Reparations for Victims of Human Rights Violations during the 2019 Social Outburst in Chile

Reparaciones para las víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos durante el estallido social de 2019 en Chile

Reparações para vítimas de violações de direitos humanos durante a agitação social de 2019 no Chile

Abstract

In controlling public order during the period of social outburst in Chile, between October 18, 2019, and March 17, 2020, State agents committed grave human rights violations. This paper contributes to ongoing efforts to ensure comprehensive reparations for the victims of institutional violence during those five months of social outburst. It seeks to explain how different Chilean State bodies have dealt with the issue of human rights violations and made progress toward reparations for the victims, analyzing these efforts through the lens of recent theoretical and practical developments in the Inter-American Human Rights System and the field of transitional justice regarding comprehensive reparations for victims of human rights violations. Recommendations for measures and mechanisms of comprehensive reparations for victims of State violence are then outlined. It is argued that the State should adopt legislative and public policy measures that contribute to comprehensive and timely reparations for victims. To this end, consideration should be given both to the proposals made by the victims themselves and to the recommendations and guidelines of the Inter-American Human Rights System.

Keywords
Human rights; reparations; State violence; Chile

Resumen

En el control del orden público durante el período de estallido social en Chile, entre el 18 de octubre de 2019 y el 17 de marzo de 2020, agentes del Estado cometieron graves violaciones a los derechos humanos. Este artículo contribuye a los esfuerzos en curso para asegurar una reparación integral a las víctimas de la violencia institucional durante esos cinco meses de agitación social. Se pretende explicar cómo diferentes organismos estatales chilenos han abordado la cuestión de las violaciones de los derechos humanos y han avanzado hacia la reparación de las víctimas, analizando estos esfuerzos a través del prisma de los recientes avances teóricos y prácticos en el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos y en el ámbito de la justicia transicional en lo que respecta a la reparación integral de las víctimas de violaciones de los derechos humanos. A continuación, se esbozan recomendaciones sobre medidas y mecanismos de reparación integral para las víctimas de la violencia estatal. Se sostiene que el Estado debe adoptar todas las medidas legislativas y de política pública que contribuyan a la reparación integral y oportuna de las víctimas. Para ello, se deben considerar tanto las propuestas de las propias víctimas como las recomendaciones y directrices del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos.

Palabras clave
Derechos humanos; reparación; violencia estatal; Chile

Resumo

Durante o controle da ordem pública no período da explosão social no Chile, entre 18 de outubro de 2019 e 17 de março de 2020, agentes do Estado cometeram graves violações de direitos humanos. Este artigo contribui para os esforços em curso destinados a assegurar uma reparação integral às vítimas da violência institucional durante esses cinco meses de agitação social. Procura-se explicar como diferentes órgãos do Estado chileno lidaram com a questão das violações dos direitos humanos e avançaram no sentido de reparações para as vítimas, analisando esses esforços através das lentes dos recentes desenvolvimentos teóricos e práticos no Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos e no campo da justiça transicional no que diz respeito à reparação abrangente para as vítimas de violações dos direitos humanos. Em seguida, são apresentadas recomendações para medidas e mecanismos de reparação integral às vítimas da violência estatal. Sustenta-se que o Estado deve adotar todas as medidas legislativas e de política pública que contribuam para a reparação integral e oportuna das vítimas. Para isso, devem ser consideradas tanto as propostas das próprias vítimas quanto as recomendações e diretrizes do Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos.

Palavras-chave
Direitos humanos; reparação; violência estatal; Chile

Introduction¹

March 1990 marked the beginning of a long process of transition to democracy in Chile, after 17 years under Augusto Pinochet’s repressive military dictatorship. For three decades, the international community described the Chilean transitional justice experience as successful. The country enjoyed institutional stability and social peace (Oppenheim, 2007), sustained economic growth and gradual poverty reduction (Davis-Hamel, 2021), democratic elections and alternation in power, as well as notable achievements in the field of transitional justice (Rojas; Shaftoe, 2022). Yet, persistent institutional legacies of the dictatorship remained in the form of the 1980 Pinochet-era constitution and the neoliberal economic model it enshrined. A form of democracy by agreement or by consensus prevailed for many years, in which the governing center-left coalition prioritized political stability through negotiations with a still powerful right wing, leading to a degree of policy paralysis that made deep reforms difficult to achieve (Siavelis, 2016). This led to a general sense of the Chilean democratic transition as incomplete and unfinished and a growing crisis of legitimacy as the governing political elites consistently failed to address pressing social issues such as education, healthcare and pensions (Borzutsky; Perry, 2021). In recent years, the socio-political reality in Chile has been marked by increasing instability as citizens developed a deep malestar, or social unease, with the economic inequalities generated by the neoliberal model (Peña, 2020, p. 11). Social tensions began to manifest through numerous social movements, as students, pensioners, Indigenous peoples and women took to the streets to express their discontent in the mid-2000s and 2010s (Doran, 2016; Donoso, 2013).

In October 2019, these simmering inequalities erupted into the country’s biggest protest movement and most brutal acts of State repression since the end of the dictatorship. What began as a student protest over public transit fare hikes quickly snowballed into a mass mobilization of the Chilean population, whose demands eventually coalesced around a long-term demand to rewrite the dictatorship-era constitution. This period of unrest is generally referred to as the estallido social (social outburst), the October 18 movement, or the October social uprising, among others (Garcés, 2019; Borzutsky; Perry, 2021). The sheer scale of the protests and the intensity and violence of the crackdown by State forces instigated a deep national reckoning. Several important efforts were undertaken to rebuild social trust in the wake of these events. Much focus has been placed on the initiative to draft a new constitution through a democratically elected constitutional convention. Yet another key aspect of this reckoning has focused on restoring dignity to victims of human rights violations at the hands of State agents during the protests and repairing the harm they experienced.

Six years later, it is possible to look back on these efforts by the State to repair the damage of the estallido social with a clearer perspective. The cautious optimism in the aftermath of the constitutional referendum that the energy of the estallido would be channeled into concrete social change has dramatically shifted. The constitutional process fell apart when the draft texts failed to win the final popular vote in 2022 and then again in 2023, and this failure, along with the negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic difficulties still affecting the population, has contributed to increasingly uncertain and turbulent times (Heiss, 2023; Rivera; Castro, 2021).

This paper emerges from this time of crisis and social tension to seek to understand how the Chilean State has dealt with the issue of State violence and reparations for victims in the context of the estallido social. We then provide an overview of the magnitude and aftermath of the acts of State repression and human rights violations - in particular police violence - which occurred during the estallido social in Chile between October 18, 2019 and March 17, 2020 (Ale; Duarte; Miranda, 2021; Almonacid; Cuevas; Zúñiga, 2022; Cortés, 2022; Dardot, 2023; Garcés, 2020; Fernández, 2020; Herrera, 2019; Landaeta; Herrero, 2021; Peña, 2020; Peña; Silva, 2020; Tironi, 2020). Next, we explain how each of the key organs of the Chilean State has approached the issue of State violence and reparations for victims. Finally, we formulate recommendations with regard to comprehensive reparations measures and mechanisms for victims of State repression.

This research is grounded in a comprehensive review of documents produced by Chilean State bodies and international organizations between 2019 and 2024. Data collection encompassed official statistics, public records, judicial decisions, and reports issued by national and international human rights institutions. These sources were selected for their explicit focus on administrative, judicial, and symbolic reparations efforts, as well as on Transitional Justice principles. Adopting a socio-legal approach, the information was interpreted and assessed in light of recent developments in international law concerning the right of victims to reparations. Finally, the analysis integrates the context of Chile’s social reality and the country’s trajectory in the field of Transitional Justice in order to offer a comprehensive perspective on reparations arising from the estallido social or social outburst.

This paper thus argues that while the State of Chile has made important efforts to repair the harms caused to victims of State violence during the estallido social, these measures are fragmented, institutionally uncoordinated, and fall short of international standards. The State must therefore adopt necessary and timely legislative and public policy measures to provide the victims of the estallido social’s human rights violations with comprehensive reparations. For such measures to be adequate, they must consider the proposals that the victims themselves have been formulating in public forums and consider the guidelines and best practices coming from the Inter-American Human Rights System. The creation of a Truth Commission or Victims’ Qualification Commission capable of collecting and consolidating the information gathered by different government bodies to qualify the cases of human rights violations would be highly beneficial.

1. A Comprehensive Approach to Reparations Based on International Standards and Lessons from Transitional Justice

Pablo de Greiff, former UN Special Rapporteur on Truth, Justice, Reparation and Guarantees of Non-Repetition, has made a key distinction between the use of the term “reparations” in international law and its use in national administrative reparations programs. On the one hand, the juridical term refers to the wide breadth of forms reparations can take under international law, while the narrower administrative term refers to specific efforts to provide benefits to victims of specific types of crimes (de Greiff, 2006, p. 451). Ideally, governments should draw on the broad legal principles surrounding the right to reparations to design a reparations program tailored to their specific context (García-Godos; Laplante, 2024). Yet, there is a significant implementation gap that exists between the obligations of the State and the realities of how reparations programs have been carried out in most transitional societies (Gilmore; Moffett, 2021). The field of Transitional Justice has provided an important space for evaluating both the successes and challenges of reparations programs and has contributed to a stronger understanding of the importance of victims’ and survivors’ agency and their role in mobilizing for recognition of the harms they experienced.

Below, we first discuss recent theoretical and practical developments in the Inter-American Human Rights System in order to frame our understanding of Chile’s legal and moral obligations toward victims of human rights violations during the estallido social to provide comprehensive reparation. We then discuss the lessons from Transitional Justice literature and Chile’s own Transitional Justice experience about the practical, specific challenges of designing an effective reparations program.

1.1. International Standards on Comprehensive Reparations for Victims of Human Rights Violations

Adhering to international standards regarding what constitutes comprehensive reparations, who should be considered a victim, and what recognition means will help ensure that efforts to redress State violence during the estallido social uprising in Chile are comprehensive. The international community has established that victims of human rights violations are entitled to comprehensive reparations. This right is now reflected in the norms and principles that have been adopted or recognized by public international law and in repeated rulings in international human rights courts (Pinacho Espinosa, 2019; Nash, 2019; Rousset Siri, 2011; García; Benavides, 2014; Ron, 2022).

1.1.1. The notion of “comprehensive reparations” in international law

The notion of “comprehensive reparations” in international human rights law considers that victims have the right to necessary measures to restore, if possible, the position they were in before the events that caused them harm (restitutio in integrum) (Vera, 2008; Barrera, 2017, p. 71; Aguirre; Alarcón, 2018, p. 128). According to the UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to Remedy and Reparations for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law (UN, 2005), efforts to repair harm to victims must be proportional, adequate and timely in responding to the damage suffered. This could include mechanisms such as restitution, compensation, rehabilitation and the satisfaction of guarantees of non-repetition. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights recognizes the right to reparations as outlined in Article 63.1 of the American Convention on Human Rights (OAS, 1969):

63.1: If the Court finds that there has been a violation of a right or freedom protected by this Convention, the Court shall rule that the injured party be ensured the enjoyment of his right or freedom that was violated. It shall also rule, if appropriate, that the consequences of the measure or situation that constituted the breach of such right or freedom be remedied and that fair compensation be paid to the injured party.

The Inter-American Human Rights System has established, through jurisprudence, the right of victims to demand comprehensive reparations for material and non-material damages (Calderón Gamboa, 2013; Barrera, 2017), referring to the right to reparations in more than a hundred judgments in which it has condemned various American States for non-compliance with their international obligations.

1.1.2. The concept of “victim of a human rights violation” in International Law

The concept of “victim” in international human rights law has expanded over the years to encompass not only the direct victims of violations of national criminal laws and international human rights law, but also their immediate family members, those who are in charge of or care for the direct victim, and those who were affected by assisting the direct victim (UN, 1985, 2005).

While the Inter-American Human Rights System has not expressly defined the concept of “victim of human rights violations” in its conventions and treaties (Sferrazza, 2019), a conceptualization has been built on the basis of the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the doctrinal explanations of human rights specialists, in line with other documents produced by the international community. Notably, in an investigation focused on enforced disappearances, Pietro Sferrazza (2019, p. 16, translated) has contended that:

To determine which family members can be classified as victims, the Court has made a distinction between “direct” and “indirect” family members. In the opinion of [the IAHR Court], with regard to the family members it refers to as “direct,” there is a iuris tantum presumption to automatically consider as victims of the violation of the right to integrity the mother, father, daughters and sons, spouses, and permanent partners. In some rulings, siblings have also been included. With respect to these family members, the burden of proof demonstrates the absence of a link with the disappeared person rests with the State.

The IAHR Court holds that direct relatives of victims are automatically entitled to reparations, while in the case of indirect relatives, a casuistic analysis of the evidence presented in the trial must be carried out to determine whether their right to integrity is affected, and a non-exhaustive list of factors must be assessed to determine the impacts of the disappearance on each person (Sferrazza, 2019).

As such, under international human rights law, victims of rights violations in Chile’s 2019 social outburst include: 1) direct victims, 2) their immediate relatives, 3) indirect relatives with proven ties, 4) caregivers, and 5) those harmed while helping victims.

1.1.3. Harm to the victim’s life project

Recognition is perhaps the most important requirement for satisfying victims’ demands and claims in response to the transgression of such fundamental guarantees as the right to personal integrity, the right to honor, the right to sexual indemnity, the right to personal freedom, the right to health, the affectation of judicial guarantees and judicial protection, among others (Thompson, 2006; Fraser; Honneth, 2003; Hirvonen; Koskinen, 2023; Kulas; Waśkiewicz; Krawczyk, 2023). Recognition is based on the impacts on their fundamental rights, and especially on the right to personal integrity (Norambuena, 2018).

The jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has played a crucial role in expanding the scope of such recognition, affirming that reparations must also address the harm inflicted on a person’s life project, insofar as it affects the right to full personal development. In the separate opinion of Judge Cançado Trindade in the 2005 case of Gutiérrez Soler v. Colombia, which systematized the notion of the “life project,” he States:

The concept of life project has, therefore, an essentially existential value, grounded in the idea of complete personal achievement. In other words, within the framework of a transient life, people have the right to make the options they feel are best, of their own free will, in order to achieve their ideals. Therefore, endeavors to achieve a life project appear to have great existential value and the potential to give meaning to each person’s life (IACHR, 2005, translated).

As such, the life project promotes a view of the victim as a “whole, dignified living being” who “contributed to his or her community or family” (Balasco, 2017, p. 7). Experiencing human rights violations can cause irreparable damage to all aspects of a victim’s life, and the court thus contrasts a person’s prior life project with the drastic changes to their life experience after they experience grave human rights abuse (Sønneland, 2024, p. 65). The court has recognized that the loss of life potential and harm to the life project thus requires integral reparations, including guarantees of non-repetition and other measures that go beyond economic compensation (Galdámez, 2007).

1.2. Drawing on Lessons from Transitional Justice

The field of Transitional Justice has provided an important space to analyze and complicate the interplay between top-down State-driven approaches to reparations and the bottom-up grassroots mobilization of victims and survivors in demanding recognition for the harms done to them and shaping the advancement of transitional justice goals and outcomes (Lira, 2021; García-Godos; Laplante, 2024).

On the one hand, one of the key contributions of the field of Transitional Justice has been to argue for the importance of comprehensive reparations, that are in conversation with the other four elements of Transitional Justice: truth, justice, memory, and guarantees of non-repetition (Rojas; Shaftoe, 2022, Ch. 1). Due to the diverse nature of the harm suffered by victims of State repression, reparations programs and initiatives can take a wide variety of formats. For instance, they can take both material and symbolic form and work best when they are combined. Symbolic reparations, such as memorials or official apologies, seek to repair the moral harm caused to victims through public recognition by the State, while material reparations seek to compensate economically for the harm caused.

The practice of Transitional Justice has led to a distinction between two routes to reparations: the administrative approach implemented through public policy measures, and the judicial approach via legal action. In a context of massive human rights violations, a proliferation of judicial actions can overwhelm the legal system and can lead to victims sustaining expensive litigation costs, so an effective administrative reparations program can play an important role; however, in principle, these two routes should be complementary (Collins; Ordóñez, 2024).

Pablo de Greiff (2006, p. 5-12) has suggested seven main elements that can be used to evaluate reparations programs: scope, completeness, comprehensiveness, complexity, coherence, munificence, and finality. The first three elements help assess how many beneficiaries are covered by the program, how well it covers the full range of victims, and which types of crimes it seeks to address. The last four elements focus on the combination of different benefits provided, the relationship between different types of benefits, the magnitude of the benefits and whether receiving benefits restricts other avenues of civil redress. Decisions related to these elements are at the core of the tensions that inevitably arise when designing and implementing administrative reparations programs: inclusion and exclusion of victims, the amount of compensation and what form it takes, and collective versus individual forms of reparations, among others (García-Godos; Laplante, 2024).

In practice, Transitional Justice processes often unfold over many years and decades, and victims are often left to fend for themselves and develop their own ways to cope and survive (Gilmore; Moffett, 2021). As such, there is a growing literature in Transitional Justice that emphasizes the importance of centering victim agency and ensuring that victims have meaningful opportunities to participate in the process of damage identification and public deliberation on the reparations measures and public policies to be approved and implemented, which is crucial to recognizing and restoring their dignity. The difficult part of reparations policies is not simply implementing them, but adopting measures that victims themselves perceive as compensatory for the damage caused.

To address dictatorship-era harms, Chile has provided compensation, property restitution, job reinstatement, health care, legal aid, scholarships, and other benefits (Rojas; Shaftoe, 2022, Ch. 4). Yet the progress on Transitional Justice issues over three decades of democratic transition moved in waves, and political momentum emerged in key moments. Reparations efforts were “sporadic and improvised,” facing issues such as incompatibility between different types of measures and a lack of clear responsibility for implementation (Collins; Ordóñez, 2024). In the face of these incomplete measures, victims, survivors and their families played an important role in advocating for the State to publicly recognize the harms done to them, pushing for reparations in line with their needs, and demanding that perpetrators be held accountable. As such, the key lessons from Chile’s experience of Transitional Justice are the importance of recognition of victims of institutional violence, victim participation in the creation and implementation of reparations initiatives, and meaningful institutional follow-through (Lira, 2021).

2. The Estallido Social and the State’s Response

2.1. State Repression and Police Violence during the Estallido Social or Social Outburst

Before examining efforts to repair the harms caused during the estallido social, it is important to understand the scale and magnitude of the violence. State repression during the estallido social was swift and brutal. As metro fare evasion protests spiraled into barricades, vandalism and riots, President Piñera quickly declared a State of emergency in a desperate bid to regain control, deploying troops into the streets and implementing a curfew. The use of military force against the population was unprecedented since the end of the dictatorship and caused a significant escalation in the protests. The shocking intensity of the protests and the rapid deployment of the military against civilians quickly drew immediate international attention. More than 40 reports from international and national organizations documented the violence that occurred in Chile between October 18, 2019, and March 17, 2020.

As early as November 2019, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights reported that police officers (Carabineros) used non-lethal force to disperse civilian demonstrations on the days of street protests. State security forces also resorted to tear gas grenade launchers and riot shotguns, firing kinetic energy impact projectiles which caused permanent injuries (Velásquez; Cabrera; Fernández, 2022). Over the course of several months of protests, numerous beatings, cruel and degrading treatment, acts of torture and sexual violence were recorded and denounced, committed both on public roads and in Carabinero vehicles, detachments and facilities. These acts of State violence transgressed the principles of legality, necessity and proportionality, violated the human rights of civilians, and disobeyed the protocols that regulate police procedures and institutional control systems (Nash, 2022, p. 131).

It has not been easy to follow up and systematize all the information that has been compiled on State repression in the context of the estallido social. Higher levels of inter-institutional coordination are necessary in order to verify the multiple antecedents currently scattered across various public and civil society organizations. The data around this period of State violence will continue to be debatable estimates until all the records of the victims of human rights violations from the estallido social are consolidated and validated in an official register of some kind. What follows is the best current estimate of the scale of the violations committed during the months of the social outburst.

The National Institute of Human Rights (INDH) reported that 8,827 people filed complaints for violations of their human rights in the months of the estallido social (Matus, 2020), including 388 cases of sexual violence and 460 cases of eye damage from shotgun pellets, tear gas canisters or other blunt objects (INDH, 2019, 2020; IACHR, 2022, p. 73; Comité para la Prevención de la Tortura, 2021, p. 51). An alarming number of eye injuries were sustained by protesters as a result of State violence: 247 cases of eye injuries, 178 eye traumas, 26 eye bursts and 9 eye losses have been identified. Most of these cases occurred in the city of Santiago, where 89.3% of the 460 cases of eye damage were registered (INDH, 2020, table 14; Cornejo Ramírez, 2022).

According to Ministry of Health records, between October 18 and December 7, 2019, 12,700 people required emergency care in hospital facilities for incidents that occurred during the protests (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2019; Amnistía Internacional, 2020; Human Rights Watch, 2020). The INDH filed 3,144 complaints, 2,870 of which refer to acts of torture or cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment and 207 to cases of eye damage. Of the total complaints, 2,987 were filed against Carabinero officers; 1,748 victims reported at least one shooting and 533 cases of sexual violence were officially reported (INDH, 2022, p. 6, 12, 14). Between October 18, 2019 and June 30, 2020, the Children’s Rights Ombudsman (Defensoría de los Derechos de la Niñez, 2021) reported 818 cases of minors and adolescents who were victims of State violence.

2.2. Overview of the State Response to Human Rights Violations in the Estallido Social

The following section details the reparations measures undertaken across numerous political bodies and institutions of the Chilean State. While a considerable effort has been made to repair the harms of State violence through diverse approaches and channels, these initiatives remain fragmented and uncoordinated. First, we will provide an overview of the more symbolic reparative measures implemented by the INDH, the Legislature, and the Constitutional Convention; then we will detail the material initiatives implemented by the Executive branch; and finally, the efforts of the Judiciary.

Table 1 -
Summary Table of State Reparations Efforts in Response to the 2019 Estallido Social, 2019-2025

State body / Institution	Key measures and reparative efforts	Current status and challenges
National Institute of Human Rights (INDH)	Documented and denounced human rights violations in real-time; filed lawsuits; observed protests in situ; and supported victims through case evaluation for pensions.	Its role is considered a key guarantee of non-repetition, but there are calls to strengthen its institutional autonomy.
Legislature (Congress)	Conducted impeachment processes (e.g., against Minister Andrés Chadwick); established investigative commissions; and signed the Agreement for Social Peace and the New Constitution.	As of 2025, no specific law on administrative reparations measures has yet been passed.
Constitutional Convention	Held 282 public hearings including victims’ testimonies; drafted Article 24 (proposing rights to memory and integral reparation).	Both the 2022 and 2023 constitutional drafts were rejected in popular votes, meaning the dictatorship-era constitution remains in force.
Executive Branch	Granted 418 discretionary pensions; created specialized ocular trauma programs (PIRO and PACTO); established the Roundtable for Integral Reparation and a Human Rights Program.	Measures are criticized as fragmented; health programs are often centralized in Santiago; and the 2023-2024 budgets failed to include funds for the new Human Rights Program.
Judiciary	Investigated cases of institutional violence, including torture and unlawful coercion; tracked over 1,500 legal actions related to the outburst.	By March 2024, only 51 convictions had been handed down; thousands of cases were archived or not pursued.

• Source: authors’ own elaboration.

2.2.1. National Institute of Human Rights

The role of the directors and professionals of the INDH during the estallido social cannot be overstated (INDH, 2020). The INDH is an autonomous corporation under public law, whose mission is to promote and protect the human rights of all persons living in the territory of Chile. While there were some internal divisions and conflicting positions in the public debate early on as to the magnitude and interpretation of the events (Sepúlveda, 2022), during the social outburst, the INDH rang alarm bells early on and denounced human rights violations that were occurring in real time, thus contributing to preventing and reducing the levels of violence in the country. Its staff defended the rights of victims of institutional violence, observed in situ and recorded evidence, visited hospitals and police stations, filed lawsuits and prepared reports.

The creation of the INDH in 2010 constitutes one of the main guarantees of non-repetition adopted in Chile’s democratic transition, and its work to document State repression during the period of unrest has laid the groundwork for the ongoing search for justice and reparations for the victims of State violence. Although there have been criticisms regarding the INDH’s organization and functioning (Verdugo; García, 2012; Coddou, 2019), its outsized role in the protests arguably suggests it is an entity whose independence needs to be strengthened (Pressacco; Castillo, 2022), in accordance with the Paris Principles (UN, 1993).

2.2.2. Legislature

Debates in Parliament during the estallido social were dizzying. In addition to a search for political agreements that would help address the social crisis (Quintana, 2020; Blumel, 2023), impeachment processes were initiated and investigative commissions were set up (Soto, 2023). These actions represented some of the initial efforts within the system to hold political leaders accountable, make concrete commitments to respond to protesters’ demands and investigate the extent of State repression.

In the midst of the protests, acusaciones constitucionales (impeachment accusations) were leveled against both the Minister of the Interior and Public Security Andrés Chadwick and President Sebastián Piñera. Two days after Chadwick left office on October 28, 2019, a constitutional accusation was filed against him for violating constitutional rights to life and physical and psychological integrity, as well as the constitutional rights of due process of law, inviolability of the home and personal liberty “by deliberately failing to dictate effective measures to prevent the abusive and disproportionate use of force and the commission of serious crimes by Carabineros de Chile and State security forces [...],” and “applying measures not contemplated in a State of Constitutional Emergency Exception [...]” (Chile, 2019a, translated). On November 28, 2019, the Chamber of Deputies approved the impeachment process against the former minister, and the Senate accepted it the following month. The Senate established that Chadwick was politically responsible for the human rights violations that occurred during the constitutional State of emergency exception by not adopting measures that would have stopped institutional violence, seriously compromising the honor and security of the nation. Andrés Chadwick has thus been disqualified from holding public office for five years.

A similar acusación constitucional was leveled against President Sebastián Piñera by a group of parliamentarians on November 19, 2019, for consenting to the armed forces “committing systematic and widespread human rights violations” (Chile, 2019b, translated). This impeachment was ultimately rejected by the Chamber of Deputies (by 79 votes against 73) on December 13, 2019.

To face the crisis of the estallido social, on November 15, 2019, the majority of the political parties with parliamentary representation signed onto the Agreement for Social Peace and the New Constitution, of which the main proposition was to hold a plebiscite to consult the citizenry regarding the creation of a constituent process to replace the dictatorship-era Constitution. To follow up on the political agreement, both chambers of Congress introduced amendments to the chapter that establishes the rules for reforming the Constitution, specifying the procedure that was subsequently carried out during the constituent process.

On January 8, 2020, the Chamber of Deputies also formed a special commission to investigate the actions of the government and the police in the context of control of public order. The report, issued in August 2021, concluded that during the estallido social, “serious, massive and widespread human rights violations occurred” (Cámara de Diputados y Diputadas, 2021). By virtue of the above, the Chamber recommended the development of a policy of comprehensive reparations for the victims. On August 2, 2023, the Investigative Commission in charge of gathering background information related to the procedure and criteria for granting discretionary pensions to alleged victims of State violence during the estallido social began to meet. At the time of writing, no law on administrative reparations measures has yet been passed.

2.2.3. Constitutional Convention

As a result of the Agreement for Social Peace and the New Constitution, which sought to provide a way out of the complex social crisis instigated by the estallido social in October 2019, a plebiscite was held on October 25, 2020, in which 7.5 million adults voted (which corresponds to 50.86% of the electoral roll). Of these, 78.27% voted in favor of drafting a new constitution through a democratically elected Constitutional Convention. The replacement and redrafting of the Pinochet-era constitution had been a longstanding demand from civil society groups and protest movements, going back to the early years of the democratic transition.

One of the first decisions of the Convention, whose work began on July 4, 2021, was to hold 282 public hearings to listen to the demands, petitions and proposals of citizens. Thus, in the sessions held in August and September 2021 before the Subcommittee on Historical Truth, Integral Reparation and Guarantees of Non-Repetition of the Human Rights Commission of the Constitutional Convention (Subcomité de Verdad Histórica, Reparación Integral y Garantías de no Repetición, 2021a, 2021b), 46 people presented the human rights violations they suffered during the estallido social. The public hearings highlight the seriousness of the State repression that took place in a democracy, including the following testimonies:

The uprising made it possible for us to be present before you and listen to and later read our more detailed presentation. This uprising had human, moral, and financial costs. A sad statistic that has yet to be fully gathered, due to severe human rights violations, with successive stories in police stations, alleyways, checkpoints, and barracks.

What do we ask of the Constitutional Convention? What do we ask for? That the new Constitution States that the State of Chile adheres to and commits to fully respecting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We want a State of Chile for a region with a great history of struggle for emancipation from poverty and inequality, which were repressed with crimes, massacres, and impunity. A protector, that is what we want from the State, a protector of the human rights of all, with an active role.

[…] The installation of the Constitutional Convention was achieved at a high cost in human rights violations; there have been people killed, mutilated, with permanent disabilities, injured, and unjustly imprisoned.

[…] reparations must be comprehensive, not only for the victim, but there must also be reparations for society as a whole, which is affected by human rights violations (Subcomité de Verdad Histórica, Reparación Integral y Garantías de no Repetición, 2021a, p. 22, 37 and 43).

As a result of the debates in the Convention, and the presentations by those affected by the violence, Article 24, paragraphs 4 and 5 of the text drafted by the Constitutional Convention expressly referred to the right to reparations:

24.4. The victims of human rights violations have the right to comprehensive reparations.

24.5. The State guarantees the right to memory and its connection with the guarantees of non-repetition, as well as the rights to truth, justice, and comprehensive reparations. It is the State’s duty to preserve memory and ensure access to archives and documents, in their various formats and contents. Sites of memory and memorials are subject to special protection, and their preservation and sustainability are ensured (Chile, 2022a).

However, in September 2022, when the proposal for a new Constitution was submitted to a mandatory plebiscite, the draft was ultimately rejected by 62% of the voters. In view of this result, the political parties resumed negotiations and, in December 2022, presented to the country a new itinerary for the continuation of the constituent process. A Commission of 24 experts was appointed by the Congress, who were entrusted with the writing of a new draft during the first semester of 2023, and a Technical Committee on Admissibility was appointed to review the draft (García, 2023). The texts approved in 2023 by the Committee of Experts and then by the newly elected Constitutional Council did not consider the responsibilities of the State in relation to human rights violations. Moreover, none of the indications referring to the right to truth, comprehensive reparation or guarantees of non-repetition were accepted.

On December 17, 2023, in another mandatory plebiscite, 55.7% of Chilean voters rejected this second proposed constitutional text. Since a new Constitution has yet to be approved, the country’s current Constitution, which dates back to the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, remains in force, though it has undergone numerous reforms over more than three decades of transition to democracy.

2.2.4. Executive Branch

Several measures have been put in place to support the victims who suffered serious and permanent impairment during the social uprising. Given the seriousness of their injuries, some victims have been unable to work, and as such, the Presidency of the Republic provided for the granting of discretionary pensions starting in 2021. This State support was managed through the Ministry of the Interior and Public Security, after each individual case was evaluated by the INDH. Of the 418 discretionary pensions granted, 27 were subsequently revoked after it was established that the beneficiaries had prior criminal records.

The Ministry of Health also created the Comprehensive Eye Repair Program (PIRO), which began offering free care to victims of eye injuries at Hospital Salvador in Santiago on November 11, 2019. The program provides comprehensive care, including emergency medical treatment, surgical management of acute trauma, surgical and prosthetic rehabilitation, and ongoing medical follow-up, complemented by cross-cutting components of counseling and social and psychological support (Ministerio de Salud, 2019). This specialized program focuses on the physical rehabilitation of victims of institutional violence and does not constitute a comprehensive reparations program, as psychological health care has been limited and no further social, legal or economic support is contemplated. PIRO was designed as a response to the health emergency linked to the Ocular Trauma Unit (UTO) of Hospital Salvador. The fact that it is based in Santiago has been a difficulty for those who live in other regions.

In August 2022, President Boric’s government created the Plan of Accompaniment and Care for Ocular Trauma Victims (PACTO) (Ministerio de Salud, 2022). The idea of this new plan was to address the deficiencies detected in the operation of the PIRO. Its general objective is to “provide guidelines to implement continuity of care in the public health network at its different levels […] which considers, in addition to victims of ocular trauma, the incorporation of severely injured persons and those injured by pellets into the Plan” (Chile, 2023).

On May 24, 2022, the Comprehensive Agenda for Truth, Justice and Reparation for Human Rights Violations Committed during the Social Outburst was announced. Then, the Roundtable for Integral Reparation for Victims of Human Rights Violations Committed during the Social Outburst was created, and on October 6, 2022, its Executive Secretariat was constituted. This entity organized participatory meetings with victims and seminars and hearings with human rights experts in the main cities of the country. The meetings and seminars were held between August 2022 and January 2023. The Executive Secretariat of the Reparation Board was entrusted with “making proposals aimed at the recognition and qualification of the human rights violations experienced by the victims” (Chile, 2022b).

The State of Chile signed with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), within the framework of the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Human Rights, the creation of a Joint Mechanism to Follow-up on the Recommendations of the Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Chile (MESECH) (IACHR, 2022; Organización de los Estados Americanos, 2022a). On December 12, 2022, a Work Plan was agreed upon that establishes concrete commitments to comply with the 60 recommendations identified in the report, two of which refer to the duty to provide reparations to the victims of human rights violations during the social outburst:

40. To urgently provide and coordinate comprehensive reparation programs that all victims of human rights violations in the context of protests can access, regardless of the type of harm caused or their status as women, girls, boys, adolescents, young people, or elderly individuals. In all cases, the programs should have national coverage, be comprehensive, and include both psychosocial and mental health care for the victims and their families.

41. To identify the damages to affected individuals and establish a fund to provide appropriate support (Organización de los Estados Americanos, 2022b, p. 121).

In April 2023, the Integral Reparation Roundtable delivered its Final Report to the Minister of Justice and Human Rights, with proposals and recommendations for the formulation of a comprehensive reparation policy in support of the victims of human rights violations and institutional violence during the estallido social (Mesa de Reparación Integral para Víctimas de Violaciones a los Derechos Humanos durante el Estallido Social, 2023). This document was constructed based on thematic pre-reports prepared by the Executive Secretariat, which include reparation measures and criteria for the qualification of victims (Chile, 2022b).

In June 2023, the Undersecretariat for Human Rights created the Human Rights Program for Victims of Institutional Violence and Human Rights Violations. The team that integrated this program was entrusted with four priority tasks: (i) to build a registry of victims; (ii) to provide psychosocial support and refer victims to health care programs, socioeconomic support and legal advice; (iii) to identify public agencies that can support victims in their social and economic needs, health care and access to justice; (iv) to carry out actions that seek to dignify the victims. However, the 2023 and 2024 national budget laws did not include funds for the Human Rights Program for Victims of Institutional Violence and Human Rights Violations (Batarce; Carvajal Vega, 2023; Ministerio de Desarrollo Social y Familia, 2022).

2.2.5. Judiciary

The Chilean judicial system has been tested and strained by the social uprising, especially by the volume of cases of human rights violations filed (Fuentes; Lillo, 2020; Morales; Figueroa; Bustamante, 2022). In its statistical reports, the Supreme Court has considered 12 crimes as human rights violations in the context of the social outburst. The Directorate of Studies of the Supreme Court (Dirección de Estudios de la Corte Suprema, 2020a; 2020b) has indicated that between October 18 and December 31, 2019, 1,549 crimes that could be constitutive of human rights violations entered the Judiciary, the most frequent being the crimes of unlawful coercion committed by public employees (1,071, corresponding to 69.1% of the total) and torture committed by public officials (305, corresponding to 19.7% of the total). Table 2 reports the number of court cases on human rights violations in the period from October 18 to December 31, 2019.

Table 2 -
Types and number of legal cases for human rights violations during the estallido social in Chile

Unlawful imprisonment with rape, aggravated sexual abuse (Art. 150, E, No. 2, Penal Code)	26
Unlawful aggression committed by public employees (Art. 150, D, Penal Code)	1,071
Unlawful seizure with quasi-murder (Art. 150, E, No. 3, Penal Code)	4
Unlawful seizure with homicide (Art. 150, E, No. 1, Penal Code)	1
Crimes against humanity and genocide (Law No. 20,357)	13
Detention, banishment or irregular arrest (Art. 148, Penal Code)	44
Torture with quasi-delict (Art. 150, B, No. 3, Penal Code)	No info.
Torture with homicide (Art. 150, B, No. 1, Penal Code)	1
Torture with rape, aggravated sexual abuse (Art. 150, B, No. 2, Penal Code)	11
Torture to annul will (Art. 150, A.4, Penal Code)	10
Torture committed by public officials (Art. 150, A.1, Penal Code)	305
Torture committed by private individuals who are State agents (Art. 150, A.2, Penal Code)	63
TOTAL	1,549

• Source: Dirección de Estudios de la Corte Suprema (2020a), p. 11, 34.

To date, the Public Prosecutor’s Office has investigated 466 State agents as a result of these complaints, the vast majority of whom were officers of the Carabineros de Chile (93.2%). Of these 466 officers, 272 were formalized before the Juzgados de Garantía (Court of Preliminary Hearings), according to the provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure (Weibel, 2020). As of October 2022, the Public Prosecutor’s Office had reported more than 300 pending cases against Carabineros officers for sexual violence (Ministerio Público, 2021).

By March 2024, the courts had handed down 51 convictions for human rights violations committed during the 2019 social outburst. A review of the judicial files allows us to identify the different types of institutional violence exercised during those months (Rojas; Foitzick; Monsalves, 2023). The vast majority of the repressive agents mentioned in the complaints filed were Carabineros officers (92.9%), and the most frequently mentioned illegal acts in the complaints were: unlawful coercion or other cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment, and impacts due to the use of firearms, riot guns and gas cannons (Dirección de Estudios de la Corte Suprema, 2020a; Fernández Bravo, 2023). The Public Prosecutor’s Office has decreed the provisional archiving of 4,369 cases and has decided not to pursue another 849 cases, while another 2,466 cases have been grouped together (INDH, 2022, p. 57).

It is important to note that the State of Chile has also sought to criminally prosecute citizens who committed crimes and simple offenses during the social outburst. By far the most frequent crimes during the estallido social were robbery in a non-inhabited location (10,761 cases) and disorder committed on public streets (10,167 cases) (Farías et al., 2023, p. 97). The government at the time took legal action against 3,274 citizens for crimes committed during the protests, for attacks against public order (18.6%), arson (4.9%), and attacks on members of the police and armed forces (3.6%) (Carabineros de Chile, 2020). As of March 16, 2020, 2,180 people were detained for estallido social crimes (Dirección de Estudios de la Corte Suprema, 2020a). In March 2022, 29 defendants were in pretrial detention for crimes committed in the context of the social outburst, 12 of whom were pardoned by President Boric on December 30, 2022.

3. Analysis and Recommendations for the Reparation of Harms to Victims of the Estallido Social

As detailed above, numerous Chilean State bodies have sought to address the harms caused by the high degree of State violence during the 2019 estallido social. Important efforts have been made by the State to document the harms caused, starting with reports by the INDH and a report of the Special Commission of Inquiry on the actions of the government during the social outburst in 2019. Subsequent initiatives began work toward a more meaningful recognition of the victims, and several participatory initiatives were pursued - such as public hearings of the Constitutional Convention (2021-2022), the Comprehensive Agenda (2022-2024), and the MESECH work plan (2022-onward).

In order to fulfill its international obligations regarding the right to reparations, the Chilean State must address key limitations and gaps that persist in its approach. Firstly, its efforts are fragmented across different institutions in such a way that the implementation is uncoordinated and inefficient. Secondly, it has had difficulty following through with many key initiatives, such as the approval of a reparations law. As such, we offer two suggestions as to how the State should move forward. The first is a broad recommendation to draw on the contributions victims have made to the discussion of effective reparations measures and the respect of international standards outlined in the MESECH workplan. The second is a more specific recommendation to unify its efforts under a truth commission or a victims’ qualification commission.

3.1. Recognition and Participation of Victims, and Respect for International Standards

Victims and civil society have played an active role in discussion on reparations programs in public forums, such as hearings during the Constitutional Convention in August 2021, the Investigative Commission of the Chamber of Deputies (2020-2021), meetings of the Executive Secretariat of the Board of Comprehensive Reparation for Victims of Human Rights Violations and Institutional Violence of the Social Outburst in all regions of the country (between August 2022 and January 2023), applications for discretionary pensions processed by the INDH and the Ministry of the Interior and Public Security and the Human Rights Program for Victims of Institutional Violence and Human Rights Violations. Their contributions must be recognized, included and followed up on in the effort to create a comprehensive reparations policy and program in Chile to repair the harm done during the estallido social.

It is also crucial that the country live up to the international standards discussed earlier, as it follows through on the recommendations of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights as outlined in the MESECH work plan, to urgently identify all the victims of human rights violations and define the process for comprehensive reparations and redress (Sánchez; Sferrazza; Severin, 2022).

3.2. Creation of the Victims Qualification Commission

In Chile, the work of the Executive Secretariat of the Reparations Committee must continue. Erasing human rights violations under impunity or denying victims of 2019-2020 the reparations urged by international bodies would be a serious setback. A public debate on creating a Truth or Victim Qualification Commission could help unify current fragmented efforts. The idea of such a commission has been proposed by several groups (Cámara de Diputados y Diputadas, 2021; Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2019: recommendation 11; Misión Quebeco-Canadiense de Observación de los Derechos Humanos en Chile, 2020: recommendation 16).

For legitimacy and public support, such an institution should be created by law, with clear criteria for victim classification. These must align with future reparation laws and policies. Victims should be identified based on violations of national and international human rights law, especially criminal law. A second key point is defining the standard and burden of proof for recognizing victims. Sensitive issues, such as victim data protection, evidence handling, confidentiality and legal definitions, must be debated in Congress. If no consensus is reached on a Truth or Qualification Commission, an alternative could be an Interministerial Commission in the Executive branch. Given the complexity of reparations and the scattered nature of policy proposals and reparations efforts across several institutions, a centralized public body is needed. It must be independent to ensure impartiality and prevent political interference.

Conclusions

In the five months that elapsed between October 18, 2019, and the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, Chile experienced episodes of violence as never before recorded in the years after the transition to democracy. This paper sought to offer an overview of the progress and pending challenges in the search for comprehensive reparations for the victims of human rights violations during the social outburst.

While important steps have been taken to repair the harms caused to victims of human rights abuses during the estallido social, these efforts have been fragmented across different institutional bodies. This fragmentation has caused difficulties with implementation and follow-through on the numerous recommendations that have been developed, and without intentional efforts to centralize the information and unify the approach, there is a risk of administrative neglect. As the political and social context in Chile continues to be deeply divided, particularly with the strong sense of disillusionment in the wake of the failure of the constituent process, there is also a real possibility of regression. The progress achieved to date remains fragile. The initiatives implemented to support victims could easily be reversed under the far-right government of José Antonio Kast, newly elected in December 2025. Signs of regression are already evident, particularly in the insufficient allocation of budgetary resources to key initiatives such as the Human Rights Program for Victims of Institutional Violence and Human Rights Violations in 2023 and 2024.

In the constituent process of 2021 and 2022, the issue of reparations for the victims of State violence was prioritized. Victims were invited to present their points of view in the hearings of the Subcommittee on Historical Truth, Integral Reparation and Guarantees of Non-Repetition of the Human Rights Commission of the Constitutional Convention. Likewise, the right to reparations was contemplated in the proposed new Constitution approved by the Convention. When this proposal was rejected in the plebiscite of September 4, 2022, and in the constituent process of 2023, no reference was made to the responsibilities of the State in relation to human rights violations and the existence of victims of State violence. The text approved by the Constitutional Council did not contain any norm on the right to reparations, despite this being part of international human rights treaties and conventions signed by Chile. The proposal for a new fundamental charter was also rejected in the second plebiscite of December 17, 2023, so the 1980 Constitution remains in force.

To date, specialized health programs have been implemented, though these do not constitute a comprehensive reparations framework or a reparations policy as such. Different initiatives have been promoted by the government, such as the Comprehensive Eye Reparation Program, complemented by the Plan of Accompaniment and Care for Victims of Eye Trauma, the granting of discretionary pensions, as well as the Comprehensive Agenda for Truth, Justice and Reparation for Human Rights Violations Committed during the Social Outburst, the Roundtable for Comprehensive Reparation for Victims of Human Rights Violations during the Social Outburst and the Human Rights Program for Victims of Institutional Violence and Human Rights Violations. While these constitute important first steps, it is urgent that the State make efforts to advance toward the identification of damages, the registration of the victims of the estallido social and the formulation of comprehensive reparations policies. As these policies and programs are developed, it is essential that they comply with all the recommendations made by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. In particular, the Chilean State must live up to the work plan of the Joint Follow-up Mechanism to the recommendations of the report Situation of Human Rights in Chile (MESECH).

As of March 2024, the Judiciary had issued 51 convictions for human rights violations. The performance of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Public Defender’s Office and the courts of justice must be investigated more thoroughly, since the victims not only have the right to be compensated for the damage caused, but those responsible must also be held accountable for the serious human rights violations.

Regarding the actions of Congress, the initiation of an impeachment process against the Minister of the Interior and Public Security was fundamental to stop institutional violence and to force the government at the time to adopt measures to respect the fundamental rights of the population. The Pact for Social Peace and the New Constitution, signed on November 15, 2019, also deserve to be highlighted. The content of the report of the Special Commission of Inquiry into the acts of government during the estallido social is equally relevant. However, approval of reparations laws for the victims is still pending.

The INDH played a central role during the social outburst in the defense and protection of human rights. Its directors and professionals recorded evidence, filed complaints and other legal actions, prepared reports, observed in situ and provided support to victims. Nevertheless, it is necessary to strengthen the INDH’s autonomy and enhance its institutional capacity.

To continue advancing toward comprehensive reparations for the victims of the estallido social, it is especially relevant to consider the developments reached on the matter in the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. In particular, the notions of “victim” and “principles of comprehensive reparations,” as laid out in the Inter-American Human Rights System, are useful guidelines for ensuring that public reparations policies are effective and complete.

Finally, any reparations measure or mechanism proposed to compensate for the damage caused to the victims of human rights violations during the estallido social should involve an honest and profound recognition of the victims. Their prior opinion and participation in the public debate are the most important conditions for the implementation of successful reparations policies. The work of the Roundtable for Integral Reparation for Victims of Human Rights Violations during the Social Outburst is moving in the right direction. However, the institutional violence was of such magnitude that it seems to us that it would be appropriate for the country to create a Truth Commission or Victims’ Qualification Commission. An independent body should be able to centralize the information that is currently scattered across various public and civil society organizations, qualify each of the victims, identify the damage caused by institutional violence, safeguard sensitive information and formulate concrete, appropriate and timely proposals for reparations for the victims.

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• ^1.
  This paper was supported by the Millennium Research Institute on Violence and Democracy (VioDemos) under Grant ANID ICS2019_025.
• Como citar este artigo
  ROJAS CORRAL, Hugo. SHAFTOE, Miriam. Reparations for Victims of Human Rights Violations during the 2019 Social Outburst in Chile. Revista Direito GV, São Paulo, v. 22, e2623, 2026. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/2317-6172202623
• Declaração de Disponibilidade de Dados
  Não há dados vinculados a este artigo.

• Editor responsável
  Pedro Salomon Bezerra Mouallem (Editor-chefe). Três decisões editoriais, incluindo desk review e decisão final.

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Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  17 Aug 2026
• Date of issue
  2026

History

• Received
  22 July 2025
• Accepted
  01 Apr 2026