President Bolsonaro’s Promises and Actions on Corruption Control

Lagunes, Paul; Michener, Gregory; Odilla, Fernanda; Pires, Breno

doi:10.1590/2317-6172202121

Paul Lagunes

Columbia University , New York , New York , United States

http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6881-1040

Gregory Michener

Fundação Getulio Vargas , EBAPE , Rio de Janeiro , Rio de Janeiro , Brazil

http://orcid.org/0000-0002-6648-8649

Fernanda Odilla

Università di Bologna , Bologna , Italy

http://orcid.org/0000-0003-2229-986X

Breno Pires

O Estado de S. Paulo , Brasília , Federal District , Brazil

http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4841-3862

Paul Lagunes He is currently serving as a Postdoctoral Fellow with the Georgetown McCourt School of Public Policy and was previously an Associate Professor at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. His research examines the issue of corruption, especially as it affects governments in the Americas. His most recent book is The Eye and the Whip: Corruption Control in the Americas (Oxford University Press). paul.lagunes@gmail.com

Gregory Michener Professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV). His research focuses on transparency and related topics. Michener helped lead the Brazilian campaign for a freedom of information law. At the FGV, he founded and leads the Program for Public Transparency (PTP-FGV) and the Transparency Evaluation Network. His works have been published in multiple outlets, including: Governance, World Development, The Journal of Democracy, and Public Administration. gregory.michener@fgv.br

Fernanda Odilla Postdoctoral researcher at the Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Bologna, and an affiliate researcher at the King’s Brazil Institute, King’s College London. She holds a PhD in Social Science and Public Policy and a Masters in Criminology from King’s College London. fernand.vasconcellos@unibo.it

Breno Pires Investigative journalist working as a reporter at O Estado de S. Paulo . He was awarded the Instituto Ling fellowship to study at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs for the 2020 Spring Term. Before that he won the Petrobras Journalism Award in 2018 for uncovering a critical list of legislators and ministers targeted for bribes by Odebrecht executives in the context of Lava Jato. brenolemospires@gmail.com

PRESIDENT	YEAR	PROMISED TO FIGHT CORRUPTION WHEN TAKING OFFICE ¹	FEATURED AS CORRUPTION FIGHTER ²	CORRUPTION SCANDALS OF NOTE ³
HUMBERTO DE ALENCAR	1964-1967	YES	YES	CASTELO BRANCO
ARTUR DA COSTA E SILVA	1967-1969	NO MENTION	NO
GOVERNING JUNTA	1969	MISSING DATA ^⍬	NO
EMÍLIO GARRASTAZU	1969-1974	NO MENTION	NO	GOVERNADORES BIÔNICOS (BIONIC
MÉDICI				GOVERNORS); FLEURY (1973).
ERNESTO GEISEL	1974-1979	NO MENTION	YES	DELFIM NETO/CAMARGO CORRÊA (1974); PERKS FOR MINISTERS AND HIGH-LEVEL CIVIL SERVANTS (1976); GENERAL ELECTRIC (1976).
ERNESTO GEISEL	1974-1979
JOÃO BAPTISTA FIGUEIREDO	1979-1985	YES	YES	LUTAFLLA CASE (1979); NEWTON CRUZ/CAPEMI (1982); GRUPO DELFIN (1982); COROA BRASTEL (1985).
JOSÉ SARNEY	1985-1990	NO MENTION		FERROVIA NORTE-SUL (NORTHERN- SOUTHERN RAILROAD) (1987); CPI DA CORRUPÇÃO (1988); CASO BR (1988).
FERNANDO COLLOR DE MELLO	1990-1992	YES	YES	JORGINA DE FREITAS (1991); ROSANE COLLOR (1991); PC/COLLORGATE.

^⍬ THE LABEL “MISSING DATA” INDICATES THAT THE PRESIDENT’S INAUGURAL SPEECH IS EITHER NOT AVAILABLE OR WAS NOT FOUND.
¹ SOURCES: BONFIM (2008)BONFIM , J. B. B. Palavra de presidente: Os discursos presidenciais de posse, de Deodoro a Lula . LGE Editora , 2008 . Available at: https://www2.senado.leg.br/bdsf/bitstream/handle/id/91988/palavra_de_presidente.pdf . Accessed on 18 Apr. 2021 .
https://www2.senado.leg.br/bdsf/bitstrea... .
² SOURCE: THE NEW YORK TIMES’S TIMEMACHINE (N.D.).
³ AN EMPTY CELL INDICATES THAT NO MAJOR SCANDAL WAS IDENTIFIED DURING THE TIME PERIOD OF INTEREST. ALSO, MOST OF THE INFORMATION CONTAINED UNDER THIS COLUMN WAS OBTAINED FROM FREIRE (2015)FREIRE , M. Conheça dez histórias de corrupção durante a ditadura militar . UOL , São Paulo , 1 Apr . 2015 . Available at: https://noticias.uol.com.br/politica/ultimas-noticias/2015/04/01/conheca-dez-historias-de-corrupcao-durante-a-ditadura-militar.htm . Accessed on: 17 Apr. 2021 .
https://noticias.uol.com.br/politica/ult... . ADDITIONAL SOURCES INCLUDE: FREITAS (1987)FREITAS , J. Concorrência da ferrovia Norte-Sul foi uma farsa . Folha de S.Paulo , São Paulo , 13 May 1987 . Available at: https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/folha/80anos/marcos_do_jornalismo-03.shtml . Accessed on: 17 Apr. 2021 .
https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/folha/80an... ; GONDIM (1997)GONDIM , A. Rosane Collor depõe hoje em Brasília . Folha de S.Paulo , Brasília , 9 June 1997 . Available at: https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/brasil/fc090621.htm . Accessed on: 17 Apr. 2021 .
https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/brasil... ; WAISBORD (2000)WAISBORD , S. Watchdog Journalism in South America: News, Accountability, and Democracy . New York : Columbia University Press , 2000 . ; TAYLOR AND BURANELLI (2007)TAYLOR , M. M. ; BURANELLI , V. C. Ending up in Pizza: Accountability as a Problem of Institutional Arrangement in Brazil . Latin American Politics and Society , v. 49 , n. 1 , p. 59 - 87 , 2007 . Available at: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2007.tb00374.x . Accessed on: 10 Apr. 2020 .
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2007... ; POWER AND TAYLOR (2011)POWER , T. J. ; TAYLOR , M. M. Introduction: Accountability Institutions and Political Corruption in Brazil . In: POWER , T. J. ; TAYLOR , M. M. ( ed .) . Corruption and Democracy in Brazil: The Struggle for Accountability . Notre Dame : University of Notre Dame Press , 2011 . ; TAVARES (2015)TAVARES , A. C. Caso Jorgina de Freitas trouxe à luz fraude bilionária na Previdência . O Globo , Rio de Janeiro , 9 Dec . 2015 . Available at: https://acervo.oglobo.globo.com/em-destaque/caso-jorgina-de-freitas-trouxe-luz-fraude-bilionaria-na-previdencia-18255400 . Accessed on: 10 Apr. 2020 .
https://acervo.oglobo.globo.com/em-desta... .

Source: Authors.

PRESIDENT	YEAR	PROMISED TO FIGHT CORRUPTION WHEN TAKING OFFICE ¹	FEATURED AS CORRUPTION FIGHTER ²	CORRUPTION SCANDALS OF NOTE ³
ITAMAR FRANCO	1992-1995	YES	YES	RODOMAR AND BNDES (1992); ANÕES DO ORÇAMENTO (BUDGET DWARFS) (1993).
FERNANDO HENRIQUE CARDOSO	1995-2003	YES ⁴	NO	TRT (1990S); BANESTADO (1990S); PASTA ROSA (PINK FOLDER) (1995); SIVAM (1995); VOTE-BUYING FOR THE RE-ELECTION AMENDMENT (1997); PRIVATIZATION OF TELECOMS (1998); BANK MARKA AND FONTECINDAM (1999); SUDAM/SUDENE (2000).
LUIZ INÁCIO LULA DA SILVA	2003-2011	YES ⁴	YES	OPERATION ANACONDA (2003); WALDOMIRO DINIZ (2004); MÁFIA DOS VAMPIROS (VAMPIRE MAFIA) (2004); MENSALÃO (2005); SANGUESSUGA (2006); PALOCCI (2006); BOI BARRICA/FAKTOR (2006); DOSSIÊ DOS ALOPRADOS (MADMEN DOSSIER, 2006); OPERATION NAVALHA (2007); MENSALÃO TUCANO (2007); OPERATION HURRICANE (2007); SATIAGRAHA (2008); CARTÕES CORPORATIVOS (CORPORATIVE CARDS) (2008); MENSALÃO DO DEM (2009); CASTELO DE AREIA (SAND CASTLE) (2009); SENATE’S SECRET ACTS (2009); ERENICE CASE (2010).
DILMA ROUSSEFF	2011-2016	YES	NO	PALOCCI (2011); CONAB (2011); MINISTRY OF LABOR AND NGOS (2011); SEGUNDO TEMPO (2011); MÁFIA DOS TRANSPORTES (TRANSPORTATION MAFIA) (2011); CACHOEIRA/MONTE CARLO (2012); LAVA JATO (CAR WASH) (2014).
MICHEL TEMER	2016-2018	NO MENTION	NO	GREENFIELD (2016); JBS (2017); CANDIDATURAS LARANJAS (2018); RACHADINHAS (2018).

TOPIC	SUBTOPIC	DATE	TRANSLATED QUOTE^⍴	NOTABLE ACTIONS OR OMISSIONS RELATING TO THE CAMPAIGN PROMISE
TOPIC	SUBTOPIC	DATE	TRANSLATED QUOTE^⍴		TRANSPARENCY	GOVERNMENT TRANSPARENCY	AUGUST 14, 2018 (TWO MONTHS BEFORE THE ELECTIONS)	“TRANSPARENCY AND COMBATING CORRUPTION ARE NON-NEGOTIABLE GOALS.”¹	A NUMBER OF PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO’S ACTIONS HAVE SOUGHT TO WEAKEN GOVERNMENT TRANSPARENCY, INCLUDING EXECUTIVE MEASURES THAT LIMITED THE HANDLING OF FREEDOM OF INFORMATION (FOI).
JANUARY 7, 2019 (SIX DAYS AFTER BEING SWORN IN AS PRESIDENT)	“TRANSPARENCY ABOVE ALL. ALL OF OUR ACTS WILL HAVE TO BE OPEN TO THE PUBLIC.”²
		INSTITUTIONS OF ACCOUNTABILITY	SUPPORTING THE LAVA JATO TASK FORCE	September 11, 2018 (a month before the elections)						“Supporting Lava Jato is fundamental to the fight against corruption in Brazil.”³	PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO’S DECISION TO NOMINATE AUGUSTO ARAS TO SERVE AS PROSECUTOR GENERAL JEOPARDIZED THE LAVA JATO TASK FORCE.
		INSTITUTIONS OF ACCOUNTABILITY	DEFENDING CORRUPTION-FIGHTING INSTITUTIONS	AUGUST 14, 2018 (TWO MONTHS BEFORE THE ELECTIONS)						“URGENT CHALLENGES: WIDESPREAD CORRUPTION AND THREATS TO THE INSTITUTIONS THAT ARE FIGHTING IT.”¹	PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO’S ACTIONS AND INACTIONS HAVE DONE MORE THAN UNDERMINE THE LAVA JATO TASK FORCE. DUE TO A CLAIM THAT HE ILLEGALLY INTERFERED IN THE FEDERAL POLICE, HE CAME UNDER INVESTIGATION IN THE SUPREME COURT. AT CRITICAL MOMENTS, BOLSONARO’S ADMINISTRATION HAS ALSO FAILED TO SUPPORT THE BRAZILIAN FINANCIAL INTELIGENCE UNIT (COAF) AND THE FEDERAL REVENUE SERVICE (RECEITA FEDERAL).
MERIT-BASED APPOINTMENTS & DISMISSALS	COALITION BUILDING	SEPTEMBER 11, 2018 (A MONTH BEFORE THE ELECTIONS)	“[T]O ATTACK CORRUPTION AT ITS ROOT, BY PUTTING AN END TO THE GOVERNMENT’S POLITICAL APPOINTMENTS IN EXCHANGE FOR SUPPORT.”³	IN AN EFFORT TO WIN LEGISLATIVE SUPPORT, PRESIDENT BOLSONARO HAS DELIVERED POSITIONS OF GOVERNMENT TO CONGRESSMEN FROM A GROUP CALLED CENTRÃO .

TOPIC	SUBTOPIC	DATE	TRANSLATED QUOTE^⍴	NOTABLE ACTIONS OR OMISSIONS RELATING TO THE CAMPAIGN PROMISE
MERIT-BASED APPOINTMENTS & DISMISSALS	FIRING MINISTERS SUSPECTED OF CORRUPTION	DECEMBER 2018 (SOON AFTER BEING ELECTED PRESIDENT)	“IF THERE IS ANY EVIDENCE OR STRONG CLAIM AGAINST ANYONE WHO IS WITHIN [MY PEN’S] REACH, I WILL USE IT.”¹	IN SPITE OF HIS PROMISE TO BUILD A TEAM OF COLLABORATORS WHO ARE BEYOND REPROACH, ONE OF PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO’S FIRST MINISTERIAL APPOINTMENTS WENT TO ONYX LORENZONI, WHO LATER CONFESSED TO HAVING RECEIVED ILLEGAL FUNDS FROM THE LARGE MEAT PROCESSING COMPANY JBS.
RELEVANT LEGISLATION	TEN MEASURES AGAINST CORRUPTION	AUGUST 14, 2018 (TWO MONTHS BEFORE THE ELECTIONS)	“WE WILL RESCUE ‘THE TEN MEASURES AGAINST CORRUPTION’, PROPOSED BY THE FEDERAL PROSECUTION SERVICE, AND SUPPORTED BY MILLIONS OF BRAZILIANS, AND SEND IT TO CONGRESS FOR APPROVAL.”²	JAIR BOLSONARO FAILED TO USE HIS INFLUENCE AS PRESIDENT TO SUPPORT THE TEN MEASURES AGAINST CORRUPTION IN CONGRESS. HE ALSO FAILED TO SUPPORT SÉRGIO MORO’S ANTI-CRIME LEGISLATIVE PROPOSAL, WHICH WAS THOUGHT TO SUPPLANT THE TEN MEASURES.
RELEVANT LEGISLATION	LIMITING THE ABILITY OF PRESUMPTIVE CRIMINALS TO DELAY JUSTICE	MARCH 29, 2018 (SEVEN MONTHS BEFORE THE ELECTIONS)	“THE IMPRISONMENT MUST HAPPEN [AFTER THE CRIMINAL SENTENCE IS UPHELD] IN THE SECOND INSTANCE.”³	PRESIDENT JAIR BOLSONARO DID NOT USE HIS POLITICAL INFLUENCE TO ENSURE THAT THIS MEASURE RECEIVED THE SUPPORT IT NEEDED IN CONGRESS, EVEN THOUGH HIS THEN-MINISTER OF JUSTICE, SERGIO MORO, INSISTED THAT IT WAS CRITICAL TO THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION IN BRAZIL.
RELEVANT LEGISLATION	LIMITING POLITICAL IMMUNITY	APRIL 27, 2018 (SIX MONTHS BEFORE THE ELECTIONS)	“I SUPPORT THE END OF THE SPECIAL JURISDICTION….”⁴	IN SPITE OF WHAT HE PROMISED, AS PRESIDENT, JAIR BOLSONARO HAS NOT PUSHED TO END THE SO-CALLED “FORO PRIVILEGIADO.”

[1] Paul Lagunes He is currently serving as a Postdoctoral Fellow with the Georgetown McCourt School of Public Policy and was previously an Associate Professor at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs. His research examines the issue of corruption, especially as it affects governments in the Americas. His most recent book is The Eye and the Whip: Corruption Control in the Americas (Oxford University Press). paul.lagunes@gmail.com

Gregory Michener Professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV). His research focuses on transparency and related topics. Michener helped lead the Brazilian campaign for a freedom of information law. At the FGV, he founded and leads the Program for Public Transparency (PTP-FGV) and the Transparency Evaluation Network. His works have been published in multiple outlets, including: Governance, World Development, The Journal of Democracy, and Public Administration. gregory.michener@fgv.br

Fernanda Odilla Postdoctoral researcher at the Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Bologna, and an affiliate researcher at the King’s Brazil Institute, King’s College London. She holds a PhD in Social Science and Public Policy and a Masters in Criminology from King’s College London. fernand.vasconcellos@unibo.it

Breno Pires Investigative journalist working as a reporter at O Estado de S. Paulo . He was awarded the Instituto Ling fellowship to study at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs for the 2020 Spring Term. Before that he won the Petrobras Journalism Award in 2018 for uncovering a critical list of legislators and ministers targeted for bribes by Odebrecht executives in the context of Lava Jato. brenolemospires@gmail.com

Brasil

Brasil

President Bolsonaro’s Promises and Actions on Corruption Control

PROMESSAS E AÇÕES DO PRESIDENTE BOLSONARO SOBRE CORRUPÇÃO

Abstract