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Morphological syncretisms in anticausative and reflexive constructions in Kadiweu

ABSTRACT

The present paper investigates the status of the d:- and n- morphemes in the Brazilian Indigenous Language Kadiwéu. While these morphemes are associated with different phenomena and have independent occurrences (Sandalo 1997SANDALO, Filomena. 1997. A Grammar of Kadiwéu with Special Reference to the Polysynthesis Parameter. MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics. v. 11. Cambridge: MIT Press., 2015SANDALO, Filomena. 2015 The relational morpheme of Brazilian languages as impoverished agreement marker. BCUWPL, 2015.), they do co-occur in reflexive and anticausative constructions. Current literature characterizes the n- morpheme as an antipassive marking whereas the d:- morpheme is shown whenever internal arguments occur in preverbal position. Basing the analysis in the theoretical framework of Distributed Morphology and in the transitive analysis of reflexives proposed in Alboiu, Barrie and Frigeni (2004)ALBOIU, Gabriela; BARRIE, Michael; FRIGENI, Chiara. 2004. SE and the Unnacusative-Unergative Paradox. In: COENE, M., CUYPER, G. & D’HULST, Y. (Eds.) Antwerp Papers in Linguistics 107. Universiteit Antwerp., I approach each context of occurrence of the markings, with special emphasis to their co-occurrence in anticausative and reflexive constructions. Morpheme n- is then analyzed as comparable to Baker, Johnson and Roberts’ (1989)BAKER, Mark; JOHNSON, Kyle & ROBERTS, Ian. 1989. Passive Arguments Raised. Linguistic Inquiry, 20-2: 219-251. passive marking whereas the occurrence of morpheme d:- is shown to be the result of fission in the agreement node, triggered by the agreement with an absolutive case argument.

Key-words:
Morphossyntax; Reflexivity; Transitivy; Kadiweu

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