themselves or whether they simply point to comorbidities independent of the migration experience. At the very least, it is evident that factors such as linguistic inclusion or the absence of parental support for migrant children have not been considered in the legal definition of Temporary Educational Needs (TEN). This omission is central because the law dictates the allocation of resources to schools for students in situations of greater vulnerability—those classified as priority and preferential students under the Preferential School Subsidy Law (hereinafter SEP) (Chile, 2008). This state subsidy finances public schools but excludes children who have not yet applied for residency. It was only in 2021 that the SEP Law began to include children under the care of the National Service for the Protection of Children and Adolescents (formerly “SENAME”), pursuant to Article 60 of Law 21,302 (Chile, 2021a).

The General Education Law in Chile establishes that students have the right to receive a quality education (Chile, 2010b). Consequently, TEN are recognized as a category requiring special attention. This implies that educational institutions must implement specific strategies and resources to support these students, ensuring their inclusion and participation in the educational process. However, migrant children remain excluded from the concept of TEN due to its lack of normative definition—even though, as will be discussed, the migration process affects their well-being and is mediated by psychosocial conditions that hinder meaningful and purposeful occupational participation.

Occupational Adaptation: A Key Concept in the Health of Children and Adolescents of Migrant Origin

According to Nayar & Stanley (2015), occupational adaptation is the ability to respond to changes in context and psychosocial conditions. It is a process that is socially mediated by contextual factors and, therefore, may be disrupted and need to be reinitiated following migration. If the receiving society fosters exclusion or marginalization, it can hinder integration and adaptation processes (Achotegui, 2019), with negative effects on health and life satisfaction (Arola et al., 2020).

From a psychiatric perspective, Achotegui (2019) argues that migration can generate stress levels so intense that they surpass human adaptive capacity. He coined the term “Ulysses Syndrome” to describe the condition of individuals highly vulnerable to extreme migratory grief during prolonged periods of stress (p. 264). The most significant stressors within Ulysses Syndrome include acculturative stress, loneliness, forced separation, feelings of despair or failure, ongoing struggle, and fear (Roberts et al., 2022). All these factors are present in the experiences of migrant children and adolescents, particularly those who migrate without parental accompaniment (Acosta & Martín Cabrera, 2024; Pavez-Soto et al., 2025).

In occupational therapy, occupational justice is defined as the right of all individuals to engage in meaningful activities and occupations that contribute to their well-being, development, and quality of life—a perspective that can be applied to understanding institutionalized childhood (Ruiz et al., 2021). However, the transition to adulthood for migrant children is often approached without considering occupational justice. Instead, it has frequently been framed through stigmatizing classifications, such as the label “externalizing-antisocial problems” (Inofuentes et al., 2022).

Meetings for Interdisciplinary Reflection

The stigma and racism associated with migration can be prevented if interventions are approached from interdisciplinary perspectives and critical theories. In response, we propose addressing this reflection by bringing together sociology and occupational therapy.

The health and learning of migrant children and adolescents are closely tied to their social context and to the intersection of identity categories that determine their position of oppression or privilege in society (Collins & Bilge, 2019). Considering age and sex/gender as relevant categories, research has found that women report higher levels of anxiety, depression, and stress, which can be attributed to “the additional responsibilities assigned to their gender roles” (Becerra et al., 2020). Forced separation or the formation of single-parent households can lead to occupational imbalance—meaning a mismatch between the roles performed by migrant working women and their lack of access to services that guarantee nationality. In such cases, the formation of extended households without blood ties in shared housing can compensate for the absence of social networks for the care of children and adolescents. However, this domestic care arrangement is often stigmatized within the school system from a professional perspective. Care provided by children and adolescents is classified as the “parentalization of childhood,” where minors take on “adult” responsibilities that negatively affect their academic development. This phenomenon is described as a violation of children’s rights, framed through psychosocial mechanisms informed by modern paradigms of childhood (Pavez-Soto et al., 2021).

The notion of global care chains helps explain this phenomenon. Originating in sociology, the concept refers to the transfer of value from poorer to more developed countries through the employment of migrant women in care work, enabling professional women in destination countries to participate in the labor market (Hochschild, 2001). Research has since proposed that children and adolescents also assume caregiving duties (Pavez-Soto et al., 2020a, 2020b) and become active participants in global care chains (Poblete-Godoy, 2023). These findings underscore the role and responsibility of states in guaranteeing social justice.

From a sociological perspective, welfare is understood as being organized in regimes where the state, the market, and families assume responsibility for protecting people from risks such as illness, death, or aging (Esping-Andersen, 1990). Depending on the welfare regime, access to education, health, and protection services may be restricted for migrants without legal rights. However, access to protection can occur depending on denationalization processes or the actions of local governments (Dobbs et al., 2019). In the case of Chile, there has been no transition toward denationalized protection; however, civil society has promoted the effective implementation of Supreme Decree 67, which guarantees access to health care (Poblete-Godoy, 2022).

Proposals for Addressing Special Needs in Education

Occupational therapy, viewed through the lens of the Human Occupation Model, is a discipline focused on adaptation and education to enhance adaptation and well-being. Its therapeutic practice centers on human occupation in daily life, seeking to promote occupational participation despite individuals’ physical, mental, or emotional difficulties, thereby fostering independence and quality of life. This reflection considers certain premises of occupational therapy for their incorporation into special education interventions developed in schools, integrating the migration process as a factor influencing Temporary Educational Needs (TEN). However, it is important to critically examine some of these premises. The Model of Human Occupation (MOHO) emphasizes the connection between adaptation and the identity that an occupation provides. It tends to adopt a functionalist perspective, which, for the problem under consideration, needs to be complemented by new disciplinary perspectives—such as occupational justice—better articulated with sociology in its critical (non-functionalist) aspect.

From the Human Occupation Model, occupational competence is defined as a person’s ability to effectively and satisfactorily perform activities and occupations that are meaningful in their daily lives. It has been postulated that this ability increases as occupational identity consolidates, particularly when individuals can participate in occupations that are meaningful, engaging, and satisfying. Within this model, adaptation is “the process of interaction between the person, the occupation, and the environment; it is a response to the occupational challenge” (Walder et al., 2021, p. 1). If this interaction is successful, it results in effective adaptation and a satisfactory response to occupational challenges. However, the disjunction between critical and functionalist perspectives (in both occupational therapy and sociology) is evident in processes of social change, such as forced migration. Cross-border mobility carried out through unauthorized crossings, with or without parental accompaniment, violently disrupts daily routines, including schooling (Pavez-Soto et al., 2023, 2020a). This disruption generates gaps in formal learning and a profound disturbance of the psychosocial environment (Pavez-Soto et al., 2021). The most recent data from Pavez-Soto & Acuña (2025) provide a valuable primary source that invites reflection on the therapeutic and educational needs of migrant adolescents who move without parental accompaniment or who are victims of human trafficking, exploitation, or smuggling. It should also be noted that, in highly vulnerable situations such as these, the transition from migrant adolescence to adulthood represents a major challenge for public policy (Lambea González, 2022).

From a functional perspective, Walder et al. (2021) highlight that when therapeutic practice centers on the internal process of adaptation, it enables individuals to face challenges and adapt with greater success and satisfaction. Nevertheless, the limits and potential of interventions must be critically examined in situations of extreme vulnerability, such as involuntary or forced migration, human trafficking, or temporary refugee camps that later transition to more stable destinations. Schooling may serve as a stepping stone in these contexts; however, the literature documents difficulties encountered in programs such as “Reception classrooms” in Catalonia (Merino & Balcells, 2015), “Liaison classrooms” in Madrid (Tirado & Olmo, 2019), and “Temporary linguistic adaptation classrooms” in Andalusia (Goenechea Permisán et al., 2011).

In contrast to a functional perspective of occupational therapy, other publications highlight the importance of analyzing migration from an occupational justice perspective—that is, the possibility of access to meaningful occupations and the equitable distribution of resources that society makes available to migrants (Samacá, 2022). This perspective is significant in the long term, as it can foster social inclusion within a cohesive citizenry or, conversely, in its absence, exacerbate social dysfunction, xenophobia, discrimination, and the rejection of foreigners (Poblete-Godoy, 2024).

In this sense, therapeutic interventions throughout the life cycle can be transformative, as they allow us to reconsider the potential of occupation as a means of inclusion. On the one hand, occupational therapy can provide tools “to bring new meaning to the execution of an activity, in the way it is implemented and managed—something that links occupation, occupational participation, interculturality, inclusion, and the sense of citizenship” (Ahumada Abarca et al., 2014, p. 67). Such interventions can be directed at migrants in unequal contexts, employing strategies that account for their social environments and interpersonal relationships, strengthen community networks, and enable occupational therapy professionals to address the social structures that generate exclusion (Samacá, 2022). This approach is especially beneficial in refugee contexts. Wihstutz (2020) and Pavez-Soto et al. (2025) demonstrate how art or play can create unique forms of participation and meaning-making for refugee children.

On the other hand, we propose that special education could provide mechanisms for daily intervention in schools or shelter centers, such as the design of teaching strategies that address these challenges. However, the issue of insufficient human and financial resources remains, alongside new dilemmas, as observed in France. This country's experience provides key and highly relevant information to consider. According to Primon et al. (2018), since at least 1960, France has implemented academic and linguistic remediation programs for refugees and allophone students. Nevertheless, today the label “special education” has sometimes been used to extend the schooling of adolescent migrant students with unmet linguistic needs. Referring allophone migrant adolescents to schools for students with disabilities moderate and severe has, in effect, resulted in further exclusion from their educational trajectories.

In summary, the perspectives of the social sciences, special education, and occupational therapy pose important challenges. First, the health sciences are challenged to pay greater attention to macro-social structures that determine health, such as “gray zones” or “welfare regimes.” This exercise also requires a critical examination of the limits of applying the Human Occupation Model in contexts shaped by unequal social structures. Finally, the social sciences are challenged to adopt interdisciplinary approaches that enable the application of knowledge on the social dimensions of health.

Conclusion

This reflection aims to address methodologies that can integrate and respond to migration processes from a Temporary Educational Needs (TEN) perspective in the school context. Through a theoretical approach, we seek to articulate the experiences of migrant children and adolescents with the concept of TEN, developing proposals that facilitate its implementation in educational settings. The hypothesis guiding this reflection emphasizes the importance of reconciling the interests and capabilities of specialized teaching-therapeutic staff with the perspectives of migrant children and adolescents within the school system, as well as those adolescents who, due to migrating without parental support, are outside the school system or institutionalized under the protection system (Ruiz et al., 2021).

Following this analysis, we confirm the need for interdisciplinary approaches to address an emerging and underexplored problem. It becomes evident that the object of study for sociology in this field is profoundly macrosocial, highlighting stable structures that limit access and participation. Consequently, the therapeutic and educational care of migrant children and adolescents requires theoretical approaches that reconcile macrosocial theories with micro-level approaches or intervention models, such as occupational therapy in favor the educational system. The joint application of these disciplines can pave the way for defining new paradigms that diversify the concept of special educational needs—a legislative concept in which migrant children and adolescents currently have no recognized place.

• How to cite:
  Godoy, D. P. (2025). Migration and temporary special educational needs. Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional, 33, e3992. https://doi.org/10.1590/2526-8910.cto407839922
• Data Availability
  The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, upon reasonable request.
• Funding Source
  Fondecyt Postdoctorado 3250081 ANID Chile.

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Edited by

• Section editor
  Profa. Dra. Mónica Díaz-Leiva

Data availability

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  28 Nov 2025
• Date of issue
  2025

History

• Received
  15 Nov 2024
• Reviewed
  02 Feb 2025
• Reviewed
  14 Feb 2025
• Accepted
  01 July 2025