Abstract
The leaky pipeline remains a persistent challenge to achieving gender diversity in the economics career. In this study, we contribute to the existing literature by investigating gender differences in academic performance in economics in Brazil in two distinct stages: undergraduate studies and graduate admission exams. We use individual-level data from the national admission exam for economics graduate programs (ANPEC exam) and undergraduate records from the University of São Paulo. Women are less likely to rank among the top 100 ANPEC applicants and perform worse than men in all exam subjects. Meanwhile, we find consistent evidence that female students perform similarly to their male counterparts in undergraduate courses with comparable content to those evaluated on the ANPEC exam. Since the students taking the ANPEC exam were exposed to the same higher education program, after controlling for observable characteristics, we can relate the differences in performance to the exam itself rather than to differences in learning abilities. While we cannot identify the source of the performance gap, as the ANPEC exam and undergraduate grading system vary in terms of stakes, grading scheme, risk, and competitiveness (all of which can potentially affect women and men differently), we argue that our evidence suggests the need to reconsider admission exam designs to address the leaky pipeline in economics.
Keywords:
Gender; Exams; Higher education; Pipeline; Women in economics
Resumo
O leaky pipeline (“vazamento no duto”) continua sendo um desafio persistente para alcançar a diversidade de gênero na carreira de economia. Neste estudo, contribuímos para a literatura existente investigando as diferenças de gênero no desempenho acadêmico em economia no Brasil em duas etapas distintas: estudos de graduação e exames de admissão na pós-graduação. Utilizamos dados individuais do exame nacional de admissão para programas de pós-graduação em economia (exame da ANPEC) e registros de graduação da Universidade de São Paulo. As mulheres têm menor probabilidade de se classificar entre os 100 melhores candidatos da ANPEC e apresentam desempenho inferior aos homens em todas as disciplinas do exame. Enquanto isso, encontramos evidências consistentes de que as alunas apresentam desempenho semelhante ao de seus colegas do sexo masculino em disciplinas de graduação com conteúdo comparável aos avaliados no exame ANPEC. Uma vez que os alunos que fazem o exame da ANPEC foram expostos ao mesmo programa de ensino superior, após controlar por características observáveis, podemos relacionar as diferenças de desempenho ao próprio exame, e não às diferenças nas habilidades de aprendizagem. Embora não possamos identificar a fonte da diferença de desempenho, já que o exame ANPEC e o sistema de notas de graduação variam em termos de riscos, formato de avaliação, e competitividade (todos os quais podem potencialmente afetar mulheres e homens de forma diferente), argumentamos que nossas evidências sugerem a necessidade de reconsiderar os desenhos dos exames de admissão para abordar o problema do leaky pipeline em economia.
Palavras-chave:
Gênero; Exames; Educação superior; Pipeline; Mulheres em economia
1. Introduction
Women are not only underrepresented in academic economics, but they also experience slow career progression. In 2023, according to the Committee on the Status of Women in the Economics Profession (CSWEP), women accounted for only 33.7% of assistant professors, 27.6% of associate professors with tenure, and less than 17.5% of full professors in US Ph.D. granting economics departments. The widening gender gap in economics at each career stage is known as the “leaky pipeline.”
A considerable and growing body of research discusses the barriers at the various stages of the training and promotional pipeline in academic economics. Examples are Ceci et al. (2014) and Ceci et al. (2015) for tenure promotions, Hengel (2022) for differences in top journals publications, Boudreau and Kaushik (2022) for women’s preference towards collaborations and Sarsons (2017) for co-authorship impacts on women. As a matter of fact, as pointed out by Goldin (2023) and Avilova and Goldin (2018), underrepresentation is observable as early as the undergraduate level.
This paper aims to understand the initial stages of the pipeline, comparing the performance of male and female students throughout their undergraduate journey and on the Brazilian unified national master’s entrance exam in economics (ANPEC exam).
Our sample consists of students who graduated in economics from the University of São Paulo (USP) and were admitted between 2000 and 2010. We analyze their scores on the admission exam to the undergraduate economics program at USP (FUVEST) and follow their performance throughout college. Finally, we evaluate the same student’s performance in the ANPEC exam, the admission exam to the master’s programs. The ANPEC exam, run by the National Association of Postgraduate Programs in Economics (Associação Nacional dos Centros de Pós-Graduação em Economia - ANPEC), is highly competitive. For instance, to be accepted by one of the “top four” institutions, candidates must be among the 80 best-ranked out of more than 1,000 candidates. The stakes are high, as attending a top master’s program impacts students’ career prospects (Estevan and Santos, 2022). A distinctive characteristic of the exam is that the questions are mainly true or false, where wrong answers are penalized (they yield negative points). Omissions are not penalized and yield zero points.
We first guarantee that there are no significant differences in performance before admission to the economics bachelor program, i.e., that male and female students’ rankings in FUVEST are similar. Next, we provide evidence that female students perform as well as, or even better than, male students in the mandatory courses during the undergraduate program (Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Mathematics, and Statistics), topics which also make up the ANPEC exam.
Gender does not affect selection into the ANPEC exam. Although higher grades in compulsory courses are positively related to the probability of students taking the ANPEC exam, we find no gender differences in this likelihood. Within each gender, the percentage of students taking the ANPEC exam increases when we go from the bottom to the top quartile (higher GPAs). Still, there is no gender gap in the likelihood of taking the exam within each quartile.
Nevertheless, our results indicate that women are less likely to rank among the top 100 students in the ANPEC exam and perform worse than men in Mathematics, Statistics, Macroeconomics,1 and Microeconomics.1 Consequently, they are more likely to be accepted into lower- ranked master’s programs, which can affect their academic career. According to the Brazilian Women in Economics research group,21 there is only a small percentage of women in higher-ranked master’s programs in Brazil. In 2019 (2020), only 30% (27%) of students in the most prestigious master’s programs were women, compared to 48% (41%) in less prestigious programs.
Finally, using a linear differences-in-differences model, we show a decline in female performance in the ANPEC exam compared to their undergraduate grades. In contrast, male performance increases by 11% of a standard deviation.
We speculate that differences in performance can be mostly attributed to gender differences related to the evaluation setting.2 Our findings suggest that the ANPEC exam is not gender neutral, as women perform similarly to men in most undergraduate disciplines comparable to the ones in the ANPEC exam, and therefore have similar learning capabilities and knowledge in economics.3
Our paper contributes to the literature examining grading schemes overall impact. While there are studies that compare teacher and test-based assessments for younger students at the basic educational level (Angelo and Reis, 2021; Falch and Naper, 2013; Marcenaro-Gutierrez and Vignoles, 2015), there is a lack of research examining gender differences associated with different grading schemes for higher education students and analyzing how they change across the academic path. As far as we know, only Jansson and Tyrefors (2022) point to grading bias as a possible early cause of the “leaky pipeline.” Actually, grading schemes at universities have received little attention, exceptions being Breda and Ly (2015) and Feld et al. (2016). Furthermore, our study adds to the literature on gender differences in the performance of undergraduate students in economics (Rask and Tiefenthaler, 2008; Beneito et al., 2021).
Unfortunately, we cannot disentangle the reasons for female relative underperformance in the ANPEC exam, as it differs in distinct dimensions apart from the grading scheme, such as stakes, risk, competitiveness level, and anonymity. Previous evidence suggests that all these aspects can affect women and men differently.
Several studies find that women perform worse than men when stakes are high (Jurajda and Münich, 2011; Ors et al., 2013; Azmat et al., 2016; Cai et al., 2019; Borges et al., 2023). Risk aversion may also be a possible explanation behind grading gaps. Female test-takers skip significantly more questions than male test-takers in the quantitative track (Saygin and Atwater, 2021) and when questions are difficult (Riener and Wagner, 2017). Self-assessment seems also related to skipping behavior and could partially explain the gender gap (Saygin and Atwater, 2021). When tests include penalties for incorrect answers, as occurs in the ANPEC exam, the gender gap becomes particularly relevant, given the need to manage risk (Baldiga, 2014; Pekkarinen, 2015).
Regarding competition, Nierdele and Vesterlund (2007) show that women (men) seek to avoid (embrace) competitive situations and claim that this difference in behavior is due to lower female expectations about performance. Dohmen and Falk (2011), on the other hand, attribute this difference to gender-specific attitudes towards risk.
Finally, the comparison between blind and non-blind tests provides mixed results. Lavy (2008) finds evidence of a bias against boys, while Hinnerich et al. (2011) obtain evidence of no bias against boys. Specifically focusing on economics, Jansson and Tyrefors (2022) show that women benefit more from being graded anonymously, and when that happens, they are more likely to keep studying economics.
Lastly, it is important to acknowledge the limitations of our sample. To ensure the generalizability of our results, future studies should examine whether they apply to other universities, particularly those located in states with potentially higher levels of discriminatory social norms and gender stereotypes.
The remainder of this article is organized in five sections besides this introduction. Section 2 provides an overview of the ANPEC exam and the University of São Paulo undergraduate economics program. Section 3 discusses selection and gender differences in performance on undergraduate exams. Section 4 presents the methodology and the results on gender gaps comparing achievement on undergraduate exams and the ANPEC exam, and Section 5 brings the main conclusions.
2. Institutional background and Data
2.1. The ANPEC Exam
In Brazil, undergraduate students from economics who wish to pursue graduate studies are required to take the ANPEC exam. The exam is administered yearly, typically in September, and is composed by 6 different exams that cover Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Mathematics, Statistics, Brazilian Economy, and English. All students take the same exams simultaneously, with each candidate receiving a standardized score (for each of the exams and an average score). The National Association of Postgraduate Programs in Economics then publishes a ranking of candidates based on their average standardized scores. All exams are equally weighted, except English, which no institution uses as an admission criterion.
However, each university can choose its own weights and ranking for students’ selection. The “top 4” institutions - Fundação Getúlio Vargas São Paulo (FGV-EESP), Fundação Getúlio Vargas Rio de Janeiro (FGV-EPGE), Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-RIO), and Universidade de São Paulo (IPE-USP) - consider only the core exams of Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Mathematics, and Statistics, with each receiving the same weight.
Two aspects of the exam warrant special attention. The first is the strategic component of the exam, which involves mainly true-or-false questions with negative scores for incorrect answers. More precisely, incorrect answers yield negative points equivalent to the same points earned for a correct answer, while omissions do not receive any penalty and earn zero points. Open-ended questions comprise roughly 20% of the exam and are not subject to penalties. This scoring rule means that the number of omitted questions can affect a candidate’s probability of admission.
The second is the admission procedure. When registering for the exam, candidates submit a list of up to six desired universities without an order of priority. After the exam results are released, universities have one week to contact candidates and make them an offer. Each applicant who receives an offer must complete a form indicating either “definite” or “conditional” acceptance. If the candidate chooses definite acceptance, the process ends, and he/she will no longer receive offers from other universities. If the candidate chooses conditional acceptance, he/she is temporarily accepting the university inviting him/her, but is also signaling that he/she would rather go to another university and is still hoping to be accepted. After this first round, the second round starts, and candidates can still choose between “definite” or “conditional” acceptance. In the third and final round, it is only possible to give a definite acceptance. Most of the top-ranked candidates aim for the most prestigious graduate programs, and the most prestigious programs also aim to be chosen by them. Along with the three rounds, universities advertise themselves, showcasing the qualities of their programs and the future career prospects they offer.
On average, 1,000 students take the ANPEC exam each year (see Appendix Figure F.1), making it highly competitive. The top 4 programs traditionally only accept the top 80 candidates. Table 1 shows that women are only 33% of the test-takers and, most importantly, are underrepresented in top positions. Only about 15% and 17% of the top 50 and top 100 highest-performing candidates are women, respectively. This skewed distribution of female candidates implies that women are underrepresented in the most prestigious economics graduate programs, as admission to most graduate programs is based only on performance in the ANPEC exam.4 Therefore, the average grade in the undergraduate program or any extracurricular activities/academic curriculum will not directly impact graduate school admission.
Table 2 presents data retrieved from Rocha, Diaz, Pereda, Narita and Facundes (2021), reporting women’s representation in Brazilian undergraduate and graduate programs by CAPES score. CAPES is a Brazilian governmental agency that evaluates postgraduate courses every four years (master’s and Ph.D.) on a scale ranging from 1 to 7 (7 being the highest score). Scores 1 and 2 imply course disqualification. A score of 3 is considered satisfactory, that is, the program meets the minimum quality standards. Score 4 indicates a good performance, while score 5 is the maximum score for programs that offer only the master’s degree. Scores 6 and 7 define programs (master’s and Ph.D) with a high standard. The evaluation is based on the quality of the publications by professors and students, as well as internationalization and research promotion.
Table 2 shows that the participation of women decreases as the universities’ CAPES score increases. Universities with the lowest score have around 40% of women in their undergraduate and master programs, while in universities with the highest scores (6 and 7) these numbers reduce to 30% or less. It also indicates that the participation of women is smaller in master’s programs than in undergraduate programs, regardless of the university’s score - apart from universities that scored 3 in 2019. In 2019, there were 33.3% and 30.1% of women in undergraduate and master’s programs 6 and 7, respectively. In 2020, these numbers were even smaller (28.9% in undergraduate courses to 27.3% in master’s).
Our empirical analysis uses microdata for the 2004-2019 exams provided directly by ANPEC.5 The available dataset contains information from 1997 to 2019. Still, we have limited our analysis to 2004 on because the oldest USP cohort in our sample (students admitted in the year 2000) start to graduate in 2003 (daytime students are expected to complete college in 4 years) and then apply for a master program in economics. The data provides information on the candidates’ names,6 gender, age, the year and institution they finished their undergraduate studies, how many times they took the exam, their performance on each test (Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Mathematics, Statistics, Brazilian Economy, English), their university choice, and their rank in the official ANPEC Ranking.
2.2. Undergraduate students
The University of São Paulo (USP) is a large and prestigious public university in Brazil. According to the Times Higher Education Latin America University Rankings 2020, USP is the second-best university in the Latin America and Caribbean region, just behind the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile (PUC-Chile),7 while in the SCIMAGO Institutions Rankings 2020,8 USP occupies the 61st position among 500 international institutions. It is a research-intensive state university with ten campi in the state of São Paulo.9 The main campus is in one of the wealthiest cities in the country, São Paulo. Our database is from the main campus, and from now on, we refer to USP when we mean the São Paulo city campus.
Entrance to the undergraduate programs at USP involves a rigorous and competitive process. During our period of analysis (2000 - 2010), the main admission system used by USP was a university-specific exam, named vestibular, more specifically FUVEST due to the foundation - Fundação Universitária para o Vestibular - in charge of elaborating the questions, applying and correcting the exam. It is held once a year and it has two phases, the first in November/December and the second in January.10
The first phase involves only multiple-choice general knowledge questions, covering subjects like Portuguese, Mathematics, History, Geography, and Natural Sciences. Students who achieve a minimum score in this phase qualify for the second phase, which comprises more specific and challenging subjects. This minimum score is determined by all candidates’ ranking in the first phase and the number of slots available for each specific study program (which the students choose when they register to take the FUVEST exam). For admittance to the economics, business, accounting, or actuarial sciences undergraduate programs in the São Paulo city campus in 2023, students needed a score of 63% in the first phase.11 A total of 1,775 students were approved for the second phase, where they competed for 413 spots for the mentioned programs.
The second phase consists of detailed tests with open-ended questions, varying according to the chosen major program, and an essay on a given topic regarding actualities. Students who want to study economics must answer questions about geography, history, and mathematics. Scores from the first and second phases are used to rank the candidates. The ranking serves as the basis for admission. From 2009 on candidates applying for business, economics, accounting, or actuarial sciences undergraduate programs indicate their preferences among the four degrees.
The university then admits the top-ranked students and offers them a place in their first-choice program. The process continues by moving down the ranking list and offering admission to the next highest-scoring student until all available slots for a degree program are filled. Then, the student will be offered admittance to their second preferred program, and this process continues until slots in all programs are filled.
As a result, candidates who achieve higher scores in both the first and second phases have a better chance of being admitted to the program, as they will be given priority in the selection process. It’s important to note that the number of available slots in the economics program is limited, and the competition is usually intense. Therefore, students aiming to join USP economics program must obtain high scores in the FUVEST exam to increase their chances of being admitted.
Besides being renowned institutions in Brazil, public universities do not charge tuition or other fees. Therefore, they tend to be the preferred choice among high-school students, and their admission process is highly competitive (Borges and Estevan, 2023).
Unlike most American universities, the coursework structure in economics at USP is quite rigid, as about 57% of credits are in mandatory courses (Borges and Estevan, 2023). The undergraduate program is highly specialized in economics, so it does not have business-related disciplines as core courses. Besides, students must pass introductory disciplines to take more advanced ones, implying that students typically follow classes with their admission cohorts. If they fail one class, they will take longer to graduate. Students must also write a bachelor’s thesis under a professor’s supervision to complete their degree.
Daytime and evening students are split into two sections per shift (morning or evening classes). There are two classrooms in the morning and evening, with around 45 students attending parallel classes during the first semester. Conditional on the shift, the assignment criterion of students to each of the classrooms follows alphabetical order.12 After the first semester, the students’ composition in each classroom remains similar, but there is some change because some students fail the mandatory courses, and students can enroll in sections without following the initial classes’ assignment. Later in the course, the classrooms are more mixed because most courses are not mandatory.
The grading scheme for undergraduate courses differs depending on the subject and the instructor in charge of the course. Despite that, grades in mandatory courses are mainly the average of two to three no-aids- allowed written assessments done in class (1 or 2 midterms and 1 final exam). Handing out different assignments during the semester may also compose the final grade specially of non-mandatory courses.
The undergraduate grades were collected from the academic record system of undergraduate students at USP.13 It contains information about the student’s attendance, grades, result (approved or failed), FUVEST admission ranking, age, city, and state of residence when the student applied to USP.
Our sample consists of students that were admitted into the undergraduate economics program during the period 2000 to 2010. However we will focus on the subsample of students admitted to USP through the vestibular,14 that completed the degree, and for which we have information on grades for the subgroup of subjects included in the ANPEC exam: 1,431 students (27% female students).
Since we are concerned with the relationship between the evaluation scheme and the leaky pipeline, we want to follow students exposed to the same higher education program. This way, after controlling for other observable characteristics, gender differences in performance can be mostly credited to the different evaluation systems. Therefore, our sample of interest is composed by undergraduate students from USP who took the ANPEC exam (296 students, 21% of the restricted sample).
Each student in USP administrative records is identified by a university ID number while the ANPEC microdata contains information on each candidate’s name. To merge the two data sets we had to request the Department of Economics the ID numbers of FEA students that applied to the ANPEC exam.
For each student, we keep only her/his best (highest-ranking) result in the ANPEC exam if she/he took the exam more than one time. This procedure avoids both double-counting or capturing ‘trainees’ lower-effort results - a possible concern if selecting only first attempts.
We end up with a panel of students with two performance measures per student, undergraduate grades and scores on the ANPEC exam. We evaluate their performance in the undergraduate disciplines that make up the ANPEC exam: Mathematics, Statistics, Microeconomics, and Macroeconomics.
Given USP’s prestige and the selective nature of its admittance exam, its undergraduate students (both female and male) tend to be quite distinct from other students who take the ANPEC exam. Table 3 compares the performance of all students from USP who took the ANPEC exam and all applicants who took the exam (including and excluding USP students, broken down by gender) and examines their overall scores as well as their scores on the specific exams. To ensure comparability, we restrict the sample of ANPEC applicants to those who graduated with a degree in economics after 2002 (the same year our sample of USP students began graduating). For all samples, we find statistically significant gender differences in performance, with men outperforming women in all the exams except Mathematics, where no statistically significant difference is found among USP students (all students and for our sample of analysis - USP and ANPEC). Besides, female students who graduated from USP tend to outperform their counterparts (both female and male students) from other universities.
Table 4 presents additional descriptive statistics for our main sample of undergraduate students. In Panel A, we observe no significant difference in exam participation rates between female and male students. Approximately 21% of USP’s students take the exam (81 out of 383 female students and 215 out of 1,048 male students). When we examine the subset of students who took the exam (296 students) in Panel B, we observe that USP students perform exceptionally well compared to other test takers. Over 70% of USP undergraduate students rank among the top 200 best candidates. However, when we compare the representation of female and male students among the top 50, 100, and 200 highest achievers in the ANPEC exam, we observe a decreasing proportion of women, suggesting a lack of gender balance among the high-performing test takers. Women account for 12.35%, 32.10%, and 69.14% of the top 50, 100, and 200 best candidates in the ANPEC exam, respectively. Although we observe women’s under-representation among the top 50 and 100 highest-ranked applicants, there is no statistically significant difference in the percentage of female and male students among the top 200 positions.
3. Gender differences in perfomance
3.1. Selection before undergrad: the FUVEST exam
We first analyze if there is any statistically significant gender difference in the FUVEST admission exam and in undergraduate core courses. Table 5 brings the average FUVEST ranking and average grades at the undergrad level for the full sample of economics students at USP and our USP/ANPEC subset of students. Notably, we do not find any statistically significant difference in the FUVEST ranking for men and women for the two samples. This indicates no significant pre-existing differences in performance before admission to the economics bachelor program.
However, we find that men have lower average grades in compulsory courses, though the difference is only significant at a marginal level for the ANPEC subset. This is suggestive that, despite no observed differences before admission, women tend to outperform men in undergraduate courses. Nonetheless, we must interpret these numbers carefully, as we are not controlling for other observable characteristics that might affect the results.
3.2. Academic performance during college
To further examine the academic performance of female students in the undergraduate program at USP in more depth, we build a panel of student-course performance over time for our restricted sample of USP/ANPEC students. We then evaluate gender differences in course grades and pass rates among undergraduate economics students, including classroom fixed effects which absorb potential observable and unobservable differences.
We estimate the following regression model:
Where y icst is one of our two performance measures: either the normalized final course grades (mean zero and standard deviation of one) or pass rates which are a binary variable equal to 1 if the student passed and 0 if the student failed. These measures are obtained by student i in year t (admitted in t∗) in the subject s in the classroom c. The variable women i is a dummy variable equal to 1 if the student is female and 0 if the student is male. The parameters δ cst denotes the subject-classroom-semester fixed effect, corresponding to the section (daytime or evening) where student i took discipline s in semester/year t. The parameter γt∗ represents the cohort fixed effect based on students’ admission year. The matrix X i contains control variables for student i, including age, ranking in the FUVEST exam, and a dummy variable indicating whether the student’s city of origin is São Paulo. In this equation, each student may appear multiple times, corresponding to the number of undergraduate courses she/he took in each group of subjects.
Table 6 displays the regression results from estimating equation (1) using ordinary least squares (OLS). Columns (1) to (4) show the results for the average normalized undergraduate grades in the courses that make up the ANPEC exam, while columns (5) to (8) report the average pass rates in the same group of courses. The results indicate that female students perform as well as or better than male students in the mandatory disciplines at USP. Women also tend to have higher pass rates in Microeconomics and Statistics, and similar pass rates in Macroeconomics and Mathematics.15
3.3. Selection into the ANPEC exam
To better understand the selection of students who take the ANPEC exam we analyze the characteristics within gender groups. Table 7 compares some characteristics of the students that took and that did not take the ANPEC exam. The results show that, on average, students that took the exam have higher grades. Specifically, women have grades 0.7 higher, while men have grades 0.61 higher. There are also differences in graduation times with women and men who took the ANPEC exam graduating, on average, six months earlier than those who did not take the exam. Finally, both female and male students that take the ANPEC exam are generally younger.
To examine if students’ characteristics affect their likelihood of taking the ANPEC exam, we estimate a probit model where the binary response variable indicates whether the student took the ANPEC exam or not. This analysis encompasses all undergraduate students admitted between 2000 and 2010 via the FUVEST exam who successfully completed the course.
It is worth mentioning that the explanatory variables in this regression are potentially endogenous. For example, students who undertook an internship while at college probably took longer to graduate and had no interest in taking the exam because they probably received job offers before graduating. We should, therefore, interpret the coefficients with caution, understanding them as correlations and not causal effects.
Table 8 reports the average marginal effects. Our results indicate that there are no gender differences in the probability of taking the ANPEC exam. Age and time to complete the course also do not appear to be significant factors. However, higher grades in compulsory courses are positively related to the probability of students taking the ANPEC exam, indicating a selection of students interested in pursuing a master’s program. Besides, students with better academic performance are more likely to take the ANPEC exam regardless of their gender (as shown in Table F.2).
To further analyze if high-performing men and women differently select into the ANPEC exam, in Figure 1 we analyze the share of students taking the exam looking at the gender-specific GPA distribution. Within each gender, the share of students taking the ANPEC exam increases when we go from the bottom to the top quartile. Within each quartile, there are no gender differences in the share of candidates (as we observe in Table F.3). For instance, the share of male and female students in the highest quartile of the GPA distribution (Q4) is 36% and 41%, respectively, but this difference is not statistically significant.16
4. Grading systems and the gender gap
Having analyzed the performance during undergraduate courses and the selection into USP via FUVEST and into the ANPEC exam, we now turn to the main exercise proposed in this paper. To make comparison easier, we standardize the grades in USP core courses and the ANPEC exam, giving them a mean of zero and a standard deviation of one.
Table 9 compares the average performance of undergraduate students in the mandatory courses at college and their performance in the ANPEC exam.17 For the same group of students, in columns ‘USP,’ we compare gender differences in performance in the undergraduate core courses, while in columns ‘ANPEC,’ we verify gender gaps in performance in the ANPEC exam. Finally, in columns ‘ANPEC-USP,’ we present the gender comparisons for the individual difference in performance between the two exams: ANPEC minus USP standardized scores.
The difference in the performance of male and female students is not statistically different for most undergraduate courses, although females have higher averages. One exception is Math where, with a 5% significance level, we find evidence that women outperform men with a 26% higher grade in standard deviation terms. Interestingly, when we compare the grades for the ANPEC exam, we find robust evidence that men outperform women in almost all subjects. For example, men score around 0.31 standard deviations higher in Microeconomics and 0.36 standard deviations in Macroeconomics. When we look at the difference in performance between the two evaluation systems, we observe that while relative male performance increases in the ANPEC exam, the opposite happens for women, leading to statistically significant differences in all subjects. These findings suggest that there are indeed gender differences in performance related to grading schemes.
4.1. Empirical strategy
Since we can match the same student’s grades in undergraduate courses and the ANPEC exam, we follow the methodology of Falch and Naper (2013) and estimate a linear differences- in-differences model to examine the gender gaps between teacher grading and scores on the graduate entrance exam.
Usually, in a differences-in-differences methodology, we compare results before and after the event of a natural experiment for the treatment and control groups. Here we observe men and women in two different exams and instants. We can consider gender as our treatment (with women as the treated group and men as the control group, for example), and “before” being students’ performance throughout their undergraduate studies at USP and “after” being performance in the ANPEC exam. However, it’s important to note that the main variation we will analyze is in the exam format, not the timing of each assessment.
We estimate the following regression model:
Where y ie is the standardized performance of student i in exam type e (USP mandatory courses or ANPEC exam). women i is a gender dummy that equals 1 if the student is a woman. ANPEC e is a dummy variable that indicates if the performance measure is from the ANPEC exam (=1) or USP (=0), γ t ∗ are cohort fixed effects (admission-year dummies), and ϵ ie is the idiosyncratic error term. In all specifications, we cluster the standard errors at the individual level.
We estimate separate OLS regressions for each subject tested in ANPEC: Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Statistics, and Mathematics. We also present a specification that pools all four subjects to evaluate the overall gender gap. Since we combine ANPEC and USP grades, we have two observations per student for each subject and end up with 592 observations. In the regression that includes all subjects, we have eight observations per student (four subjects × two evaluation schemes) and end up with a total of 2,368 observations.
The coefficient δ 1 captures gender differences in overall performance, and δ 2 displays differences in performance in ANPEC grades relative to USP grades not related to gender. δ 3 represents the differences-in-differences coefficient that identifies the gender gap in performance in the high-stakes ANPEC exam. A positive/negative δ 3 indicates that female performance relatively increases/decreases in the ANPEC exam compared to the grades obtained in the mandatory courses of the undergraduate program at USP.
4.2. Results
Table 10 presents the results for the differences-in-differences regressions. In column (1), we report the combined results for all ANPEC exams. In the subsequent columns, we present the results for each ANPEC exam separately: Microeconomics (2); Macroeconomics (3); Statistics (4); Mathematics (5).
In the first column (All) we find no gender differences in performance for the whole set of subjects evaluated in the ANPEC exam. However, we observe a decline in female performance in the ANPEC exam compared to their performance in undergraduate courses, while male performance increases by 11% of a standard deviation. Specifically, female performance drops by 28% (-0.387 + 0.106) of a standard deviation. In Microeconomics and Macroeconomics there are no statistically significant differences for men, while women decrease their performance in the ANPEC exam by around 40% of a standard deviation. In Statistics, we observe a similar pattern with men presenting no important changes in their performance and women decreasing their performance in the ANPEC exam by around 30%. In Mathematics, women have better grades in undergraduate courses (23% of a standard deviation larger). Nevertheless, in the ANPEC exam their relative performance declines by 34% of a standard deviation (-0.473 + 0.130) while male grades improve by 13% of a standard deviation.
Table F.5 in the appendix provides additional evidence on women’s performance in the ANPEC exam. It displays the results of OLS and quantile regressions where the dependent variable is ANPEC scores. The results corroborate that women perform worse than men on the ANPEC exam and, on average, obtain grades that are 4.75 points lower than men. Each exam (Mathematics, Statistics, Macroeconomics, and Microeconomics) is worth 15 points, and therefore the exam as a whole sum 60 points. The mean of the scores during the period of analysis is 23.53, so the gender difference is substantial. Results from the quantile regressions (percentiles 10, 25, 50, 75, and 90) show that women perform worse than men across the entire distribution of grades. The gender gap increases in absolute terms and reaches its highest point in the last decile, where women’s scores are 5.48 points lower than men’s. However, when we compare the size of the coefficient to its statistics (average and each percentile), we note that the gender gap decreases along the distribution. For instance, -3.41 represents 36% of the ANPEC grade at the 10th percentile, while -5.48 corresponds to 15% at the 90th percentile.
Table 11 reports the average marginal effects from probit regressions, where the response variable is the probability of achieving a top 100 position in the ANPEC exam. Column (1) reports the raw gender gap, while in columns (2) to (5) we gradually include explanatory variables. The inclusion of covariates does not substantially affect the coefficients. Once again, we should be cautious, as we have correlations, not causal impacts. Consistent with our previous findings, holding other factors constant, female students from USP are less likely than their male counterparts to attain a top 100 position. Consequently, they will engage in lower-ranked graduate programs jeopardizing their academic careers.
5. Conclusions
A growing and important body of research has been discussing the barriers women face at the various stages of their academic career in economics and how they become underrepresented (the “leaky pipeline”). The purpose of this paper is to contribute to this literature by comparing the performance of male and female students from when they enter the university till they apply to a master’s program.
We follow students who received a degree in economics from the University of São Paulo and compare their performance in the main undergraduate courses and the national admissions exam for graduate programs in economics. As they went to the same university, we expect differences in performance to be driven mainly by gender differences due to the evaluation schemes.
The Brazilian context is particularly interesting for examining the “leaky pipeline.” Since students apply to universities and majors simultaneously, their performance on exams does not lead to early sorting into fields. Moreover, the main admission criteria for a graduate program in economics is the score in the ANPEC exam, the national unified admission exam. Therefore, students’ undergrad grades or any extracurricular activities/academic curriculum do not directly impact their admission to a master’s program.
We provide evidence that there are no significant differences between men and women in FUVEST, the admission exam to USP. Besides, female students perform as well as, or even better, than male students in the mandatory undergrad courses (Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Mathematics, Statistics) and there is no selection into the ANPEC exam. Finally, we use a differences-in-differences approach to compare USP and ANPEC standardized grades. In all subjects evaluated in the ANPEC exam, we find that women’s grades decrease by 28% of a standard deviation, and men’s grades increase by 11%.
We cannot disentangle the source of the gender gap, as undergraduate courses’ evaluation schemes are very different from the ANPEC exam in terms of stakes, risk, competitiveness, all of which could potentially affect women and men differently. Therefore, further studies are necessary to understand which factors are important and how they influence women’s confidence and self-esteem.
Our study, however, shows that evaluation schemes can have consequences for the leaky pipeline in economics. Besides affecting the probability of continuing with economics at the undergraduate level, as shown by Jansson and Tyrefors (2022), it can also affect the likelihood of continuing in economics at the graduate level, and especially the probability of attending a prestigious master’s program, influencing the decision to pursue an academic career path. As Claudia Goldin notes: “we’re teaching economics the same way we did when women didn’t matter. But now women do matter. So how do we translate economics into ‘girlish’?”. According to the findings from our study, we must translate exams into ‘girlish’ as well.
There are several paths for future research. First, a natural extension is to verify if the result remains the same if we look at different universities. Second, it would be interesting to compare female and male candidates’ performance in ANPEC’s open questions. Since there is no penalty for open questions, this would allow us to verify if risk indeed affects women’s decision-making on how to answer exams, as predicted by the existing literature.
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♦
We are grateful for the data that was kindly provided by ANPEC and the Department of Economics at the University of São Paulo. We are also grateful to the Department of Economics at the University of São Paulo, FIPE and FAPES grant # 2019/16952-7 for their financial support. Bruna received funding from São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP - grant # 2021/08880-6) to conduct academic research. Paula received funding from CNPq(grant 304221/2022-8) to conduct her research.
Edited by
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EDITOR-CHEFE
Dante Mendes Aldrighi https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2285-5694Professor - Department of Economics University of São Paulo (USP)Fábio Waltenberg https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3404-7424
Publication Dates
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Publication in this collection
10 Jan 2025 -
Date of issue
Oct-Dec 2024
History
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Received
03 Oct 2023 -
Reviewed
10 May 2024 -
Accepted
26 June 2024