Facing the Queen Bee Phenomenon? The relationship between women politicians in BrazilAbstract
Purpose: This research aims to analyze the relationship between women and their colleagues in the Brazilian political context from the perspective of the Queen Bee Phenomenon – QBP.
Originality/value: This study advances the debate on QBP on the (inter) national scene and investigations into the relationships and interactions built by women in spaces designed and organized by men and for men.
Design/methodology/approach: 40 semistructured interviews were carried out with women who are politicians in the Southeast and Northeast regions of Brazil. Three are department deputies, 1 is a department state secretary, another one is a department deputy and 35 are city councilors from 13 departments all around the country. Data analysis was carried out using the Gioia method.
Findings: The results indicate that even in an environment susceptible to the emergence of the QBP, women with ideological agendas and social struggles did not exhibit distancing behaviors with other colleagues. Furthermore, the interviewees showed positive conceptions of their colleagues and exhibit behaviors that encourage female performance in politics. This study highlights how workplace conditions affect relationships among individuals with threatened identities, particularly for studies on QBP. Findings reveal that group identification and perceived collective action potential shape relationships, despite obstacles. It underscores politicized identity as key to collective engagement and shows that relationships among women positively impact peers. Expectations and experiences of newcomers and experienced women in politics do not create distance. Additionally, a set of collective action strategies used by women to foster the participation of others was identified.
Keywords:
women in politics; Queen Bee Phenomenon; gender studies; politics; gender relations
Keywords:
mulheres na política; Fenômeno da Abelha Rainha; estudos de gênero; política; relações de gênero
Resumo
Objetivo: Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a relação entre mulheres e suas colegas no contexto político brasileiro a partir da perspectiva do Fenômeno da Abelha Rainha (Queen Bee Phenomenon – QBP).
Originalidade/valor: Este estudo avança no debate sobre o QBP no cenário (inter)nacional e nas investigações sobre as relações e interações construídas por mulheres em espaços concebidos e organizados por homens e para homens.
Design/metodologia/abordagem: Foram realizadas 40 entrevistas semiestruturadas com mulheres que são políticas nas regiões Sudeste e Nordeste do Brasil. Três são deputadas estaduais, uma é secretária estadual, outra é deputada federal e 35 são vereadoras de 13 estados diferentes do país. A análise dos dados foi realizada utilizando o método de Gioia.
Resultados: Os resultados indicam que, mesmo em um ambiente suscetível ao surgimento do QBP, mulheres com agendas ideológicas e lutas sociais não apresentaram comportamentos de distanciamento em relação a outras colegas. Além disso, as entrevistadas demonstraram concepções positivas sobre suas colegas e adotaram comportamentos que incentivam a atuação feminina na política. Este estudo destaca como as condições de trabalho afetam as relações entre indivíduos com identidades ameaçadas, especialmente em pesquisas sobre o QBP. Os achados revelam que a identificação grupal e a percepção de potencial de ação coletiva moldam as relações, apesar dos obstáculos. Ressaltase a identidade politizada como fatorchave para o engajamento coletivo e mostrase que as relações entre mulheres impactam positivamente suas colegas. As expectativas e experiências de iniciantes e mulheres experientes na política não geram distanciamento. Além disso, foi identificado um conjunto de estratégias de ação coletiva utilizadas por mulheres para fomentar a participação de outras.
INTRODUCTION
Historically, women have faced gender discrimination and threats to their social identity in both public and private workplaces. In the context of Brazilian politics, this scenario is aggravated by psychosocial, cultural, and partisan barriers that hinder and jeopardize women’s inclusion and permanence in political careers (Gomes Neto et al., 2024). Even with policies committed to gender equality in the Brazilian political scene, such as gender quotas in elections, electoral funding for women, and combating genderbased political violence, among others, they continue to be underrepresented and face numerous barriers that limit their participation and progress (Teixeira & MotaSantos, 2022; Krook & Sanín, 2016).
According to data made available on the website of the Brazilian Superior Electoral Court (TSE) in 2022, 91 female federal deputies were elected, representing 17% of the total seats. In the State/Departments Legislative Assemblies, the total number of Departments deputies elected reaches 190 women (18%). Regarding the Senate in 2023, of the 81 available seats, only ten are occupied by women (12%). After the 2024 municipal elections, only 727 cities will be led by women from 2025 onwards, which corresponds to approximately 13% of the 5,569 Brazilian municipalities.
Gender studies indicate that women who work in traditionally mendominated environments and experience gender discrimination or face threats to their social identity face a dilemma: i) advocate for social change in defense of the qualities of their group and promote collective gains; or, ii) seek individual success in mendominated work environments, conforming to men dominated culture and distancing themselves from their group, thus being labeled in the literature as “Queen Bee” women (Webber & Giuffre, 2019; Derks et al., 2016).
The literature on the Queen Bee Phenomenon (QBP) emerged in the study by Staines, Tavris, and Jayaratne in the article “The Queen Bee Syndrome”, published in the Journal Psychology Today in 1974. The study revealed that conservative women with professional and social success often opposed changes in gender roles. More recent studies on QBP indicate that some women, when assuming leadership positions, may adopt behaviors that hinder, limit and/or prevent them from engaging in collective actions that aim to offer greater opportunities to their colleagues in subordinate positions at the beginning of their careers or who have followed different professional trajectories (Derks et al., 2016).
The presence of Queen Bee (QB) women can compromise the wellbeing of women at all levels, reducing the benefits of psychological support effects, weakening relationships that could cope with discrimination situations and hindering the development of collective benefit policies (Sterk et al., 2018; Derks et al., 2016). Additionally, the phenomenon can strengthen the perception of conflict between women as more recurrent and problematic for the workplace environment as well as foster the idea that these relationships have lower quality and a lower level of solidarity, support and encouragement among them (Sheppard & Aquino, 2017).
Abalkhail (2020) and O’Neil et al. (2018) also suggest that QBP can lead to a disconnection between the expectations and perceptions that novice women and women who have been active for a longer time have of each other. Thus, this study is based on the following research problem: considering the experiences of discrimination and gender barriers in the Brazilian political context, how are relationships established between women who are starting out and those who are already working in politics?
Thus, given the understanding that group relationships with discriminated identities and operating in environments conducive to the emergence of QBP require more detailed investigation, this study aims to analyze the relationship between women politicians and their colleagues in Brazil from the perspective of QBP.
National studies on women in politics have emphasized the gender challenges they face, affirmative action policies, and issues related to voting and leadership profiles (Teixeira & MotaSantos, 2022). This study becomes relevant and original given the need for research in the political field that analyzes the relationships established between newly arrived women and those already consolidated in a space historically structured by men and for men such as Brazilian politics. This research contributes to new theoretical propositions that recognize the role of gender in the formation of relationships between women in contexts occupied mostly by men, exploring how collective actions and relationships vary according to the operational context and individual characteristics.
This research also fills a gap on the Queen Bee Phenomenon (QBP) in the global South, analyzing it specifically in the Brazilian context (Grangeiro et al., 2024; Gomes Neto e Grangeiro, 2022), which is marked by a patriarchal culture that often reinforces competition between women. Thus, analyzing the political context from the perspective of the QBP helps to understand how women in political positions deal with the dilemma of, on the one hand, embracing a highly competitive, sexist and individualistic work culture — which implies distancing themselves from collective actions and ignoring systemic disparities that have historically harmed both themselves and their colleagues — or, on the other hand, being pressured to engage in collective actions that promote gender equality and actively support other women, which can lead to social judgment and negative labeling from their peers who want to maintain the status quo.
Finally, recognizing that the threats present in the Brazilian political environment can influence relationships and make it difficult for women leaders to support their colleagues at the beginning of their careers, the use of the theoretical lens of the Queen Bee Phenomenon allows us to unravel how these barriers impact not only interactions between women, but also how the system can reinforce patterns of behavior that perpetuate or not gender inequality. In this way, the research offers data that help in the theoretical understanding of elements that foster engagement in collective actions, the valorization of the group and the rupture of the QBP.
THE QUEEN BEE PHENOMENON AND ITS EFFECTS ON GENDER RELATIONS
Although other studies have been conducted on the phenomenon since the original study by Staines et al. (1974) (Ellemers et al., 2004) and some conceptual criticisms have arisen (Mavin, 2006; 2008), Derks et al.’s (2011) research was the first to explore organizational conditions as determinants for the emergence of QBP, presenting it as a response behavior to discrimination experiences in the operating context. Their research indicates that women with low gender identification, who perceive their social identity as threatened and experience discrimination, tend to selfdescribe as more masculine, with a greater distancing from other women.
Recognizing that discrimination experiences affect women’s behavior, Derks et al. (2016) explain that in the absence of policies and practices ensuring identity security, minority groups may resort to individual or collective level strategies to favor their presence in environments. The first, considered a faster strategy with greater personal gains, involves distancing from the disadvantaged group, seeking acceptance from the higherstatus group. The second strategy occurs at the collective level, when individuals advocate for social change in defense of their group’s qualities; For example, when women seek to reinforce positive gender stereotypes.
In addition to a more psychological view focused on women’s particular experiences, authors such as Mavin (2008) and Sheppard and Aquino (2017) explain the existence of the Queen Bee phenomenon from a more critical perspective, considering how the gender structure and order influence the phenomenon. Sheppard and Aquino (2017) suggest that the Queen Bee phenomenon arises from a competitive threat, which occurs when, due to the social and organizational context, women see themselves as direct competitors for the limited leadership spaces available to them. The authors also highlight that, while conflicts between men are often naturalized and classified as “boys being boys,” female conflicts, influenced by gender patterns, are perceived as unnatural, dysfunctional, and more problematic.
Mavin (2008) points out that gender patterns establish that, even when faced with difficulties in assuming management positions, women should adopt supportive and caring behaviors towards their colleagues. This creates an incongruence of gender roles, since women are expected to simultaneously display traits that are stereotypically “masculine” and associated with leaders (assertiveness, competitiveness) and traits associated with the feminine ideal (kindness, helpfulness, solidarity), which are not seen as characteristics of good managers. In this way, the gender systems embedded in organizations socially construct and impact women’s behavior towards other women in senior management, and vice versa.
This way, QBP should not be characterized as inherent competition between women, but rather as distancing from the lowerstatus group, as women are not integrated into the dominant group (Newell et al., 2019). Mavin and Williams (2013) emphasize that the increase in the number of women labeled as QB is directly linked to the gender order reflected in hierarchies of masculinities, where organizational power is located with men in patriarchal contexts. Thus, QBP can be understood as both a cause and consequence of gender inequality in the workplace. If some women do not support others, this should be understood as a reflection of gender discrimination rather than an inherent behavior of women themselves (Faniko et al., 2021).
However, it should be acknowledged that QB women may reinforce the notion that their group´s characteristics are less suitable for leadership positions, making it easier for other colleagues to face biased evaluations and be less considered for leadership positions (Van Veelen & Derks, 2022). By reinforcing the idea that a certain profile is more suitable for leadership positions, barriers to diversity policy development are strengthened, hindering the benefits of gender diversity (Sterk et al., 2018).
Novice women faced with discrimination and women exhibiting QB traits may experience greater negative emotions. As they encounter gender issues that may go unnoticed they are less likely to be identified as potentially harmful to their careers and have fewer opportunities to find effective practices to counter their effects (Webber & Giuffre, 2019; Sterk et al., 2018). The phenomenon naturalizes reluctance to support policies and practices aimed at helping other women advance in their careers (Van den Brink & Benschop, 2012). Furthermore, Baykal et al. (2020) emphasize that the presence of QB women results in higher levels of workplace discomfort.
Novice women also feel more demoralized than inspired to take on leadership positions when faced with QB colleagues (Kremer et al., 2019), avoiding seeking promotion to advance because they fear that, even if they make greater efforts, they will not be rewarded (Abalkhail, 2020). Thus, even though women at the beginning of their careers may not be directly bothered by the existence of QBs, they are negatively affected by the context and may experience difficulties in career progression (Baykal et al., 2020).
METHODOLOGY
The present study is of a qualitative nature. The data consisted of 40 semistructured interviews. The interview script was developed with theoretical grounding in gender relations and QBP studies (e.g. Gomes Neto el at. 2022; Grangeiro & Esnard, 2021; Fernandes et al., 2021). All interviews were conducted by the first author. The initial block of questions consisted of personal information, professional histories and reasons that led them to participate in the political arena (e.g., could you comment on your professional trajectory/education and how you started working in politics? What were your initial motivations? What changes occurred in your life after entering politics?).
The second block addressed issues related to perspectives and assessments of interactions among women (e.g. How do you assess, in a general context, female participation in politics? What measures do you believe are necessary to increase female participation in politics? How do you assess affirmative action policies for women in politics? How do you describe your relationship with other women in politics? Do you know of and/or are you part of groups that encourage increased female participation in politics?). Finally, sociodemographic questions were asked (e.g. age, marital status, education, number of children, political party).
Initially, two pre-test interviews were conducted with two city councilwomen from a a departament in the state of Ceará, one representing the capital (NO.01) and the other one from a city in the interior of the department (NO.02). After excluding five questions, data collection was conducted
Table 1 Sociodemographic characteristics of the interviewees| Profile of the interviewees | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| States/Departments | n | % | Age | n | % | Education Level | n | % |
| Northeast Region | 18 | 45% | 18-30 | 9 | 23% | Higher education completed or incomplete | 23 | 58% |
| Alagoas | 2 | 5% | 31-40 | 11 | 28% | Postgraduate completed or incomplete | 17 | 43% |
| Bahia | 3 | 8% | 41-50 | 10 | 25% | Political Party | n | % |
| Ceará | 3 | 8% | Above 50 | 10 | 25% | PSOL | 7 | 18% |
| Maranhão | 1 | 3% | Marital Status | n | % | PDT | 4 | 10% |
| Paraíba | 1 | 3% | Married | 17 | 43% | PSB | 3 | 8% |
| Pernambuco | 3 | 8% | Single | 14 | 35% | PT | 14 | 35% |
| Piauí | 1 | 3% | Stable union | 3 | 8% | PSD | 1 | 3% |
| Sergipe | 2 | 5% | Divorced | 5 | 13% | MDB | 2 | 5% |
| Rio G. do Norte | 2 | 5% | Widowed | 1 | 3% | PSD | 1 | 3% |
| Southeast Region | 22 | 55% | Race/Color | n | % | PC do B | 2 | 5% |
| Espírito Santo | 2 | 5% | White | 17 | 43% | Progressista | 3 | 8% |
| Minas Gerais | 6 | 15% | Brown | 8 | 20% | PV | 1 | 3% |
| São Paulo | 12 | 30% | Black | 14 | 35% | Rede | 1 | 3% |
| Rio de Janeiro | 2 | 5% | No response | 1 | 3% | Solidariedade | 1 | 3% |
For further details regarding educational level, three interviewees have incomplete higher education (7.5%), 50% (n=20) have completed undergraduate studies, 10% (n=4) have completed postgraduate lato sensu, 30% have master’s degrees and one participant (2.5%) is currently pursuing a master’s degree. Additionally, 52.5% (n=21) of the interviewees don`t have any children while 47.5% (n=19) have from one to four children, seven with only one son/daughter, six with two sons, four with three sons, and two with four daughters.
The interviews, which lasted an average of 43 minutes, were meticulously transcribed, resulting in a 224-page material (font Times New Roman, size 12 and single-spaced), and later categorized using the ATLAS.ti tool. Next, they underwent analysis based on the Gioia method, which allows for the integration of inductive, qualitative and interpretive techniques (Corley & Gioia, 2004). In the initial stage, data coding originated from notes organized during fieldwork based on previous studies on the queen bee phenomenon and interview readings with an emphasis on fidelity to the informants’ words (Gioia et al., 2013).
Subsequently, a phase of exploration and second-order analysis began, involving an interactive process between data and theory. This stage aimed to identify both disagreements and agreements between emerging statetments and the existing literature, with the goal of identifying relevant concepts and theories that contributed to understanding the data (Gioia et al., 2013). Finally, the second-order codes (themes) obtained from the interviews were compared with relevant literature, allowing for the analysis and construction of aggregated dimensions. The analysis process was carried out by the first author and reviewed by the others. Figure 1 depicts how the second-order codes and themes were allocated into aggregated dimensions.
The first dimension assesses the relationship of women with their colleagues operating in the political environment; the second analyzes the perspectives and perceptions of interviewees regarding their colleagues operating in different timeframes in politics. It is worth noting that researchers did not determine a specific timeframe for participation, leaving it up to each participant to define their delineation of women who are starting out and more experienced colleagues. The third and final dimension displays behaviors for fostering the participation of other women in the political field.
RESULTS
Assessments of women’s relations in politics
Ease of working and cooperating with women colleagues in politics
According to the QBP literature, some women in leadership positions end up distancing themselves physically and psychologically from their colleagues. However, when asked about their relationship with other women, the interviewees emphasized a positive connection with their coworkers, highlighting a supportive environment and a preference for working with teams formed and/or led by women: “I really like working with women. I think women have energy and a more collaborative way of working... more connected to a higher purpose” (NO.16). “A very good, very friendly relationship” (NO.07). SU.10 reports that her team is all composed of women: “I have 8 advisors; we are 9 women. They are very necessary, right?”
“We have to use even that image of ... no woman can let go of another woman’s hand” (SU.06). SU.16 highlights that this partnership transcends the chamber of her city council and she perceives the support of colleagues from other regions: “Our relationship is good, strengthening, it’s about supporting each other. We also strengthen women politicians´ performance here in our cities, in our region.” SU.05 mentions that she participates in a WhatsApp group that “has several councilwomen from Brazil. And we strengthen each other a lot.”
The interviewees recognize the importance of building a support network to continue advancing together, as SU.19 asserts: “We end up exchanging a lot of information and creating a support network because we know that if we are not together we will continue to be excluded.” Or NO.01: “I think it’s important that we have joint information among women, the promotion of self-organized spaces so that women can meet among themselves and strengthen each other”. In agreement, NO.03 emphasizes: “I think it’s very important for us to have other companions, you know? So, we don’t feel alone. Because we are still a minority in political spaces, so it is necessary to embrace each other.”
“These connections are very important, right? With other women who are also in the same environment. Because they will make you not feel alone, make you realize that other people also feel this, also go through this, that this is not something exclusive to you. (...) And this undoubtedly creates a network of strengthening and it is very important for the process of affirmation of women in these spaces” (NO.16).
The NO.02 also reports the importance of support among women and highlights their dissatisfaction when they perceive other colleagues exhibiting competitive behaviors towards other women:
“We have to join hands, really, because nothing is easy for us. So, I get very sad when I see women, you know, with internal disputes. How can I put it? Wanting to compete with each other… Which I think shouldn’t happen, we really have to come together” (NO.02).
It’s not enough to be a woman!
However, even though they point out greater ease of work and good relationships with their colleagues, they recognize that the gender perspective alone is not enough to provide a good relationship. In this logic, they argue that it is not enough just to be a woman, one must fight and advocate for concepts that ensure improvements and rights for other women: “It’s not enough… If you’re a woman, but you haven’t discovered yourself as a woman, you haven’t become a woman, right?” (SU.10). “It’s not enough to be a woman, (...) because there are women who advocate for agendas that still uphold sexism; there hasn’t been that deconstruction of sexism yet. These are still conservative agendas. (...) So, sometimes the women politicians don’t represent us” (NO.06).
SU.04 highlights that relationships are intensified with colleagues who advocate for similar agendas: “We had an identity in this women’s agenda. (...) We achieved many benefits within the city council, including from our own point of view… when I entered the city council, we didn’t even have a toilet for women.” The interviewees also mention the difficulty of developing collective actions with women of different ideologies: “There’s always a little friction here or there, over one agenda or another where there’s disagreement, but generally we get along very well… but I admit to you that we don’t defend ourselves as much” (NO.07).
“There’s no way I can say that it’s okay for that other woman, protestant, a rightwing government supporter, to defend [former president] Bolsonaro in the city council. She’s advocating for a project that doesn’t support women. We need to respect the differences, because I’m not going to attack her personally. (...) I need, in fact, to respect the political decision of this other woman to build another project, but it’s necessary to differentiate what is the political project of each one, what is truly intrinsic to our existence as women” (NO.04).
Furthermore, the interviewees emphasize the importance of being feminist women who fight for gender equality. SU.06 says that, although there are currently more women elected to the city council than before, “they have very different profiles. Not all of them have really embraced the cause of women’s rights, the feminist cause.” SU.09 hopes to see more women participating in politics: “women who bring the debate of society’s class struggle, because we can’t have women who represent what many men councilors represent here, against the rights of the population…” In unison, SU.01 aims to include not only more women in politics, but “feminist women in politics, who will fight for women’s rights in politics.” Or NO.01: I hope that we have feminist women holding elected positions, right? Legislative positions, in the judiciary. And why do I talk about feminist women? Because they are women who are aligned with the agenda of defending women.
Women’s perspectives and perceptions of their colleagues in politics
Women’s conceptions towards their beginner colleagues
The women in this study declare their intention to become role models and aspire to pave the way for other colleagues to also enter the political arena: “To be a reference for women, for young people who are participating” (SU.12). SU.05 adds: “I really cling to this idea of inspiring others. Strengthening girls, helping them understand that the space of politics is ours, right?”
“I think that we, who already occupy these spaces of power, we have to open our activities, our actions to give opportunity and spaces to inspire and attract new women, so that together we can change this sad picture of the Brazilian political landscape. I think it’s solidarity, really” (NO.06).
In addition to inspiration, the women emphasize the importance of encouraging and including other women in politics: “I want to strengthen and I think that if I can do that I will have fulfilled one of my missions, which is the participation of women and youth in politics,” says SU.01. “I do a lot of that too, encouraging others” (SU.14). “I want to be supportive, “So that in the future, our lives as women in politics are dignified and with rights” (SU.19). NO.02 reiterates that this is a moment of transformation:
“We have to fight to change reality, just like other women have helped us. I always live imagining that it’s my moment, it’s really one of transformation. I have to transform [the present] so that future women don’t go through anything that I’m going through, don’t have to face different discrimination all the time, don’t have to prove themselves capable, and I sincerely wish that other women become part of the political power here in the municipality” (NO.02).
The interviewees also said that they see in younger women a force to fight for transformation. They consider that over time women who are already in the field end up becoming exhausted: “They become very calloused. It’s a process we go through of the toughness of acting. I think the coolest thing to see in the women who are starting out is to see (...) a greater capacity for indignation than ours” (NO.04). In succession, she adds that women who are starting out have a more active stance: “I think (...) they are much more indignant about things that unfortunately we, who have been here for some years, end up normalizing, because otherwise, we would go crazy, you know? So, they are fundamental, because this capacity for indignation should not be lost, right?” (NO.04).
“I think that the women who are starting out, they already come with a different strength. It took me almost 20 years to be able to speak in public... Today I see that many girls who are starting out are much more empowered. The girls from the student movement, from the feminist movement, they come with a different posture, with a different worldview. That’s wonderful, that they don’t wait 20 years to be able to raise their voices” (SU.18).
The perception of women about colleagues who have been in politics for a longer time
The interviewees highlight that their relationships with colleagues who have been active in politics for a longer period promote personal growth, facilitate and drive their involvement. NO.03 illustrates this experience:
“The lessons that are consolidated through these women help us understand the struggles we will face later on as well”. “We are a minority. (...) So, in these places you see other people who have gone through the things that you have. Understanding how they manage to go through this and remain firm in the fight. Exchanging information and finding comfort”.
Interviewees reveal that older women also serve as a source of inspiration for them: “I remember that one of the people who inspired me in politics was a woman who led youth rights projects in the municipality and she gave a lecture at my school and talked a bit about her fight” (SU.21). The following account reflects the act of mirroring the trajectory of other women:
“I really look up to these women, as the first woman deputy elected in my city, the first mayor elected here, the first Rector of the university. So, I look at them, mirror myself, I am very grateful to these women, I learn from them every day. I even mirror myself in this responsibility they had, for example, in the construction of me being here today, of other women in politics” (SU.14).
Another important issue that emerged from the data is the feeling of gratitude and recognition for the struggle faced by women who have been active for a longer time, fighting for a less exclusionary and prejudiced space for women’s participation: “I am there because of all the generations that came before me” (NO.04, NO.02). NO.01 adds: “Women have been building processes, mediations for us to progress. (...) It doesn’t start with us. This is a historical struggle, an old struggle. Many others came before us, so that we could get here”.
“I feel gratitude when I look at them and understand that what they did back then to pave the way for us to be here was very important. I don’t want them to continue being the first and only ones, right? … They help me a lot, directly” (SU.14).
Strengthening behaviors for women’s participation in politics
Studies on the QBP assert that some women in leadership positions adopt behaviors that hinder and/or limit the opportunities of colleagues who are in subordinate positions, at the beginning of their careers or who have made different professional choices. However, our study showed that these women not only do not exhibit traits of distancing, but also reveal four patterns of supportive behavior towards women’s participation in political spaces.
Two behaviors occur directly: i) at the individual level, through the per sonal development of other women; and ii) at the collective level, through involvement in and encouragement of networks and support groups among women. Additionally, interviewees mention two strengthening practices that occur indirectly: iii) through legislative projects or public policies aimed at reducing violence against women in all spheres; and iv) at the fight for representation, where women see and perceive that their interests are represented.
Personal development, training and mentoring
Initiatives aimed at stimulating and supporting participation of other women through personal development, training and mentorship are reported by NO.05: “We hold seminars, workshops, debates... We are always, in all our speeches and in every place, showing the importance, highlighting this issue of these representations... mobilizing all the time, right? Giving lectures in schools, activities in public squares, conducting trainings with other women. Participating in youth women’s collectives, so that we can build strategies for strengthening, for sharing the path to [occupy] the electoral competition space itself” (NO.01).
SU.21 says: “There’s something I strive to do a lot, which is to talk to high school students, whether in private schools or public schools... Tell them about my trajectory, share challenges, explain how politics works, talk about the importance of politics.” NO.10 mentions providing “legal and accounting assistance”.
“We gather our comrades who are available for electoral candidacy and explain how the documentation works, how the issue of the electoral program works. How they should position themselves on social media, how they should defend their own flags. How to enter the competition and not bow to men and not withdraw their names, not put themselves in the position of being superficial, a puppet or anything like that. So, we really strengthen and encourage our candidacies, understanding that women’s flags must be defined by women” (NO.12).
Involvement in collective actions
The interviewees express cooperative behaviors through their involvement in women’s collectives, labor unions, social projects and activism: “I’m always involved in women’s collectives. So, there are regional collectives, local collectives, collectives specifically for black women” (NO.15). Similarly, SU.19 highlights: “All these support networks that have emerged to boost and promote, and also maintain women in politics. These are networks that we have a good relationship with, that we build together.” NO.10 asserts her participation in movements and reinforces their importance for women’s advancement in institutional politics.
“I participate! Because, I mean, when I entered this house, I didn’t just enter... the social movements were the door that ensured I could enter here. So, these various movements, I say they are diverse, but they are not dispersed, they are in tune. So, if these movements ensured our presence here, then these movements have to be our front line, they have to guide us always. That’s why it’s important, it’s ours, to continue encouraging associations of women in neighborhoods” (NO.10).
According to SU.21, women’s movements contribute to women who do not have much experience in electoral contests and assist women who are already involved in institutional politics: “I’m part of 2 groups for political participation (...) that trained me, helped me prepare for my candidacy.” The interview also highlights that the lack of training by political parties is supplemented by these groups: “So, I mentioned the training that parties lack, but it turns out that some institutions fulfill this role, (...) online meetings to discuss our challenges, also sharing strategies to help each other out.”
Public policies to reduce violence against women
The third behavior of cooperation among women is exemplified by the development of public policies aimed at reducing genderbased violence experienced by them in various circumstances and ensuring greater security for women to confront gender barriers with more dignity. NO.07 asserts that “We fight so that women can really work in whatever they want, can be whoever they want, wherever they want, whether in politics, in private initiatives, or at home.”
Regarding this mutual support for the reduction of genderbased violence in the general context, SU.22 cites an example when “approximately 86 councilwomen from various municipalities in Brazil at the same time endorsed the menstrual dignity project. (...) And we were following along together, helping each other and learning, exchanging data, information.”
“Women don’t have much time for politics. I always say this wherever I go, that we have to make these environments more welcoming. (...) We tried in all the conversations we have to create a space where these women could bring their children, their families, so that we could create spaces for that. So that they feel welcomed, so that they can participate in these spaces. So, it’s making small gestures like these that ultimately we make a difference, right?” (SU.05).
Additionally, the interviewees also mention several other projects and actions that are developed with the aim of promoting gender equality and reducing violence, such as: the implementation of specialized women’s attorney offices; women’s police stations; participation in women’s rights committees; bills against obstetric violence and domestic violence; NGOs and patrols for women who are victims of domestic violence; projects providing social, psychological and legal support.
Importance of women’s representation in politics
Women cite the pursuit of representation as an alternative for women to be adequately represented and for other women to feel motivated to pursue similar paths. NO.18 states that the absence of women in political positions makes it difficult for other women to envision themselves as political leaders in the future, directly impacting political aspiration and engagement. However, she seeks to show through her image that other women can also pursue similar paths: “So, I think it brings up this issue of representation for representation’s sake. This feeling of belonging. NO.18 is one of us. That feeling that it’s possible to get there” (NO.18). NO.12 reinforces: “Women need to see themselves as political beings. They need to understand that politics also involves them and not just for them.”
The interviewees also recognize that if a significant portion of the population, such as women, is not adequately represented in politics, democratic legitimacy may be flawed, as policies, actions and laws may not reflect the interests of the majority. Thus, the interviewees emphasize the importance of representation for a full democracy. NO.10 says: “politics must be represented. (...) Representation matters a lot to us. It can’t be this politics where... The father leaves, the son steps in… that’s very bad, because then you make politics something familial, as if it were a heritage.” SU.17 adds that she cannot believe in democracy without the presence of women: “There is no democracy without the presence of women. We are the majority. The politics I do is focused on women, I am doing politics for the majority.” NO.05 reports that “women know the day-to-day, because they listen, they hear, they have this sensitivity. So, this knowledge brought into politics facilitates that actions and activities for the benefit of society reach them”.
DISCUSSIONS OF RESULTS
Brazilian politics is notably conservative, permeated by sexist views and predominantly male (Fernandes et al., 2021; Pinho, 2020; Miguel & Biroli, 2010). Women have historically been considered the least favored group for decisionmaking positions and constantly face threats to their social identity and gender discrimination, which present obstacles to their inclusion in political spaces (Fernandes & Lourenço, 2023; Krook & Sanín, 2016; Miguel & Biroli, 2010). The perception of discrimination directly influences individual behaviors, relationships within the devalued group, and facilitates the emergence of QBP (Veldman et al., 2021; Van Laar et al., 2019; Webber & Giuffre, 2019; Derks et al., 2016).
However, the women in this study do not distance themselves from the ingroup as suggested by some previous research (LimaSouza et al., 2021; Faniko et al., 2016; Derks et al., 2016). The interviewees exhibit cooperative behavior, support, ease, and appreciation of work formed by women, regardless of positions, trajectories and years of experience. The interviewees declare themselves in favor of feminist agendas while asserting their active involvement in (in)formal groups fighting for gender equality and women’s rights. This result differs from studies indicating that women in environments predominantly occupied by men exhibit antifeminist behaviors.
They acknowledge the ideological clashes and individual agendas that may interfere with relationships. In this logic, the interviewees affirm that it is not simply the gender or “being a woman” that provides the quality of relationships and emphasize the need to be feminist women, that is, to assume a politicized identity that recognizes their belonging to a specific group, but also to actively engage in the fight and advocate for social or political changes on behalf of that group. This result suggests that even facing underrepresentation, threats to women’s social identity, and political competitiveness, the women in this study strengthen their relationships and easily perceive more discriminatory situations when working with colleagues with more conservative views. However, this does not exclude the possibility that women may exhibit behaviors of physical and mental distancing from their own group and that the status quo devalues the presence of women in political positions.
It is worth considering that the interviewees in this study are predominantly from leftwing parties and do not hold neoliberal positions. Girerd and Bonnot (2020) explain that women who endorse neoliberal, conservative and rightwing beliefs are more likely to legitimize the status quo, show less feminist identification and engage less in collective actions. According to the comparative study by Santana & Aguilar (2019), leftwing parties increase the number of women parliamentarians and facilitate women’s first access to parliament. In addition, another aspect to be highlighted is that membership in leftwing parties can contribute to the development of a politicized identity. This identity favors involvement in women’s collectives, mutual support actions, and promotes greater cohesion in confronting discriminatory practices and defending the group’s interests.
Furthermore, it is worth considering that when asked about their relationships with other female colleagues, the interviewees may have adopted filters based on collective standards, ideal models of behavior, and social desirability, such as the expectation that women are involved in external actions on gender issues, demonstrate attitudes of sisterhood and/or solidarity. Women may feel the need to present an image of unity, even if this means hiding dynamics of competition and rivalry that may coexist in interpersonal relationships. This demand, referred to as the “women in management mantle” (Mavin, 2008), refers to the expectation that women in senior management positions assume the responsibility of challenging discriminatory practices and gender cultures, prioritizing women’s potential contributions, and leading diversity initiatives. The pressure to conform to this ideal may lead women to hide more complex aspects of their experiences and to fear that their statements will be interpreted as a violation of social norms expected of women in positions of power.
Numerous studies affirm the importance of networks and collective actions for the advancement of women in public and private spaces (O’Neil & Hopkins, 2015; Mavin, 2008). Sales and Veras (2020) emphasize the importance of women’s movements and feminist struggles in politics. However, simply building bonds may not be enough to overcome gender inequalities (Abalkhail & Allan, 2016). It is necessary to understand how relationships occur within groups and how the trajectories of women who have been active for longer periods may or may not facilitate the paths of other colleagues (O’Neil et al., 2018; Sheppard & Aquino, 2013; Mavin, 2008). For example, when examining the perceptions and expectations of women who are starting out and senior women in the private context, Abalkhail (2020) and Felix et al. (2021) find differences in expectations and evaluations, with younger women assessing that older women do not sufficiently help in the progression of their careers.
In contrast, in our study younger women affirm that relationships with more experienced women promote their personal growth, facilitate their trajectories and serve as a source of inspiration and support for newcomers. They also recognize and value the role of their predecessors, as women active in the political field have experienced similar challenges and know alternatives to overcome them. Women who have been active for longer periods reinforce their desires to be agents of change so that others also occupy political positions. They emphasize that the relationship with younger women is important for rejuvenating the strengths that are lost over the course of daily struggles within parliaments.
Regarding cooperative behavior and fostering women’s participation in politics, the interviews mention four strategies through direct and indirect actions. The first aims to encourage, develop, empower and make the path more accessible for women who are starting out or aspiring to grow in the political arena through mentorship and increased access to information. This strategy helps overcome the technical limitations faced by some women and reduces the stereotype that they are not adequately qualified for the political field (Gonçalves, 2009). The second strategy is aimed at implementing institutional and social measures (union, social movements, university demands) that directly impact the insertion of women in the public sphere. Sales and Veras (2020) affirm the importance of women’s movements in social struggles and highlight them as one of the greatest examples of noninstitutionalized political participation.
The third and fourth strategies are indirect actions aimed at reducing violence and inequality in a general context, providing better access to education, ensuring health and safety for women, so that, in the long run, they can bring their experiences and knowledge from the private to the public spheres. Finally, the interviewees assert the need for their identities to be present in decisionmaking spaces to enable certain layers of the population to see themselves represented and to build a full democracy. They attest that their experiences are essential to foster public policies that favor women, families and minorities. Furthermore, they reinforce the importance of women’s representation to break down the structures that sustain the male political environment, enabling the construction of a more democratic debate, a fairer and more respectful politics for all identities.
Thus, even though women in the political context face several obstacles to their inclusion in institutional spaces and are in an environment susceptible to the emergence of QBP, the interviewees point to positive relationships with colleagues of different levels and trajectories but who present similar struggles and agendas. Differing from other studies addressing QBP, the novice women in this research do not feel less inspired to assume leadership positions in the face of relationships with more experienced colleagues and they do not perceive themselves as discouraged to seek new spaces. Furthermore, more experienced women do not mention behaviors of distancing or hindering the actions of other colleagues. Moreover, all interviewees cite behaviors and strategies aimed at encouraging and facilitating the actions of other women.
CONCLUSION
This study examines the relationship of women with their colleagues in the Brazilian political context from the perspective of the Queen Bee Phenomenon – QBP. The results indicate that even in an environment susceptible to the emergence of QBP, the women in this study did not exhibit behavior of distancing. The interviewees explain a relationship of support, cooperation and ease in working and living with other women. However, they recognize that the perspective of being a woman alone is not sufficient to provide a good relationship, reinforcing the need for similarity between agendas, ideologies, feminist positions and struggles for gender equality. Thus, our main finding indicates that involvement in actions and support among women in politics are influenced by the similarity of ideological agendas and politicized identities, functioning as a possible instrument to combat the Queen Bee phenomenon.
In this study, younger women affirm that older women are sources of knowledge and inspire their trajectories, while women who have been in the field longer confirm the desire to be seen as agents of change and facilitators for the careers of their younger colleagues. Newcomers exude a sense of gratitude and recognition for the struggle of women who have been active longer. In parallel, older women express a sense of gratitude for the strengthened encouragement from newcomers. These data reveal our second finding: there is no difference between the expectations and perceptions of women entering politics and those who have been in the field longer that would create a physical and mental distance between them.
Our third finding is the identification of collective action strategies used by women to foster the participation of others. These strategies include: personal development in face of encouragement and training to make the journey of other women easier; participation in collective and social movements to stimulate women’s participation and advocate for policies that value gender diversity; and the development of public policies aimed at reducing the violence experienced by women in different circumstances, enabling better education, security, health, quality of life and work. They reinforce also the importance of women’s representation for achieving full democracy, so that other women aspire to and see themselves in political spaces and for the development of more inclusive policies.
In this way, the study empirically demonstrates how women encourage the participation of others by forming mentoring and support networks where they share experiences, strategies, and resources. The collaboration between more experienced and younger women contributes to building a more inclusive and equitable political environment, strengthening the presence of other women and promoting gender equality policies, which can directly impact the entry of more women into this space.
This research provides theoretical contributions to the field of knowledge that assesses how the relationships of individuals with threatened identities are impacted by workplace conditions, especially in studies on the QBP. When elected women who are more experienced and have different backgrounds marked by experiences of discrimination support younger women, they break the notion of the queen bee phenomenon. However, this relationship is strongly established by the similarity of the agendas, ideological concerns and struggles that these women face. Thus, this study offers theoretical support for the importance of a politicized identity as a central element for engagement in collective actions, promoting group valorization, becoming an intruder to overcome the QBP and reduce the distance from the group itself.
Furthermore, the results highlight that relationships among women can have positive impacts on their peers. By recognizing the importance of the collective, women connect to a broader movement, expand their critical awareness, and collaborate in promoting structural changes. For example, the presence of women in the National Congress has ever been fundamental to promote legislative agendas aimed at gender equality and the protection of women’s rights, such as the approval of the Feminicide Law in 2015. This appreciation of the collective ensures that their voices in defense of rights and equality resonate more strongly and reach a greater number of spaces.
Despite the contributions, it is necessary to highlight some limitations, for example, the greater concentration of interviewees from leftwing parties, considering that women with rightwing and neoliberal positions have other experiences and evaluations of relationships. Thus, future research could i) replicate this study with women from rightwing parties and movements; ii) analyze the relationships and interests of women’s collective actions on other theoretical bases, exploring perspectives of power, ideologies (feminist vs. conservative), constructions of identities (individual and collective) and other gender metaphors (e.g., tokenism, homophily, old friends network, glass cliff); iii) develop other qualitative works with similar purposes using other methods of analysis (discourse, content, life history); iv) research presenting another methodological approach, such as quantitative studies.
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RAM does not have information about open data regarding this manuscript.
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RAM does not have permission from the authors or evaluators to publish this article’s review.
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Edited by
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Editor-in-chief
Almir Martins Vieira
Edited by
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Publishing coordination
Andreia Cominetti
Data availability
RAM does not have information about open data regarding this manuscript.
Publication Dates
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Publication in this collection
27 Oct 2025 -
Date of issue
2025
History
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Received
02 Oct 2024 -
Accepted
15 May 2025
