School Musical Education on Times of Militarization and Barbarism

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses the progress of the militarization project in Brazilian public schools, contextualizing the implications for school music education. The National Civic-Military Schools Program (PECIM) is analyzed and data from the Ministry of Education is presented to understand its situation, articulated with other educational policies. The article aims to study PECIM in the context of school music education and its perspectives in the context of human development, There is a discussion about music education in this context of school organization, highlighting its approach in the curriculum of this organizational model and possibilities for teaching music in public schools. Non-traditional and open school music education and in accord with human development can contribute to the understanding of the social and historical formation of cultural diversity wich exist in Brazil.

Keywords
Militarization of Schools; Civic-Military Schools; School Musical Education

RESUMO

Este artigo discute o avanço do projeto de militarização nas escolas públicas brasileiras, contextualizando as implicações na educação musical escolar. Analisa-se o Programa Nacional das Escolas Cívico-Militares (PECIM) e apresenta-se os dados do Ministério da Educação para compreender o seu quadro, articulado com outras políticas educacionais. O artigo objetiva analisar o PECIM no contexto da educação musical escolar e suas perspectivas no contexto da formação humana. Assim, dialoga sobre a educação musical nesse cenário de organização escolar, destacando sua abordagem no currículo e possibilidades para o ensino de música nas escolas públicas. A educação musical escolar aberta e em consonância com o desenvolvimento humano pode contribuir para a compreensão da formação social e histórica da diversidade cultural existente no Brasil.

Palavras-chave
Militarização das Escolas; Escolas Cívico-Militares; Educação Musical Escolar

Introduction

Educational policies are ares of dispute and intense tension between societal projects defended by different collective subjects. In this context, we witness the advance of the militarization project in Brazil and, with the processes of barbarization of education (Cassio, 2019), it advances into school spaces provoking intense debates in the field of educational public policies.

Understanding these processes in the field of Music Education allows us to reflect on the (re)formulations of music teaching in public educational institutions in basic education. It enables us to think about the political consequences for humanizing music education, committed to human development.

In the first part of this article, we present some concepts of State from Frigotto (2010). It also discusses the State of Exception and the Politics of Death - necropolitics, signaled by Mbembe (2018) and Suicidal State (Safatle, 2020). Franco (2018), reporting on public security policy, reinforces that the project of militarization of public spaces is part of the racial-ethnic segregation by State violence without real investment in the causes and alarming effects of Brazil’s deep social inequalities.

The National Program of Civic-Military Schools (PECIM) is discussed in the second part of this article, differentiating between military schools and civic-military schools. We present the data from the Ministry of Education (MEC) to comprehend the picture of this exponential growth and to project its unfolding from the project established with the ordinances and decrees signed in the year 2019. The militarization of schools is part of the current Brazilian educational policies and has been the object of dispute, according to Ricci (2019), of companies and parliamentary benches linked to religious and business interests.

We will enter the third part of this article by tracing a discussion about music, in the Art component, in this context of school organization which is mostly under the co-responsibility of the military personnel in militarized schools. Considering that scenario, we point out one of the traditional perspectives of music teaching in schools and establish provocative relations with Gainza’s (2015) elaborations which state that, in this teaching perspective, the processes are established as “closed music pedagogies”, indicating that the goal of education should be human development (Batista, 2015).

It is, therefore, an article of theoretical development, as it analyzes new models and interpretations of relevant phenomena in the field of music education, supported by bibliographic research, constituting a literature review. This approach and treatment of the research object is configured “from the available records, derived from previous research [...], it makes use of data or theoretical categories already approached by other duly recorded researchers” (Severino, 2016, p. 131).

Militarization of society in times of barbarism

[...] de-barbarizing the education has become its most urgent issue presently. By barbarism, I understand something quite simple, that is, by being in the civilization of the highest technological development, the people find themselves overdue in a particularly disproportionate way regarding their own civilization – and not only because the overwhelming majority of them did not experience the education in terms that correspond to the concept of civilization, but also because they are taken by [...] an urge towards destruction, which contributes to increasing even more the hazard that this entire civilization may explode [...]

(Adorno, 2006, p. 155-168, our translation).

In Educação Contra a Barbárie (Education Against Barbarism), Cássio (2019) begins the book’s presentation with a quote from Adorno (2006) situating the act of de-barbarizing, of the savagery stemming from human greed - facet of the power project as an urgent matter. We are going through a world of deep economic, social and, most recently, health crisis¹. Amidst the profound threats to the democratic, free, and secular character of Brazilian public education, the militarization project advances in Brazil, showing an increase consolidation amidst institutional routes (Cassio, 2019).

To debunk the educational processes is to realize that education is intrinsically linked to social issues, sometimes as a reproduction of the order, sometimes as a contestation of the world’s prevailing socioeconomic relations. The barbarity of education reflects the social barbarity and the contradictions posed by the very nature of the State in this economic system context.

Gramsci understands as (integral) State “not only as the governmental apparatus (political society), but also understands it as one of the private apparatuses of hegemony,” thinking the aspects of civil society (Frigotto, 2010, p. 118).

For Saes (1985, p. 23), the “State, in all societies divided into classes (slave, feudal or capitalist) is the very organization of class domination; or, on the other hand, the set of institutions [...] that preserve the domination of one class over another”. Thus, the general concept of the State corresponds, according to the author, to the various types of production relations, and can take on particular forms that correspond to distinct forms of political-economic domination.

Therefore, a project of militarization of society advances, especially in the areas considered dangerous and liable to dominate the physical and political territory. Franco (2018)² deepens this analysis from the process of militarization of the favelas by presenting another model of public security – among other public policies – and combating social inequalities.

Achille Mbembe, when discussing State of Exception and Politics of Death, understands that the State (re)configures itself as an archetype of a power formation that combines and recombines in several ways, one of them is violence. For Mbembe (2018), based on Norbert Elias, violence is thus configured as a component of etiquette. “Terror is a defining characteristic of both slave states and contemporary colonial regimes” (Mbembe, 2018, p. 68).

Safatle (2020) clarifies that the Suicidal State is part of an experiment and has to do with the new management of the state. In this way, it assumes a new stage in the management models inherent to neoliberalism - the cruelest face. The administration of the death of sectors of its own population is directly related to the history of “invisible” bodies and unprecedented capital.

At this point, it is worth highlighting the words of Frei Betto, when prefacing Franco’s (2018) work on the constitution of the “war on drug trafficking”. For the Dominican friar and writer, there is an “immense police-military wall of containment and punishment of the poor, of ethnic segregation by state violence without any investment in the causes and effects of glaring social inequality” (Franco, 2018, p. 10).

Militarization relates to the fear in public insecurity that affects political bodies, signaled by Franco (2018) that by and large address income, age group, and color. The militarization process is one of the repressive characteristics of the state. Brazil - a colonized country and part of Latin America that has faced several military dictatorships - has complex aspects that condition other viewpoints for analysis.

There is a historical double heritage that favors the violent and the police responses to the ‘social question’ accentuating the problems of our society: firstly, the structural racism that arose from the unpaid debt to the black people due to their exploitation through slavery; secondly, the incomplete democratic transition that made possible during the business-military dictatorship, especially the Military Police

(Andes, 2020, p. 35, our translation).

For Almeida (2019), racism is always structural, in the sense that racial inequality is an integral element of the economic and political organization of society. They are, therefore, deep-seated manifestations that develop in the political and economic bowels of society.

Social militarization and its advance in Brazil thus expose the structural and structuring links of the capitalist mode of oppression and exploitation. The military genesis of the armed forces, especially the Military Police, denotes a dispute over the conception of morality and order to guarantee political power relations.

In Brazil, prior to the dictatorial regime, the Military Police stop playing a secondary role in dealing with homeland security issues. Although the current separation between the Military and Civil Police already existed, it was mainly from 1969 onwards, therefore at the peak of the political repression, that there was a reversal in the functions of the corporations, so that the military police left their cantonments and were deployed onto the streets with the goal of playing the role of proactive policing and maintenance of the public order

(Zaverucha, 2010 apud Cruz et al., 2017, p. 244, our translation).

Cruz et al. (2017) signal that criminal policy is structural of law and order in the sociability of capital, and functions as a key to interpreting class and race conflicts in Brazil. The authors further clarify that

[...] multifaced, the militarization of the ‘social question’ is also expressed in the ‘caveirão’ (a military armored car used by the Brazilian Special Police Operations Battalion, ‘BOPE’) that drags everything in the Maré Complex; in an approach that criminalizes young black people; in the increase in shootings in areas with Pacifying Police Units (UPP) in the order of 13,746%, starting from 13 in 2011 to 1,555 in 2016; in the anthem of war sang by the Military Police (PM) of Paraná (I aim for the head, I shoot without missing / If I don’t have enough ammo, the scuffles will happen / Hit him in the face, beat him to death / Rip his head off and explode it in the air / Tear his skin off and crush his bones / Throw him in the ditch and pray “Our father”); in the massacre of Messejana with 11 dead people in Fortaleza; in the conviction of Rafael Braga; in the pursuit of Mirian França; at the funeral of Amarildo without his body; in the hygienist and asylum policy of Cracolândia in São Paulo

(Cruz et al., 2017, p. 244, our translation).

To perceive these processes of violence interconnected with educational processes, and especially in Music Education, it is paramount to think about the social place of music teaching in schools – especially those located in peripheral neighborhoods – and the challenges posed to us, music educators, committed to the humanization of the senses and involved with the defense of life. Galon et al. (2013) understand humanization, based on Freire (1996), as a disposition of every man and woman as a being in constant search, unfinished, curious, critical; that is, one who as a person, and not as a “thing”, opines, diverges, dialogues and does not keep quiet, participates.

To defend life is to confront the multiple forms of violence. “This violence is inscribed in a multi-secular tradition of control by force, a tradition originating from colonialism” (Cruz et al., 2017, p. 244). We can then reflect on whether the militarization of society serves the domestication of bodies that are afraid and, in this way, induce control over the institutions that this process administers. The school can thus domesticate or subvert these bodies to the extent that it exercises a certain social control based on its educational conceptions.

It is in the conception of ostensiveness and the origin of militarism that the control mechanisms for other institutions are developed. The public school is a space of dispute and, therefore, a space of power dynamics. They are collective spaces that bring together the majority of those who are in the process of learning basic human knowledge, and in this public-school context, these students are introduced to a social, racial, and economic world view. In this way, the militarization of public schools constitutes a project of domination in the sense of the social function of education.

Militarization of public schools

Before discussing the militarization of public schools, it is necessary to make an important differentiation between the school models: military schools and civic-military schools. The first are establishments founded, mainly, between 1950 and 1970 that attend from the 6th grade of elementary school to the 3rd grade of high school. This model has the autonomy to build its own curricula and pedagogical structure, counting on military personnel in the teaching staff, with the student body being formed mostly by children of military personnel. These schools are funded by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Defense. In the second model, civic-military schools, military, and civil police share the pedagogical administration. In this archetype, the military can assist as monitors. The teaching staff is made up of civilians who are responsible for the didactic and pedagogical organization. Most civic-military schools are funded by state governments³. This last model of school, therefore, does not emerge with a military type; it becomes military but remains part of the public network (municipal or state).

The expansion of militarization found a key force in the last presidential election⁴. Through different measures, the Bolsonaro government intends to double the number of existing militarized schools in Brazil (Andes, 2020). Some measures at the national level are underway to consolidate the project of increasing militarization in Brazilian basic education.

With the slogan “Brazil’s education has gained reinforcement,” the Brazilian government approved Decree No. 10.004, of September 5, 2019 (Brasil, 2019a), establishing the National Program of Civic-Military Schools (PECIM), which has the purpose, according to its website, of promoting improvement in the quality of basic education in elementary and secondary schools. The program will be developed by the Ministry of Education (MEC) with support from the Ministry of Defense. It will be implemented in collaboration with the states, municipalities, and the Federal District in the promotion of actions aimed at fostering and strengthening of Civic-Military Schools (ECIM).

The PECIM is an initiative of the MEC, in partnership with the Ministry of Defense, which presents a management concept in the educational, didactic-pedagogical, and administrative areas with the participation of the school’s teaching staff and support from the military. The proposal of this Program is to implement 216 (two hundred and sixteen) Civic-Military Schools throughout the country by 2023; 54 per year.

The decree establishing the PECIM (National Program of Civic-Military Schools) unfolded into the approval of Ordinance No. 2,015 of November 20, 2019 (Brasil, 2019b) which regulates the implementation of the PECIM in 2020 to consolidate the Civic-Military School model in the states, municipalities, and the Federal District.

The following Chart indicates the list of municipalities per state, to be implemented Civic-Military Schools, as structured in the PECIM, in its institutional site.

Chart 1
List of Municipalities by state

Acronym	State	Municipalities
AC	Acre	Cruzeiro do Sul and Senador Guiomard
AP	Amapá	two schools in Macapá
AM	Amazonas	two schools in Manaus and another state indication
PA	Pará	Ananindeua, Santarém and two schools in Belém
RO	Rondônia	Alta Floresta d’Oeste, Ouro Preto do Oeste and Porto Velho
RR	Roraima	Caracaraí and Boa Vista
TO	Tocantins	Gurupi, Palmas and Paraíso
AL	Alagoas	Maceió
BA	Bahia	Feira de Santana
CE	Ceará	Sobral and Maracanaú
MA	Maranhão	São Luís
PB	Paraíba	João Pessoa
PE	Pernambuco	Jaboatão dos Guararapes
RN	Rio Grande do Norte	Christmas
DF	Federal District	Santa Maria and Gama (administrative regions of Brasilia)
GO	Goiás	Águas Lindas de Goiás, Novo Gama and Valparaíso
MT	Mato Grosso	two schools in Cuiabá
MS	Mato Grosso do Sul	Corumbá and two schools in Campo Grande
MG	Minas Gerais	Belo Horizonte, Ibirité and Barbacena
RJ	Rio de Janeiro	Rio de Janeiro
SP	São Paulo	Campinas
PR	Paraná	Curitiba, Colombo, Foz do Iguaçu and other indication of the state
RS	Rio Grande do Sul	Alvorada, Caxias do Sul, Alegrete and Uruguaiana
SC	Santa Catarina	Biguaçu, Palhoça, Chapecó and Itajaí

• Source: ECM (2020).

In 2019, as of the MEC data, made available in September 2019 (when the above survey was done), we had 203 civic-military schools, which is a significant increase compared to previous years’ data. This survey does not yet consider the project highlighted in the previous chart of increasing the number of schools to be militarized with the PECIM. As it seems, and if there is no appropriate resistance, these numbers may have an exponential increase in the next years, considering the character of the current Brazilian government.

As for 2020 and 2021, according to PECIM data collected in 2022, the Civic-Military School landscape was made up as follows:

Chart 2
List of Municipalities by state¹

Region (number of ECM)	Quantity per State
North (44)	Acre (5) Amapá (4) Amazonas (8) Pará (14) Rondônia (4) Roraima (1) Tocantins (8)
Northeast (36)	Alagoas (3) Bahia (2) Ceará (5) Maranhão (3) Paraíba (6) Pernambuco (6) Piauí (6) Rio Grande do Norte (5)
Midwest (29)	Distrito Federal (6) Goiás (8) Mato Grosso (7) Mato Grosso do Sul (8)
Southeast (55)	Espírito Santo (7) Minas Gerais (17) Rio de Janeiro (11) São Paulo (20)
South (52)	Paraná (11) Santa Catarina (19) Rio Grande do Sul (22)

• Source: ECM (2022).

Rudá Ricci (2019) points out that more recent educational policies in Brazil have been an object of dispute by corporations and parliamentary benches tied to religious and business interests. “Among the initiatives to capture public education networks, the most outlandish is the handing over of school management to military corporations” (Ricci, 2019, p. 108). Furthermore, the author clarifies that the reasons for this handover are “based on reports of violence inside schools” (Ricci, 2019, p. 108) and that “school militarization follows a media script focused on the spectacularization of cases of violence”. In this way, we understand the articulated relations between the actions of the State, through military intervention, with the structural changes in basic education institutions under measures to respond to violence in educational spaces.

As a grounding for this capture of the public education networks we have:

1. The increase of the insecurity in a society that demands military interventions to overcome ‘banditry’;

2. The understanding that problems, such as school violence can only be solved via military discipline;

3. The militarized schools are allegedly of better quality and, therefore, they can solve the problems of dropping out or failing.

4. The youth or adolescence is understood as an abnormal phase characterized by the violation of limits and, therefore, the best answer would arise from a force that offers tradition, firm and solid values and that is able to moralize the supposed pathological urges of the adolescents;

5. There is a popular demand for the implementation of the militarized schools, as they present positive results (Andes, 2020, p. 36, our translation).

The arguments presented denote a simplistic answer to historical problems of Brazilian basic public education. See that in the first item of the quote above, the ideological dispute in the understanding of the problem of public insecurity is given as intervention by the repressive apparatus of the State, which disregards the importance of a set of public policies to move forward in overcoming these difficulties in the school environment. This disregards the importance of a set of public policies to move forward in overcoming these difficulties in the school environment. The second item understands a conception of discipline that certainly does not align with the understanding of those who advocate democratic and plural education. The argument that militarized public schools perform better than civilian public schools is fallacious in the sense that, since management is handed over to military institutions, they receive a differentiated resource from the others, understanding, therefore, that one of the main problems of public education is directly related to public funding. The understanding of those who defend the militarization of public schools does not take into consideration the pedagogical policies as a form of educational intervention for the adolescents and young people who participate in these spaces. Still, it is important to note that “a good part of the militarized schools that perform ‘well’ were already known as ‘quality schools’” (Andes, 2020, p. 37).

Ricci (2019), in linking the militarization of teaching with aspects of punitive society, draws on Foucault (2015) to highlight the four forms of punitive tactics:

• The exclusion, which exiles;

• The compensation, which imposes rectification towards the victim of the damage and dictates obligations to the one who is considered to be the offender;

• The identification, which inflicts a scar, a symbolic stain on the name of the unfit, which humiliates and reduces their status;

• The incarceration; which generates reclusion and is imposed as an expedient between the 18^th and 19^th centuries; (Foucault, 2015 apud Ricci, 2019, p. 110, our translation).

The disciplining process of adolescents and young people, under a militaristic view, would be subordinated to the hierarchy through fear. In this way, what occurs (or would occur) inside militarized schools would be a moralizing discipline or would we have, in this case, an apprenticeship in obedience and passive acceptance of an authoritative educational process?

Considering the reasons against militarization, Ricci (2019), by searching for reference on the Portal Desacato², summarizes the main elements of this logic:

• The educational inability of the policeperson who replace the ideas debate with coercion.

• The adoption of the arbitrary disciplinary regime;

• The relativization of concepts of right, guarantees and freedoms, subordinated to a list of duties.

• The association of the notion of good citizenship with obedience, even if it deprives them of their individuality and rights, perpetuating even more inequalities and discrimination;

• The support for the regime of strict domination, reinsuring the cycle of domination and violence in which they were formed (Ricci, 2019, p. 111, our translation).

The National Association for Research and Graduate Studies in Education (ANPED), in a public note, warns that the militarization of schools appears as a response to violence in the educational environment, which reaches teachers, employees and students, including reports of drug trafficking (Anped, 2015). ANDES - National Syndicate (2020) and ANPED (2015) manifest that the questions raised regarding the results obtained are not due to military management, but to the differentiated conditions effectively offered (greater funding than other public-school models). Issues like this are reported by Professor Virgínia Maria Pereira de Melo, coordinator of the State Education Forum of Goiás (FEEGO)³, where she also presents the prospect of privatization of education through the collection of “voluntary” fees, commercialization of standardized uniforms - generally above the cost of the uniform of the state schools⁴ -, and commercialization of books at mountain-high prices. The issues presented by the Forum are:

Determining the collection of fees in public schools; implementing a military management that is not familiar with the reality of the school, firing directors elected by the school community; imposing the concepts, norms and values of the military institution on teachers and students, compromising the plural educational process and appropriating the public space in favor of a militarized management logic; reserving 50% of the vacancies for military dependents

(FEEGO, 2015, our translation).

It is worth noting that, in this school model, teachers must also comply with the established rules and, in many cases, the subject of Moral and Civic Education (MCE) is reinserted into the school curriculum⁵. Luiz Antônio Cunha⁶, in an interview with Bertoni (2019), clarifies that this subject had oscillations in the Brazilian school curriculum, being present in the “Estado Novo” [New State] (1937-1945), absent in the República Populista [Populist Republic] (1946-1964), resuming with great force in the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985), being, finally, excluded from the curriculum in the democratic transition process.

When it comes to the curricular structure, in some places, the responsibility of teaching Physical Education and Music is under the leadership of the military. This reveals that, in the field of music education and physical education at school, we are going backwards from what has been advanced in recent years.

A Militarized Music Education?

By transferring the responsibility for music education to the military, these schools extract professional venues from music graduates, even though there are military personnel with higher-level music education. This conception of a teacher’s work in music education in basic education (which presumes that being a musician allows you to teach music) may indicate misunderstandings in the comprehension and action of teaching-learning processes in music for adolescents and young people in basic education. The specific training of basic education professionals is ensured by Decree 8,752, of May 9, 2016, which states about the National Policy for Training of Basic Education Professionals, more precisely in its article 2, item V:

Article 2. In order to meet the specificities of the exercise of their activities and the goals of the different stages and modalities of basic education, the training of the professionals of education will have the following principles: […]

v – The articulation between the theory and the practice in the training process, based on the domain of scientific, pedagogical, and specific technical knowledge, according to the nature of the function

(Brasil, 2016, our translation).

In many militarized schools, school music education is understood as a process of training martial and musical bands, centering lessons on a dichotomous perspective between what is considered music theory and music practice. We find, in the Manual das Escolas Cívico-Militares [Manual of Civic-Military Schools] (Brasil, 2020), the indication of musical activities, as part of extracurricular activities (Title IX), in Chapter II, which deals with cultural activities, the indication of “theater, band and choir workshops”. Thus, there is no provision in the manual for teaching music in the formal curriculum. The provision for musical activity also appears in Section VII of the Manual, which deals with “united order and the singing of hymns and songs.

Article 48. PECIM (National Program of Civic-Military Schools) students must be familiar with and also know how to sing the Brazilian National Anthem and the Brazilian Flag Anthem, in addition to other songs defined by the education departments.

Article 49. During the displacement in the form of the classes, songs can be sung, as long as the singing does not interfere with school activities.

Article 50. All songs sung at school must arouse enthusiasm throughout the school, for national heroes and for the country […]

(Brasil, 2020, p. 34, our translation).

Also, in the context of militarized music education, the repertoire is linked to patriotism and symbolism, closing the knowledge of collective musical practice in doubles⁷ and hymns (Brazilian National Anthem, Anthem to the National Flag, Anthem of Independence, Anthem of the Proclamation of the Republic). The practice of collective singing appears linked to the united order, unveiling the reinforcing character of the foundations of militarism, when he cites the enthusiasm for “national heroes”. Thus, it begs the questions: what are these national heroes? Is there such a thing as heroin? From what historical perspective?

Pinto (2015), when studying the manifestations of military culture in the Brazilian educational space, cites the presence of the formation of musical bands in this context especially for rites⁸. Martins Gonçalves (2017), understanding the social history of the military police force music bands, searches in Trevor Herbert and Helen Barlow the conception of musical identity of this type of musical group formation: the participation in parades; adoption of uniforms with stripes to employ the hierarchical division and the specific sound in the execution of marching and double time march genres. Although the author clarifies that, for her, this view is limited in the broad context, we realize that there are still preponderant characteristics of these aspects in the musical formations described above.

In Fundamentals and practices of the Military College of Catalão: between uniforms, manuals and report cards, Ribeiro (2019) describes that one of the moments found in the educational process of this space is the ritual of leaving school, where he highlights the songs sung by students as they march. The action establishes a direct relationship with patriotism, which, for the author, is established as “unconditional love for the homeland, it is characterized by the unwavering will to fulfill military duty, even if this waivers” (Ribeiro, 2019, p. 89). There is, therefore, reinforcement of the symbols and elements of military identity.

Band formations and the collective teaching of musical instruments are work possibilities in school music education; however, based on the productions in the field of music education⁹, it is understood that the objective of musical learning processes cannot be the formation of the instrumentalist or musical practices focused on the united order¹⁰. In the same sense, it seems to us that the music educator should not assume, in the context of school music education, the role of conductor with the objective of teaching instruments, theory, reading, and writing (traditional) music.

In the music theory approach, the methods of music theory, solfeggio and rhythmic dictation are generally used, Priolli (2013a; 2013b)¹¹, following similarities with the process of training musicians in the barracks¹². These books, as the author herself mentions in her presentation, are intended for the Music Theory course in Music Schools and Conservatories, “as well as can be used in secondary educational establishments” (Priolli, 2013a, p. 4). Citing this reference does not imply that it is not important in the context of music education, but we should reflect on whether this theoretical approach should be the main reference for school music education. Another aspect to be taken into consideration is the temporality of the publication (1964 and 1979) and the context of music teaching in Brazilian public schools at this time.

Revisiting the historical process - which is not linear - we can understand that we are still imbricated in aspects of external formats to the reality of Brazilian public education. Fonterrada (2008, p. 208, our emphasis) recalls that,

[...] in the Jesuit action, since the early days in Brazil, two characteristics can be immediately perceived: the methodological rigor of a military-inspired order and the imposition of Lusitanian culture, which disregarded the local culture and values, replacing them by those of the Portuguese homeland.

Violeta de Gainza, analyzing the movements and trends in music education, highlights the concept of open and closed music pedagogies. For the author,

[…] the closed pedagogies are recognized for:

- strictness, the lack of flexibility […] both in terms of goals and educational resources and processeses.

- authoritarianism, which proceeds vertically from planning to action;

- mechanism (exercise, repetition) and the lack of students as protagonists in the teaching-learning processes […]

(Gainza, 2015, p. 98-99¹³, our translation).

In this way, thinking about militarized music education, there are approximations with the aspects of rigidity, authoritarianism, and mechanicism. These characteristics are opposite to the conception of open music pedagogy. For Gainza (2015), we experience, from the neoliberal strengthening in the world, a true educational dictatorship, recognized by its authoritarian character, theoretical passivity, and alienation from reality. Thus, the origins of educational reforms combine economic liberalism with social authoritarianism (Freitas, 2018).

An ‘open’ education would be one that, through experience and reflection, tends to promote in the learner the dose of autonomy necessary to perform as an active protagonist in their own development and learning processes

(Gainza, 2015, p. 98)¹⁴.

Lima (2018) highlights that in the militarization of the school, there is a “predominance of authoritarianism to manage its institutions” (Lima, 2018, p. 162), in the perspective of “homogenizing their students into servile, obedient, uncritical, individualistic and competitive citizens” (Lima, 2018, p. 163). The characteristics pointed out by Lima (2018), in this way, are opposed to the open music pedagogy advocated by Gainza (2015), which understands autonomy in educational processes, perceiving the student as an active subject of the learning process.

School music education has meanings that can be deepened in the educational process. In addition to working with the development of concepts, musical techniques, music educators can provoke the senses that music reveals to us, the meanings of sound aesthetics, compositional motives, and the socio-historical context of the school contents in music.

Music at school has significant roles in the development of the student, contributing to their sociocultural and educational enrichment. The music education at schools must offer the students freedom to know, understand and appreciate multiple musical genres, teaching them to listen, without bias and restrictions, as well as providing a complete barrier-free human development

(Batista, 2015, p. 30, our translation).

A militarized music education restricts the scope of the educational work and can hinder important theoretical and methodological approaches (open, plural, and committed to the humanization and emancipation of the human being) that are fundamental for human development. Music and education are, as we know, products of human construction, from whose conjugation can result an original training tool, capable of promoting both processes of knowledge and self-knowledge (Galon et al., 2013).

For Batista (2015, p. 33), “the main goal of education is the human being, in all their characteristics, representations, actions and experiences, [...] promoting plurality and diversity, to build knowledge of oneself and of the world”. In times of the offensive of the capital project for education, it is not too much to revisit the fundamental principles of democratic music education committed to the process of human emancipation.

Threats to Brazil’s democratic education, as Cassio (2019) signals, drive the responsibility of guiding public debate that, for the author, has unfortunately proven to be almost always superficial and dangerously homogenous.

The struggle for democratic, inclusive, secular schools with freedom to teach depends on our eagerness to stand for radically democratic educational projects in the face of what takes on obvious barbarism contours in Brazilian education today. It is necessary to de-barbarize education

(Cássio, 2019, p. 16, our translation).

Considering that we are going through a period of profound setbacks in educational policies in Brazil and in the world, we understand that we are experiencing in the country a crumbling of teachers’ autonomy, of the democratization of knowledge, of the effective freedom of teachers and students in the construction of another educational model and another school model (Santos, 2019). Thus, for us music educators, the political scenario is not so optimistic (Santos, 2019).

The Latin American Forum for Music Education (FLADEM) states in its principles, music as a human right, pointing out that it should be at the service of individual and social needs and demands. The defense of human rights is fundamental to confront necropolitics, which is part of the barbarization of the world. The dignity of the human person consists in ensuring fundamental rights such as education and, in this context, music education. Like Fladem, other associations in the field of Music, such as ABEM and ANPPOM, have carried out activities aimed at promoting critical debate about the challenges to Brazilian music education.

The curtailment of democratic freedoms interferes with the freedom to teach and to understand the world in its various ways of being and existing. School music education can potentialize the senses and allow a critical reading of the world with its profound contradictions. The militarized perspective of education, according to textbooks and national documents, significantly restricts the musical plurality and diversity that can be developed in the school environment. Thus, it is interesting to think how the curricula of civic-military schools establish their systematized contents for the language of Music, analyzing which themes are inserted and in which way they are placed, which musical genres are foreseen (are there forbidden musical genres?), which musical movements are approached and from which historical, political, and social perspective?

The foundations of militarism confront plurality because it presents a unilateral vision of public security and interference in other public services such as education. Brito (2012, p. 105), taking up FLADEM’s principles, states that “music education is at the service of sociocultural integration and solidarity, allowing to channel, positively, differences of all kinds”. The reproduction of a “moralizing” and “disciplining” model, which shapes a single type of profile, externally and internally, is not able to overcome social inequalities and solve the problem of public education in Brazil, nor the historical problems faced by school music education in the country.

Libâneo (1996, p. 12), argues that the democratization of education helps

[…] the students to express themselves well, to communicate in various ways, to develop a taste for study, to master school knowledge; it is to help them in the formation of their social personality, in their organization as a collectivity. Lastly, it is about providing them with critical knowledge and know-how as a precondition for their participation in other instances of social life, especially for the improvement of their quality of life

(our translation).

In the same sense, Dayrell (1996, p. 137), argues that

[…] apprehending the school as a social construction implies, therefore, comprehending it in its daily work, where its subjects are not mere passive agents in the face of the structure. On the contrary, it is a relationship in continuous construction, of conflicts and negotiations depending on certain circumstances

(our translation).

Therefore, music education does not displace itself from the political reality of the world. It is a part of understanding the model of education, culture, and sociability. Freire (1992) clarifies that music has a political dimension and establishes itself as a powerful instrument of transformation of the human being and of society, just as other artistic forms do, which contribute to developing critical knowledge, raising awareness, and propelling social action with a view to individual ethical improvement.

Considerations

Confronting the barbarism of the world has been about defending democracy as a possible regime in social relations. The discipline and morality conceived by militarism in public spaces is constituted as a false framework based on repression. Authoritarianism, hidden in the discourse of order and patriotism, is opposed to the freedom to teach and learn. Violence can be reproduced in school spaces, as well as in other state institutions. However, militarization does not solve the problem of violence in the school environment because it is not in this space that violence is created and established as a form of social relationship.

The defense of public schools is directly related to the historical struggle for the expansion of public resources to realize the right to democratic education. Furthermore, regarding the challenges employed in this perspective, the defense of school music education must be associated with the expansion of public competitions for music teachers, which must exercise their teaching activity in the artistic language of their professional training, making it possible for public schools to have the right to a musical education with social quality. Moreover, musical diversity can be included in the school curriculum to contemplate the differences and the broad conscience of musical knowledge.

The domestication of the educational process is not a solution for the challenges we have in music education, nor in the field of those who defend democracy and emancipatory practices in the teaching-learning processes in music.

Non-traditional school music education, open and disposed towards human development – part of democracy – can substantially contribute to the understanding of the social, historical, and political formation of the cultural diversity existing in Brazil and in the world. It can help in the fight against inequalities, the various forms of violence, and the expansion of other social rights besides education.

Notes

• 1
  To know the year, municipality, sphere, modality, school name and INEP code, I suggest consulting the file: https://escolacivicomilitar.mec.gov.br/images/pdf/Escolas_2020-2021.pdf. Accessed on 25 Feb. 2022.
• 2
  The “Portal Desacato” (Portal of Contempt) was founded on August 25, 2007, as a virtual magazine. Over time he started publishing cartoons, web TV and web radio news, videos, documentaries, and multimedia projects. In the defense of Popular Sovereignty of Communication, Desacato.info has identified itself with readers and opinion makers in search of the Other Information, which is not usually published in the monopolistic media. Collaborators and professionals in information and culture from various regions of Brazil and the world lend their talent to keep us up to date with world news and analysis.
• 3
  The State Education Forum of Goiás (FEE-GO), created by Complementary Law 26/1998, according to Art. 26 is an organ of articulation with society, which aims to study, discuss, and propose alternative solutions for the development of education, culture, science, and technology. It acts as an organ of cooperation with the general administration organs of the Educational System of the State of Goiás and is composed of representatives from the government and civil society. More information, go to: https://feego.fe.ufg.br/.
• 4
  In Goiás, a page specialized in selling military uniforms shows that just one set costs at least R$169.90. See at: http://www.uniformecolegiomilitar.com.br (Andes, 2020).
• 5
  One of the mottos of this discipline was/is the defense of the democratic principle, through the preservation of the religious spirit, the dignity of the human person, and the love of freedom with responsibility, under the inspiration of God (Bertoni, 2019).
• 6
  Professor Emeritus of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ).
• 7
  Military March (Andrade, 1989); a) generic designation for military or symphonic band music, such as march; b) type of music for bands and fanfares that acquired this denomination due to the use of doubling. It is a resource that consists in the execution of each part of the arrangement by more than one instrument, aiming at better sound projection (Dourado, 2004).
• 8
  One of the rites the author exemplifies is the marking of cadences: “three students with left-handed tarols and one student with a marching snare” (Pinto, 2015, p. 238).
• 9
  The collective teaching of musical instruments has been researched by authors such as Cruvinel (2005), Barbosa (1994), among others, with a different perspective from ‘militarization’. Many works in this field articulate the collective teaching of musical instruments with creative processes in Music.
• 10
  “Certain collective standards of uniformity, synchronization, and military garb” (Brasil, 2000).
• 11
  Maria Luisa de Mattos Priolli is the author of important music theory books with a fundamental contribution to this field of Music knowledge. Her books are easily found in the bibliography of examinations to apply for the role of military musician.
• 12
  Some of the content that is found in the examination announcements: chords, chromatic scale, general scale, enharmony, history of music, intervals, scale modes (major and minor), modulation, harmonic series, neighboring and distant tones, transposition and ornaments, voices, transposition of liturgical modes, tempo, and history and composers of Brazilian national anthems. (1st Sergeant Musician Examination PM/MG - 2004; Musician Instrumentalist Corporal Examination PM/AM - 2011; Marine Music Sergeant Examination - 2022). It is worth pointing out that the perspective of the selection for these examinations is to be admitted as a professional instrumentalist for these organizations and has no relation to the perspective of school education.
• 13
  In the original Spanish: “[...] las pedagogías ‘cerradas’ se reconocen por: - la rigidez, la falta de flexibilidad [...] tanto a nivel de las metas como de los recursos y procesos educativos; - el autoritarismo, que procede verticalmente, desde la planificación a la acción; - el mecanicismo (ejercitación, repetición) y la falta de protagonismo del estudiante en los procesos de enseñanza-aprendizaje [...]”;
• 14
  In the original Spanish: “uma educación ‘abierta’ sería aquella que, a través de la experiencia y la reflexión, tiende a promover en el educando la dosis de autonomía, necesaria para desempeñarse como protagonista activo en sus propios procesos de desarrollo y aprendizaje”.

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Edited by

Editor in charge: Lodenir Karnopp

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  21 Nov 2022
• Date of issue
  2022

History

• Received
  18 Aug 2021
• Accepted
  18 Apr 2022