The rise of a southern anthropology: the creation of the Institute of Anthropology in Santa Catarina

The continuous examination of the formation and development of the social sciences is part of the intellectual tradition of Brazilian anthropology. The inaugural landmark in the institutionalization of anthropological science in the country is usually taken to be the advent of higher education courses in social sciences in the 1930s. This article looks to contribute to the debate on the history of Brazilian anthropology by analysing the creation and functioning of the Institute of Anthropology at the Federal University of Santa Catarina in the 1960s. This analysis seeks to problematize the idea that the anthropology produced far from the major centres was ‘provincial,’ demonstrating the dynamics assumed in this context in the academic training and the research produced at this institute.

The rise of a southern anthropology: the creation of the Institute of Anthropology in Santa Catarina

Introduction
One of the most prominent features of Brazilian anthropology is its self-reflective dimension, which involves regularly revisiting its formation, configuration and challenges (Peirano, 1981). In this sense, one of the milestones considered fundamental for understanding the institutionalization of anthropology in Brazil is the creation of the first higher education courses in social sciences in the 1930s, 1 understood as a locus par excellence for academic and professional training in the areas of anthropology, political science and sociology.
In this sociohistorical formation of the social sciences in Brazil, it is important to consider three aspects: a) the conception of the social sciences in the first half of the twentieth century was broader than what we recognize today, also encompassing related disciplines such as psychology, economics, history and so on; b) in Brazil, in contrast to the intellectual tradition established in other countries, including in Latin America, interdisciplinary academic training was developed in the social sciences, pushing the formation of disciplinary careers into the background; c) initially there was a strong concentration of social science courses in the Southeast region of Brazil, mainly in the cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, which was also accompanied by a greater density of publishers, specialized journals, research funding, and the like.
These aspects meant that the process of institutionalization and the production of knowledge in the social sciences was less visible outside the large centres, especially in places where undergraduate courses in this area had yet to be created. Such is the case of the state of Santa Catarina, whose first social science courses were founded only in the 1970s at the University of Planalto Catarinense (UNIPLAC) in Lages, 2 and the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC) 3 in Florianópolis.
It is emblematic that the survey by Pinto and Carneiro (1955) of the social sciences in Brazil refers only to the states of Paraná and Rio Grande do Sul when analysing the case of the South region. This reflects a certain pattern of analysis in the field of Brazilian social sciences that excludes institutions and agents of Santa Catarina as being far from the standard of scientificity and institutionalization of the social sciences that came into force mainly from the 1930s onwards, a period seen to mark a 'break' from the 'pre-scientific' period of these sciences (Fernandes, 1958;Liedke Filho, 2005).
However, the webs forming the fabric of the social sciences in Brazil are more complex than they initially appear, obliging us to recognize the distinct temporalities and ways of institutionalizing these sciences found in different regions of the country. In this sense, it is important to understand that the formation of a field is always marked by tensions and disputes over the establishment of a legitimate view of the world (Bourdieu, 2001). This equally applies to the formation of the field of Brazilian anthropology.
Although it is not the central axis of this text, it is important to consider some questions in more depth.
A certain invisibility of the anthropology produced in Santa Catarina is recognized here as part of the history of national anthropology. This absence can be identified in specialized publications, such as the collections organized by Miceli (1989bMiceli ( , 1995, or articles like those by Melatti (1984), 4 Corrêa (1988) and Peirano (1999), which constitute fundamental references in the historical development of the field. More recent works, such as the one by Salzano (2009), when referring to Brazilian anthropologists active in the formative period of the discipline, spanning from 1934 to 1954, also make no mention of researchers working in Santa Catarina.
By this I mean that, despite its recent development, anthropology in Santa Catarina is not included in the consecrated reviews on the history of anthropology in Brazil. There are occasional references to the works developed by Silvio Coelho dos Santos from the 1970s onwards, but ignoring the activities developed in this state in earlier years. I believe that especially in the time interval from the foundation of the Santa Catarina Faculty of Philosophy (FCF) 5 to the period of activity of the Anthropology Institute of the Federal University of Santa Catarina, there is evidence of intense teaching and research activity in the field of anthropology that needs to be made visible and included in the debate on the history of Brazilian anthropology.
The present work thus seeks to contribute to a broader endeavour of revisiting the history of the social sciences in Brazil, and more specifically the history of anthropology. This aim in mind, I focus my attention on the Institute of Anthropology at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC) from 1965 to 1969, whose main instigator was Professor Oswaldo Rodrigues Cabral (1903Cabral ( -1978, supported by a group of other researchers, as will be explored in this text. The primary documentary source for my analysis is the central archive of UFSC, which contains the documents relating to the FCF, as well as the archives of the UFSC Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology 6 , which hold the Annals of the Institute of Anthropology 7 .
The main objective of this article is, therefore, to analyse the formation and functioning of the Institute of Anthropology at UFSC in the 1960s, also providing a brief contextualization of the emergence of anthropology in Santa Catarina in the previous decade when the first chairs in the discipline were created in Florianopolis. I conclude the text by indicating how the institutionalization of anthropology continued to unfold in the state in the 1970s, a period when undergraduate and postgraduate courses in social sciences were created and the Institute of Anthropology itself was transformed into a University Museum.

The emergence of anthropology in Santa Catarina
To understand the emergence of the Institute of Anthropology in Santa Catarina, we first need to contextualize how the teaching of this science became institutionalized in the state, which inevitably leads us to the formation of the first higher education institutions in the city of Florianópolis.
In the first decades of the twentieth century, Santa Catarina -and its capital -had undergone intense social and cultural transformations. These included the advent of new institutions understood as important to the process of 'modernization' of the state, such as the Catarinense Academy of Letters, 8 created in 1924, and the Florianópolis Museum of Modern Art, founded in 1949.
Also part of this process was the establishment of the first academic faculties, whose main purpose was to train the state's elites and specialized staff in various areas of knowledge. The first faculties created were those of Law (1932), Economic Sciences (1943, Pharmacy andDentistry (1947), andMedicine (1955).
4 In Melatti's work we find a single reference to the work of Silvio Coelho dos Santos (1938Santos ( -2008, already referring to his research carried out in the 1970s. The Faculty of Philosophy (FCF) was created in 1951; however, its activities only began in 1955. The first chairs of anthropology and related disciplines emerged in the FCF context, although influenced by different theoretical and methodological guidelines. FCF followed the model already consolidated by the National Faculty of Philosophy (FNF), 9 linked to the University of Brazil (UB), 10 which had also been reproduced by other Faculties of Philosophy (Oliveira, 2018), which were then proliferating across the country: between 1949 and 1957, there was a jump from 22 to 52 institutions, which tended to be similarly structured (CAPES, 1958). These faculties concentrated on offering courses that could form cultural elites, but also simultaneously meet the demands for secondary education that were then growing (Oliveira, 2018). The first courses offered at the FCF itself were Philosophy, Classical Literature, Neo-Latin Literature, Anglo-Germanic Literature, History and Geography.
Access to such courses was obtained through written and oral examinations, the subjects to be evaluated varying according to the intended course. For the History and Geography courses, on which anthropology was taught, the tests covered Portuguese, General and Brazilian history, General and Brazilian geography, and English or French. The pass rate from the first to the second year between 1955 and 1958 did not exceed 50%, which suggests the high degree of selectivity and academic demand existing at the faculty. This strengthens the hypothesis that the courses were profoundly elitist, even though we are mainly talking about local elites at this time.
The teaching of anthropology was limited to the History and Geography courses, as already indicated, with the subject of cultural anthropology present on both courses, physical anthropology on the geography course, and Brazilian ethnography on the course of history. Jaldyr Baering Faustino da Silva (1914Silva ( -1994, a law graduate and head of Brazilian ethnography, became responsible for these disciplines. Father Alvino Bertholdo Braun (1908Braun ( -1984, with a background in philosophy and theology, became professor of physical anthropology, while Oswaldo Rodrigues Cabral (1903Cabral ( -1978, trained in medicine, assumed the chair of cultural anthropology (Santos, 2006). Cabral and Braun, both involved in the founding of the FCF, also circulated in other spaces: Cabral was a professor at the Faculty of Law, and Braun was a professor at the Colégio Catarinense, a Jesuit school institution founded in 1905, responsible for training local elites to a secondary educational level.
As Santos (1997) indicates, the general tendency between the late 1950s and early 1960s in southern Brazil anthropology was for professors to be self-taught and Catholic. This is also attested by the presence of the physician José de Loureiro Fernandes (1903Fernandes ( -1977 at the Faculty of Philosophy of Paraná and Father Balduíno Rambo (1906Rambo ( -1961 in Rio Grande do Sul. In Santa Catarina, although professors from other states were hired for some chairs, the professors teaching subjects related to anthropology came from the local cultural elites, and most of them also held other chairs in that context.
Although outside the focus and scope of the present article, it is important to signal the role played by the Catholic Church in this process of constituting the field of higher education in Santa Catarina. Its influence is readily perceptible in the presence of teachers who were also active as priests, as well as the use of the physical space of the Colégio Catarinense, a religious teaching institution, at the beginning of the FCF's academic activities. Notably, despite the FCF having emerged as a private institution, it also received public funds, which points to an intimate relationship between the State, the Catholic Church and local elites in the process of building this project. In the 1950s, the Catholic Church was deeply mobilized around the issue of education, particularly the debates surrounding the first Education Guidelines and Framework Law, 11 begun in 1948, which reflected the advances made by the Catholic Church in the educational field over the previous decade. These had taken place in the context of the reforms introduced by Gustavo Capanema , Brazil's minister of education between 1937 and 1945.
Above all, the figure of Oswaldo Cabral will be central in this process, given the intellectual leadership he achieved over the period, both locally and nationally. In 1937 Cabral had already published the book Santa Catarina -History, Evolution 12 (1937) in the 'Brasiliana' collection published by Companhia Editora Nacional.
This collection, together with 'Documentos Brasileiros' and 'Biblioteca Histórica Brasileira,' constituted one of the privileged spaces for the production and circulation of knowledge in science, thus meeting one of the 'institutional requirements' of the intellectual field of the time (Pontes, 1989).
In 1948, Cabral assumed the position of undersecretary of the newly-founded Santa Catarina Folklore Commission (founded during the 1 st Santa Catarina History Congress held the same year in which he was general secretary). The latter in turn was linked to the National Folklore Commission, created a year earlier, which brought together various actors prominent in the formation of the field of anthropology in Brazil, such as Arthur Ramos (1903-1949), Gilberto Freyre (1900-1987, Edgar Roquette Pinto (1884Pinto ( -1954, and Edison Carneiro . Other intellectuals who headedthe regional commissions played a relevant role in the process of institutionalizing anthropology in their respective states, mainly through the professorships at the Faculties of Philosophy. This was the case of Theo Brandão (1907Brandão ( -1981 in Alagoas, Thales de Azevedo  in Bahia, andCâmara Cascudo (1898-1986) in Rio Grande do Norte. 13 It is important to emphasize that the Brazilian Anthropology Association (ABA) 14 had not yet been created at this time, 15 and the Brazilian Society of Anthropology and Ethnology, 16 founded by Arthur Ramos in 1941, had only a brief existence. Consequently, the National Folklore Commission proved to be one of the most important spaces in the process of bringing together researchers linked to anthropology. In Santa Catarina from 1949 onwards, the folklore subcommittee started to issue its own publication, the Bulletin of the Catarinense Folklore Commission 17 , which published original articles and news items relating to the national commission and submission to the state commission.
My point here is to demonstrate how Cabral was deeply involved in the debates of his time and in the spaces where aspirants to the label 'anthropologist' could become legitimized (Oliveira & Barbosa, 2018). Thus, in 1956, when Cabral submitted his request to Father Wener José Soell, then the director of the FCF, to assume the chair of cultural anthropology, one of the elements cited in support of his application was publication of Culture and Folklore 18 (1954). Recipient of an award from the National Folklore Commission, the book contained a preface by Roger Bastide , reflecting the prestige Cabral had acquired during this period.
Comparatively, it is interesting to note that the chair of sociology only existed as an adjunct to the philosophy course and later, from 1960 onwards, the complementary course in didactics, indicating a certain predominance of anthropology in the debate on social sciences at the local level. At the same time, the coexistence of the disciplines of cultural anthropology, physical anthropology and Brazilian ethnography demonstrates the plurality of perspectives that existed at that time, accompanied by the disputes over a certain conception of anthropology, which, during this period, was strongly linked to archaeology.
13 Here I do not mean to imply that these intellectuals had 'only' a regional role, but rather that, in addition to their insertion in national terms, they maintained a constant concern with the process of institutionalization and consolidation of anthropology in their home states.
14 In Portuguese, Associação Brasileira de Antropologia. Furthermore, we can observe from this curricular organization that the debate between cultural anthropology and physical anthropology was strong at that time in the FCF, although physical anthropology was losing ground in social science departments at national level. In the 1960s, Durham and Cardoso (1961) had already pointed out the limitations in the teaching of physical anthropology compared to cultural anthropology, which included the students' limited interest and training in natural sciences, as well as the limited resources available for their teaching, which would consequently cover general information only.
Castro Faria (1952) also emphasized the challenges posed to physical anthropology in Brazil at the time, highlighting the advances made during the first half of the twentieth century. Writing at a later date, Melatti (1984) drew attention to the difficulties of training staff in the field of physical anthropology from the 1950s onwards, indicating the existence of only a few specific courses. In this sense, the anthropological debate developed at FCF in the 1950s seems to point to another temporality since physical anthropology found an important space in the academic training offered at this institution (Oliveira, 2020).
The first FCF class enrolled on the History and Geography course, which was later divided into two courses following a legal ruling. Graduates from this training program could subsequently choose one or more areas of specialization. Among the eight graduates in the first class was Walter Piazza , who selected Cultural Anthropology, Human Geography and the History of Santa Catarina as his areas of specialization.
This data is interesting since it shows that in the absence of a higher education course in social sciences, history and geography courses were conceived to be suitable spaces for training of anthropologists, indicating anthropology as one of the possible areas of specialization on the course.

Here it is interesting to note that what differentiates the institutionalization of anthropology in Santa
Catarina is not its interdisciplinarity, since this was also present in social science courses (Oliveira, 2019), but rather the specific arrangement produced through the approximation between anthropology, history and geography. On this point, it is worth highlighting that the understanding of social sciences existing then was quite broad, narrowing over the following decades, especially after the University Reform of 1968, which enabled the development of separate postgraduate training in the disciplinary fields of anthropology, political science and sociology.
Concluding this initial account of the debate on the institutionalization of anthropology in Santa Catarina, it is important to emphasize that in the 1960s, the FCF ceased to exist as an autonomous institution and became part of UFSC incorporate its faculty and students. At the same time that this movement resulted in less administrative autonomy for the FCF, it also brought new possibilities in terms of institutional arrangements, since the status of university enabled the emergence of other academic structures, and it is in this context that the Institute of Anthropology was created. This loss of autonomy of the faculty accelerated in the military period, mainly considering the reorganization given to the federal universities in that period.  1968, 1969and 1971(Anais do Instituto de Antropologia, 1968, 1969, 1971. All contained articles based on research carried out at the Institute, along with a section referring to the 'news,' plus the occasional reviews, documents and information relating to 19 In Portuguese, Anais do Instituto de Antropologia.

The creation of the Institute of Anthropology
the Institute's research projects. It is worth noting that from 1970 onwards the publication was renamed Annals of the Anthropology Museum 20 , which reflected the changes in the administrative and academic structure underwent by UFSC at that time.
In the annals of 1968, the following articles were published: 'On the rarity of platiform zooliths' by Oswaldo Interestingly, although an opening speech was given by João David Ferreira Lima , the first rector of UFSC, only Cabral's speech is reproduced in the annals. It is indicated that the idea of creating the Institute arose from the team working in the anthropology section and that it was perceived that it was necessary to go beyond the didactic limits of the chair itself. There is an indication that the process of formation of the Institute of Anthropology also involved a series of nationwide visits and exchanges, which in turn implied the elaboration of a certain model of academic Seiferth is at the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro. This group of professors (initially we were students) wanted a postgraduate course to streamline this group of Anthropology studies, which was formed into the Institute of Anthropology. As we started to come back from our graduate studies, the idea of having a larger physical space than we had in the Faculty of Philosophy, the former Faculty of Philosophy, Science and Letters, was consolidated, and we opted for an area at the university campus that had been abandoned, formerly a stable. The laboratory, for example, was the pen where the cows were milked. Initially it was transformed into the Laboratory of Archaeology and Physical Anthropology, currently simply the Laboratory of Archaeology.
Setting up the institute, therefore, required finding an academic model that would enable the articulation of activities already being developed by a relatively dispersed team of researchers -in addition to those linked to UFSC, other collaborators scattered throughout the state are also mentioned -and, simultaneously, an advance in the field of research and specific training in archaeology and anthropology. To this end, Cabral also indicates that, concurrently with the constitution of the institute and its facilities, a personnel training process was launched (as evinced in Beck's testimony). This primarily involved sending of researchers to other institutions to engage in specific academic training. As Cabral stated: (…) we took care to prepare the necessary human resources, selected from among my most outstanding students.
Three of them went to do their postgraduate studies at the National Museum, two in Social Anthropology and one in This passage is extremely significant, I believe, as it allows us to question a certain reading widespread in the narrative on the history of social sciences in Brazil, which situates experiences outside large centres as provincial and pre-scientific (Reesink & Campos 2014). The emergence of the Institute of Anthropology in Santa Catarina was clearly in tune with the scientific standards of its time, which was reinforced by the exchange of researchers and the investment in postgraduate training of its staff. 26 Here I wish to emphasize that recognizing that the social sciences had different temporalities, with different degrees of institutionality in different regions of the country, does not mean that the temporality developed in Santa Catarina between the 1950s and 1960s can be classified as provincial or pre-scientific.
On the contrary, the publication of the Annals of the Anthropology Institute from 1968 onwards pointed in another direction, investing not only in the development of research but also in the dissemination of its results, 27 affirming the scientificity of the academic project developed in Santa Catarina. By analysing the activities pursued by the Institute during this period, we will gain a better idea of how the centre sought to assert itself in the academic field, joining the disputes inherent to this universe.
At the foot of the first page of the Annals, the phrase 'exchange is requested' was written in English, Spanish, French, Italian, and German, in addition to Portuguese, highlighting the relevance of intellectual exchanges and the circulation of people, theories and objects. In other words, the publication, in addition to being conceived as a form of scientific dissemination, was also used to initiate academic exchanges, which would enable the expansion of the institution's specialized bibliographic collection.

The functioning of the Institute: between local and national
Approval It is important to point out that museums played a prominent role in the development of Brazilian anthropology (Schwarcz, 1989) Notably, this publication also refers to some problems in the Institute's functioning, highlighted by the fact that the three courses planned for that year were not held. Aiming to draw attention to this issue, a second note is published, listing the main difficulties encountered by the Institute in carrying out the scheduled research. These were: 3. Absolute need to combine research with didactic work (a guideline followed by the Institute and from which it did not intend to deviate), not always easy; 4. Accounting system, whose requirements prevented the application of research donations during the main academic holiday period (January and February). This period could be fully used in research, as teaching work was in recess. However, there was a difficulty obtaining funds, as those for the previous year had to be collected by December 15, and those for the year beginning in January/February had not The year 1970 brought several changes to our work environment. Initially, due to elements established in the reform project for the Federal University of Santa Catarina, we lost the name of the Institute and became a Museum. Then, due to the reform project, we saw Anthropology become a mandatory subject for all students in Social and Human Sciences at the Centre for Basic Studies. This meant that we went from an average of 80 students to 350. (…) To meet these changes, the Museum's team was expanded. Two new teachers were recruited; the library received new employees; and the administration was enriched with one more member of staff. (Santos, 1970: 3) Also in his note, the absence of Oswaldo Cabral's leadership is lamented, indicating that he would had entered a period of extended leave for medical treatment. Activities that continued to be developed at the Museum are also mentioned, including two extension courses, the first called 'The foundations of social Queiroz   , also a history graduate, specialized in general anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania in the United States. 32 The description of these intense activities allows us to question the reading made by Miceli (1989a) concerning the development of social sciences in Brazil far from the big cities, moving closer instead to the image of a 'metropolitanism of the province,' in the terms put forward by Lins Ribeiro (2005). After all, the anthropologies developed in peripheral regions tend to have a relatively good knowledge of the academic production of the metropolis, while the metropolis tends to narrow its knowledge to its own contributions to the field. Nevertheless, it is still worth citing the argument developed by Reesink and Campos (2014: 67-68): Thus, the consistency of the mythical project and its success as a hegemonic and qualified discourse is anchored by what we analyse as the interpretive key of this project of academic geopolitical hegemony: namely, the idea of institutionalization and its derivative, the institutionalized social sciences. As we can see, the classification, or not, of the institutionalization of the social sciences will be one of the great shapers of the 'Procrustean bed'; that is, it is originally from this north that the trainers and producers of the social sciences will be disqualified or qualified, in particular [those] of anthropology in Brazil.
The authors also draw attention to the fact that the debate between the 1930s and 1950s mainly centred on professionalization not institutionalization. However, pursuing another line of argument, I would like to reinforce the perception that the social sciences found different paths for their institutionalization in Brazil, which did not exclusively involve undergraduate courses in the social sciences. In the case of anthropology in Santa Catarina, this kind of institutionalization initially occurred with the history and geography course and later with the Institute of Anthropology. The latter brought together researchers dedicated to cultural and physical anthropology in Santa Catarina state, enabling the development of networks, exchanges and the circulation of people, works and theories.
Understanding the existence of other dynamics in the production of anthropological knowledge, or even another temporality in terms of the dynamics of social sciences, one not necessarily linked to higher education courses in this area, necessarily leads us to the concept of academic coloniality (Restrepo, 2007).
In this context, experiences such as the Institute of Anthropology at UFSC -or that of UFRN, which in a way served as a model for the former -deserve to be highlighted for promoting the formation of an autonomous field for anthropological science in their respective contexts, attuned to the scientific standards of the period. As becomes clear from examining these cases, we can rethink the history of social science, returning to an analysis from a geopolitical point of view of knowledge, understanding that the historical process of invisibilization of certain agents and institutions reflects academic hierarchies and disputes in the field more than the absence of a vibrant production of knowledge in certain regions.
32 Both entered the master's course in Archaeology at USP in 1973.

Final considerations
In the 1970s a graduate course in social science was created at UFSC, which afforded greater academic autonomy to anthropology, refining Santa Catarina's intellectual formation in this area in similar fashion to other centres, enabling anthropology to become more independent from other courses at the former Faculty of Philosophy, now the Centre for Philosophy and Human Sciences (CFH). During this period, postgraduate programs became consolidated in centres like the National Museum, the State University of Campinas (Unicamp) and the University of Brasília (UnB). Along these lines, I have also made an initial effort to describe the offer of postgraduate training in this area in Santa Catarina.
In However, the discipline became established, assimilating a 'bureaucratic' logic that began to characterize Brazilian anthropology from the 1970s (Oliveira, 2003).
In this analysis, we can perceive the characteristics of the emergence and development of anthropology in Santa Catarina, taking as a guiding thread the formation of the Institute of Anthropology. Although this academic structure did not last for very long, it provided the grounds for training in anthropology in the state and was far from being simply a 'provincial' experience: it was deeply tuned to the national and international debates, fostered by an intense circulation of influential figures, as demonstrated here.
The revisit to the history of Brazilian social science via a 'regional' case like the Institute of Anthropology at UFSC brings us back to the issues raised by Scott (2014) concerning qualitative internal plurality, values and suppressed national anthropologies. To describe the plurality of Brazilian anthropology completely requires a constant self-reflection, revisiting the diverse histories of anthropology embedded in the construction of national anthropology, analysing the different models of academic structure and their various temporalities -an endeavour that is long overdue.