The transposition of myths it the intertextuality between Cinema and Advertising: a semiological analysis of Pornochanchada, campaign of Chilli Beans^*

Abstracts

The symbolic character became decisive for current consumption. In this phenomenon, becomes important the role of agents such as advertising, which prominently calls for the symbolism of myths played in their messages, usually built on intertextuality that appropriates and modifies meanings imported from various languages, among them the Cinema. This feature appears clearly in a campaign of Chilli Beans, inspired in pornochanchada. Through barthesian semiology, this paper endeavors to answer how the brand Chilli Beans, through intertextuality, brought to its advertising the myths played in pornochanchada? The results show eroticism as the great mythological narrative in this marriage between advertising and Cinema.

Intertextuality in advertising; Myths; Pornochanchada; Chilli Beans

O caráter simbólico se tornou decisivo para o consumo atual. Nesse fenômeno, ganha relevo o papel de agentes como a Publicidade, que apela de forma destacada para a simbologia dos mitos reproduzidos em suas mensagens, geralmente, construídas com base na intertextualidade que se apropria e modifica significados importados de linguagens variadas, entre elas, o Cinema. O uso desse recurso aparece claramente em uma das campanhas da Chilli Beans, inspirada na pornochanchada. Por meio da semiologia barthesiana, este trabalho se propõe responder como a marca Chilli Beans, por meio da intertextualidade, trouxe para sua Publicidade os mitos reproduzidos na pornochanchada. Os resultados apontam o erotismo como a grande narrativa mitológica desse casamento entre Publicidade e Cinema.

Intertextualidade publicitária; Mitos; Pornochanchada; Chilli Beans

El carácter simbólico se convirtió en decisivo para el consumo corriente. En este fenómeno, se vuelve importante el papel de agentes como la Publicidad, lo que exige un lugar destacado el simbolismo de los mitos reproducidos en sus mensajes, por lo general, construidas sobre la intertextualidad que se apropia y modifica significados importados de variadas lenguajes, entre ellos el cine. El uso de este recurso aparece claramente en una campaña de Chilli Beans, inspirada en la pornochanchada. A través de la semiología de Roland Barthes, este papel se esfuerza para responder como la marca Chilli Beans, a través de la intertextualidad, señalan a su Publicidad, los mitos reproducidos en la pornochanchada. Los resultados muestran el erotismo como el gran relato mitológico de este matrimonio entre la publicidad y el cine.

Intertextualidad en la Publicidad; Mitos; Pornochanchada; Chilli Beans

Introduction

Since consumption started to present itself as a true cultural activity and, as it is, loaded with all its inherent complexity, the symbolic character has become decisive in the consumption act. In the transfer of meanings involved in this process becomes important the role of intermediating agents such as advertising, that promotes a constant fusion of its advertised products and the representation of a culturally constituted world (McCRACKEN, 2003). Supported by the building of a collective spirit, advertising forges the identification between consumer and brand through the meanings contained in its consistent stories and in its myths reproduced in its campaigns (HOLT, 2005). This myth to which we refer to consists of a narrative originated from when culture, in general, offers objects and artificial and ideological values, as if they were undebatable and natural (BARTHES, 2009). Barthes semiotics has been richly utilised for the study of systems and meanings and, therefore, presents itself as a valuable tool in the comprehension of reproduced myths by advertising as a way to compose the meaning of the brands (SHERY; CAMARGO, 1987).

Guided by the need to communicate specific meanings, one of the most explored creation methods is the association of ideas that, born from society's cultural repertoire, including the myths, are associated to each other in a way to generate new information (CARRASCOZA, 2008). To compose such messages, the professionals of creation make use of the most varied discourses and adapt to other existent languages in many areas of human knowledge (MARTINS, 1997), not a coincidental option, because, when working their messages over an already known cultural repertoire, it is easier to reach their public target. It configures, therefore, the concept of intertextuality through which advertising re-enacts the constituent meanings of the cultural repertoire of a society, updating them with new approaches, without renouncing to the feeling that originated them. (CARRASCOZA, 2008).

The intertextuality is recurrent when we consider the dialogical relation between Cinema and advertising, presenting itself as an efficient strategy considering that the films and its elements are part of most people's reality (LAURINDO; GARCIA, 2009). The use of this resource appears clearly in one of Chilli Beans' campaign that devotes of an audacious and irreverent spirit, rescuing the provocative universe of Pornochanchada. Produced from the end of the 60's, this model of comedy dedicated itself to the portrait of everyday topics of major urban centres, notably marked by a strong tendency for eroticism (SELIGMAN, 2000). Despite the foreign influence, Pornochanchada brought together the traditional elements of the Brazilian culture and, having its unique expression, was characterised as a typically national Cinema cycle (SELIGMAN, 2000; SIMÕES, 2007). Permeated by plots and characters that are at the same time appealing and controversial, this genre was marked by a huge popular acceptance, but also by the rejection of the intellectual criticism and by the moral censorship of conservative groups (ABREU, 2002), an open door, therefore, for anyone who is looking for the association with the idea of transgression.

Inspired in the case of the quoted brand, which takes ownership of the myths reproduced by a cinematographic genre to develop one of its advertising campaigns, this work proposes to respond, based on Barthes Semiotics, the following research question: How the brand Chilli Beans, through its intertextuality, brought to its advertising the myths reproduced in pornochanchada?

In a broad manner, the proposal of this investigation is to contribute for the understanding about the reproduction of myths in advertising, as well as to ratify the presence of intertextuality as an important practice in the process of advertising creation. If we consider the lack of studies about this relation in the Brazilian context, the knowledge generated here will be as useful for academic studies as it will be for advertising professionals and related areas.

Pornochanchada: an offensive portrait of an era

From late '60s, the production of a daring and extravagant genre becomes stronger in Brazil: the Pornochanchada. At first it appeared to be a light comedy, despite a few partial nudity scenes, but soon evolved to what was a worldwide practice: the exploitation of eroticism and sensuality in Cinema to attend a growing consumer market (SELIGMAN, 2000; ABREU, 2002; FREITAS, 2004; LYRA, 2007; CÂNEPA, 2009).

With this strong characteristic pornochanchada reveal its connection with a genre known as exploitation, which constitutes in a film production with the objective of exploring commercially themes that are considered polemic. With its appealing titles, which almost always appealed for the sexual content, pornochanchada fits particularly in the derivation of sexploitation, producing, with some delay, national films similar to international ones without refusing, however, the cinematographic "native" elements which were included in its costume comedies and parodies (CÂNEPA, 2009).

The materialisation of this cycle of films in Brazil happened as a result of the national conjuncture of the time, marked, from one side, by military dictatorship and, from the other side, by the sexual revolution. The peak of pornochanchada coincided with the most solid phase of the Brazilian dictatorship. In this period, the violent censorship that plagued the media strengthened the birth of the genre as it hampered the entrance of foreign pornographic films and established an exhibition quota for films produced in Brazil, which opened space for the erotic national Cinema (ABREU, 2002; FREITAS, 2004; LYRA, 2007; CÂNEPA, 2009).

Facing this context, pornochanchada gave in to the rules imposed by the military regime and did not cross any borders that could disturb the system (SELIGMAN, 2000). For that it incorporated to its language the euphemism used by the government, although composed of a distinctive discourse (SIMÕES, 2007), in other words, pornochanchada left aside the insubordination of other genres, without giving up the transgression of its marginal themes (FERREIRA, 2000).

The transgressor character of pornochanchada reveals itself mainly in the exploration of eroticism within its plots, which brought to the scenario of popular representation the well known sexual revolution that, since the '60s, would start to raise the flag of sexual freedom, praising pleasure and relaxing of customs (FREITAS, 2004). In truth, by placing conservatism and transgression side by side, the genre exposed a rich outlook of the concerns and aspirations that permeated society at that time, highly troubled and marked by transformations (CÂNEPA, 2009).

With films produced in series, low budget and acted by an almost amateur cast, pornochanchada fetched in this marginal universe themes that appealed for cheating, adultery, virginity, homosexuality, games of interest, amongst others, which were acted in a raw language that would go from nonsense to maliciousness (SIMÕES, 2007). Eroticism and sexuality have always been present in the cinematographic art (SELIGMAN, 2009), and were explored on screen by the figure of the woman – very often stigmatised as a sexual object, either on the role of a virgin or a horny widow – who stirred the male fantasies and of the heartthrob, almost always a rascal, who inspired for his audacity and sexual power (ABREU, 2002; FREITAS, 2004; SIMÕES, 2007; CÂNEPA, 2009). Besides the eroticism, distinguished by the insinuated sex, but not explicit, the plots were defined by sexism and racism, ratifying the historical clues that denounces the collective mentality of that time (FREITAS, 2004).

The construction of meaning through advertising intertextuality

Nowadays advertising, more than the quality of its advertised goods, promises a lifestyle and a set of values that triggers emotion in the attempt to establish an affective relationship between consumer and brand (LIPOVETSKY, 2007). Facing such context, there is a need to adapt the creative conception of the advertising discourse, which means to opt for references and influences that sensitize a specific public (CARVALHO, 2002; GIACOMINI FILHO, 2011), many times absorbing elements from other genres and transforming them their own way (LADEIRA, 1997).

Guided by these objectives, one of the most explored creation methods in advertising is the association of ideas that, originated from society's cultural repertoire, are related and blended to each other in a way that generates new information (CARRASCOZA, 2008). The ownership that advertising makes of its communicational structures and signs from other genres is not in vain, because, when working its messages over a well known cultural repertoire, it is easier to reach its target audience, break social barriers and introduce new habits (CARVALHO, 2002). The advertising language, then, has its narrative based on the cultural repertoire of the receiver, betting on the encyclopaedic knowledge and collective memory to communicate its messages in a more effective manner where everything reminds of something seen before, but, when through the adequacy of the creative act, looks new and original (CARRASCOZA, 2008; RIBARIC, 2011).

These cultural elements derived from other means are utilised as enunciated founders (MAINGUENEAU, 2005) serving as a starting point to the creation of complex discursive plots, where past, present and future come together in the production of signifiers (RIBARIC, 2011). In this sense, we are conducted to the concept of dialogism proposed by Mikhail Bakhtin, according to whom the constitutive principle of language is based on the idea that a text always establishes a dialogue with others (CARRASCOZA, 2008; LAURINDO; GARCIA, 2009). It is presented, then, the concept of intertextuality proposed by Julia Kristeva, to whom every text is constructed as a quotes mosaic, thus the absorption and transformation of other texts (RIBARIC, 2011). The intertextuality is exerted by advertising when this re-enacts the constituent meanings of the cultural repertoire of a society (Cinema, Journalism, television, music, popular manifestations, etc.), elements updated with new approaches, not prescinded from its original meaning (CARRASCOZA, 2008; GIACOMINI FILHO, 2011).

According to Carrascoza (2007, p.7), intertextuality is compulsorily bound to the ready-made universe – a concept derived from visual arts – which the purpose would be to separate an object from its original context in a way to modify, or even rectify its meaning, which in advertising would be correspondent to the transposition of phrases and images already known by the public to the advertising message to be conveyed.

Besides the ready-made, advertising can exert an aesthetic appropriation through paraphrasing and parodies that, even aligned with the same concept, are distinct by the way they incorporate a great variety of social elements: while paraphrasing maintains a greater fidelity to the original, parody depicts an exaggeration when compared to its referential theme (GIACOMINI FILHO, 2011).

The intertextuality is recurrent when we consider the dialogical relation between Cinema and advertising, presenting itself as an efficient strategy as long as its films and elements are part of most people's reality. For this dialogue proves effective, it is necessary to analyse which concept will be transmitted by the campaign and from there to define which reference – scene, scenery, character, cinematic genre, amongst others – best meets the transmission of such concept (LAURINDO; GARCIA, 2009).

Advertising as a myths cultivator

As well as bricolage, another advertising's intellectual operation by excellence is the mythical thinking (CARRASCOZA, 2008). Both concepts can present a narrow relation within a campaign, because, if the advertising intertextuality could fetch from many sources the adequate meaning for the construction of its messages, the myth appears as a rich repository for these meanings.

A valuable approach to the understanding of the myth is semiotics, particularly that developed by Roland Barthes. The myth according to Barthes (2009, p.200), can be found everywhere, whereas, being the universe infinitely suggestive, allows each object of the world to get away from an enclosed existence and changes to an open state to society's appropriation. This way, the written speech, photography, cinema, advertising, all of these could be carried by the mythical speech, each one demanding a varied type of consciousness and different reading approaches.

Barthes parts from the semiotics proposed by Saussure (2006) that tried to identify a universal structure common to all types of signs. Aligned with the phenomenal interpretation of reality, the saussurian sign consists on a dialectic relation between a signifier material and an abstract signified, not operating in an isolated form, but contextualising with other signs of the semiotic system of discourse in which they are inserted (BARTHES, 2006). Despite this, Barthes myth is constituted of a particular system, because its construction begins from an existent semiotic chain before it, that is, the myth is a secondary semiotic order that derives from a primary semiotic order.

To understand the amplifying process that happens from order to order, avoiding ambiguities between terms, Barthes proposed the adoption of a new nomenclature for the components of the amplified structure (Picture 1). The signifier of the myth, being the sign in the first system, when becoming signifier is named sense in the language's plan and form in the myth's plan. Meaning, in turn, assumes on second plan the denomination of concept and, at the end, so it does not confuses the third term of the plan of the myth sign of the first order, Barthes proposes naming it signification (BARTHES, 2009).

Picture 1
The structure of the myth

Source: Adaptação dos autores a partir de Barthes (2009, p.205).

The signifier, therefore, ends up assuming in myth a double character, putting itself as a final order of the linguistic system or as initial order of the mythic system. In its ambiguous behaviour, e significant of myth is simultaneously sense and form. While felt, the significant is plain, it is whole while postulates reading, a wisdom, a past. Converting itself to form, sense deflates, evaporate its history. Thus, the significant, before carried by a system of values, becomes poor and, thus, requires a signification that fulfils it, which will be reached from concept that starts dressing it (BARTHES, 2009).

In a process where sense gives place to form it is worth to observe the functionality of the concept that, being simultaneously historic and intentional, is, for Barthes (2009, p.209), the driving force that utters the myth. The reason is, when establishing a chain of cause and effects, of motivation and intention, concept dressed as a situation ends up implanting an all new story in the myth that, in spite of being build on an open wisdom, based on fragile and unlimited associations, is the carrier of a unity and a coherence derived from its function: to define itself as a trend.

The broad availability of forms suggests that there is no rigidity when dealing with the mythical concept that, by virtue of history, can be built, modified and even completely destructed. Because of this dependency of the temporal context in which is inserted, one could therefore say, that mythology has a historical base, as its mythical language does not come from the "nature" of things, but from circumstances that dictate its birth and maintenance (BARTHES, 2009).

A last observation to be made is that while in language, save a few limitations, the sign is generally arbitrary; in the mythical signification there will always be a required motivational load to its own duplicity of the myth that, through its analogies, has as a principle to transform history to nature. This process that converts eventuality to eternity, according to Barthes (2009, p.234), is what is in the essence of ideology that meets in myth a valuable instrument of induction in a society richly populated with significations.

Methodological procedure

In a way similar to Barthes perspective, this research characterises itself as a qualitative interpretative study. As a way to access the myths reproduced in the Chilli Beans' Pornochanchada campaign, the research corpus was constructed from 13 printed advertisements aired in 2005. The corpusbore the visual matrix, based on the images used to draw up the advertisement, and the verbal matrix that contemplated the textual messages aired in the same communication pieces.

The data analysis was based on Barthes semiotics approach and started from a sequence of steps applied to each advertisement piece studied, considering the first e the second semiotic order, each with its respective analysed components according to the flux of sense. On the first step, all the elements were cast, verbal and visual, assumed as significants, from which, established its possible meanings, we could arrive to the respective signs, final product of the first order. Then, we take these signs as significants of the second order that, when grouped together, according to the concept that they carried, could point to the possible myths reproduced within the context in which the campaign was developed.

To give details of this analysis process, take as an example one of the advertisements studied, in which a girl in her underwear hugs a stuffed dog (Picture 2). Treated by us as a significant, this toy is clearly associated with childhood and therefore, with the implied naiveness shown by the female character. The manner in which the girl embraces the toy – at the front, keeping it on the hip area, with its snout on her breasts, with one of her legs wrapped around it – together with her sensual clothing, seductive look and a provocative question "Why are you sweating you big dog?" brings out the figure of a nymphet who, together with others (prostitute, pimp, etc.), came to draw up the set of signs denominated sexual roles. This one, for instance, started to integrate the concept erotic appeal of the second order, formed still by two other groups of signs (behaviours and sexual practices). Finally, the suggestive power of sexualisation appears nourishing the myth of sex praising. Such analytical reasoning was applied on all the campaigns for the analysis of each significant that, grouped accordingly with the meanings and signs to which they were pointed to, were converted to units of sense getting broader until it reached the myths.

Picture 2
Illustrative advertisement

Description of the results

The analysis of the 13 advertisement pieces that are part of Chilli Beans' Pornochanchada campaign resulted in the identification of eight myths. The first myth draws attention for its presence in the whole campaign studied is the beauty dictatorship that appears in all the analysed pieces and fits in a differentiated manner between genres. Independently of being blonde or brunette, aesthetic standards alternate between female characters, all women portrayed present a slim figure, young and many times, suntanned. In a distinctive manner, the portraying of the male body, varying from young to thin (Picture 3A) through the mature, branded by baldness, white hair and wrinkles (Picture 3B), reveals that is given to man a certain freedom towards the reigning aesthetic dictatorship, differently from what occurs with women that are induced to see in beauty the only way capable to take them to success and happiness. Such disparity is clearly portrayed in many situations of conquest in which men, whose looks are far from the beauty standards, always appear accompanied by beautiful women (Pictures 3B, 3C, 3F, 4B, 4D and 4F). About this question, it is worth to observe in some pieces the striking presence of actor and director David Cardoso, pornochanchada star, rescued as a genre icon, what does not happen to female characters, now interpreted by young models that substitute the older actresses from that time.

Picture 3
Pornochanchada's campaign's advertisement (part 1)

Picture 4
Pornochanchada's Campaing advertisement (part 2)

The female characters' beauty and sensuality are an extra ingredient in an atmosphere greatly fed by the erotic content that permeates the Pornochanchadacampaign. This eroticization, that expresses itself in practices, roles and sexual behaviour, reveals the myth of sex praise expressed in very distinctive ways, being by the sensual exposition of beautiful bodies (Picture 3D), by their positioning and gestures that insinuate the sexual act (Picture 2) or even by provocative calls like "There is a type of respect that no woman wants" (Picture 2)

Amongst sexual practices, appears the well known seduction game between man and woman, but in this case, is set the so called "forbidden love"of the relationship marked by the intensity of "bad boy" characters that oscillates between desire and conflict (Picture 3F). Highlighted are also the sexual practices moved by fantasies broadly reproduced in the popular imaginary. From the male universe, emerges the threesome fantasy, possibly between a man and two women (Picture 4A), whereas the female fetish would be represented in its own bad love experience, possibly lived in a sleazebag's arms (Picture 4B). Finally, in one of the advertisements one can see the practice of masturbation, suggested by the image of a young man who fantasises an intimate relationship with a watermelon (Picture 3A).

The sexual roles vary according to genre. Over the female figure falls the nymphet's role, represented by eroticized and young women (Pictures 2 and 3B), the housemaid (Picture 4C), known for inspiring the sexual fantasies of many employers, and the prostitute that is known by the famous jargon "Not in the mouth" (Picture 4D). The male sexual roles materialise themselves on the image of the famous sleazebag, well known by the salience and lust that characterises him (Pictures 4B, 4E and 4F), of the older man who, despite portraying himself as a sexual partner, is insecure facing the young nymphet (Picture 3B) and the late adolescent that has just discovered sex through masturbation practices (Picture 3a).

Sexual behaviours, at the end, swing between the invitation to cheat, suggested by the scene where a truck driver flirts with a married woman (Picture 4F), the homo-affective behaviour suggested by the intimacy of some female character (Picture 4A) and the false moralism that disguises repressed desires, depicted in a situation where an older man seems to be censoring the provocative clothes of a housemaid (Picture 4C).

Apart from the neutrality portrayed in some pieces, the female figure assumes in some contexts the posture of protagonist, characterizing the myth Alpha woman. In the social sphere, the scenery elements and the dialogue reproduced in one of the scenes point to the idea of separation in which the female character, unsatisfied in her relationship, abandons her marriage and goes in search of a new destiny for her life (Picture 4F), In the sexual field, this myth appears when female characters leave the condition of passivity and take initiative towards the realization of her own desires. In one of the pieces the woman assumes an openly active posture, in which she proposes a breach in the respectful treatment given to the so called socialite lady (Picture 3E). On other two, a young woman with sensual clothing and gestures assumes an air of nymphet to instigate virility in her potential partner, an older man (Pictures 2 and 3B). The myth of the alpha woman manifests itself in the portrait of a homo-affective female couple who, in a provocative way, takes initiative to invite a male partner – implied – to a threesome (Picture 4A).

Despite of the female role in this last seduction scene, we can also identify the presence of the beta woman myth which, surrounded by sensuality, is seen as an instrument of pleasure, submitted to the male desire and responsible for inspiring his sexual fetishes. The female couple configure themselves as a sexual object while feeding the male fantasy of being able to appreciate sex between two women and, furthermore, the possibility of intimacy with both, at the same time. The condition of object portrayed in the scenes is clearly expressed in the lines of one of the characters who presents herself as a "dessert" to be earned (Picture 4A).

What comes to attention is that in most of the pieces analysed, the male figure assumes postures that point to the male alpha, who claims the active roles of conqueror and dominator. Such logic is only deconstructed in two situations. In the first, the male figure is represented by an apparently inexperienced young man, depicted in a context of sexual initiation practiced by masturbation. (Picture 3A). In the second situation, the youth and provocativeness of a girl seems to cause insecurity on her supposed partner, an older man (Picture 3B). Observations being made, all the other male characters dress themselves with virility and confidence, a male characteristic, of the alpha male. In nearly all of these situations, this role appears to be engraved in the sleazebag who can give the woman the opportunity to experiment forbidden love – a female fetish – that only the sleazebag can offer (Pictures 4B, 4E and 4F). Very experienced, the sleazebag oozes confidence including in the discourse filled with pride and playfulness he made of himself (Picture 4E)

Building all sorts of interaction between the characters is the myth of the sexist power, entailed in the relationships – of seducing, domination and emancipation – between the individuals portrayed. To the sexist power are of an fundamental importance the constructions of meaning made upon the concept of phallus, In the case of the male alpha, we are able to identify what we can call the phallus exercise, in which the man exercises the possession of it, being in ostentation, as in its reaffirmation. The ostentation of phallus happens when the male figure assumes the condition of dominator and breadwinner, respectively, to his active performance as the male womanizer (Pictures 3C, 3F, 4B, 4D and 4F) and the possession of riches that gives him greater power observed in these situations (Picture 4C). Yet the re-affirmation of the phallus would be a variant of ostentation and can be seen in many situations where the man, being older, invests in the seducing of a younger woman, a real trophy that ratifies his virility (Picture 3B, 3C, 3F and 4F)

The sexist power can also be treated from the myths that surround female characters. In the case of the beta woman, we have a submission to the phallus from the female figure (Picture 4A) where she submits herself to the man, her detainer. In an opposite way, we can say that in the female emancipation there is an appropriation of the phallus, undertaken by the alpha woman assuming postures conventionally attributed to the man, either conducting the changes in her life (Picture 4F), or taking initiative towards her own sexual desires (Picture 3E).

Another face of power reveals itself in the myth of material power,which manifests itself in an only piece through the relation between employer and employee; a situation lived by the character that exerts his condition of superiority when censoring the uniform of his house maid (Picture 4C).

A last myth identified in the analysis was the Brazilianness, which sells Brazil through an emergent sensuality and, therefore, of the sexual cheekiness attributed to the Brazilian people (Pictures 2, 3E, 4A, 4B and 4D). This myths represented even in the pornochanchada's motto, a cinematic genre genuinely Brazilian, which inspired the whole campaign. .

Final considerations

Considering the identified myths, we infer a high degree of complementarities between them and thus, the existence of a great mythological narrative reproduced by the Pornochanchada campaign: The eroticism.

The myth of praise to sex, strongly manifested in all sorts of relationships portrayed by the campaign, is the one which represents the erotic dimension of pornochanchada. In this case, the erotic motto is spiced by the atmosphere of forbidden love lived by marginal characters that, dressed with sexual nonchalance and the sensuality of the national types, inhabit the people's imagination carrying the myth of Brazilianness.

The dictatorship of beauty, in turn, marks the sphere of eroticism while physical attributes, especially female, appear as a strong appeal in situations of sexual seducing. In this context, the male characters, not fitting the conventional standards of handsomeness, appeal for cheekiness as their main attribute in the game of seducing.

To achieve the erotic narrative in the scenes reproduced in the campaign, the portrayed characters take a distinctive position in the sexual game. Sometimes we have the alpha man, sometimes the alpha woman, both assuming a main role in relation to seducing their partners and/or to the satisfaction of their desires. In other hand, in one of the analysed pieces a character appears to be, at the same time, taking the initiative to seduce her own alpha woman and also placing herself openly under the sign of the sexual object, assuming the characteristic passivity of the beta woman. Imbricated in the relationship that involves the alpha and beta women and the alpha man is the sexist power, exerted by who symbolically retains the phallus power, being in the venture of seducing, or when deciding to change his life conditions by abandoning his marriage. Finally, the last myth to contribute to the metanarrative of eroticism is the material power, which illustrates the common sense of the relationship between sex and power. Although the piece where this myth appears is portraying a scene of censorship, it is perceptible an atmosphere of false moralism which hides the popular fantasy surrounding the relationship of an older employer with his younger employee, involvement always guided by the game of material domination. .

According to Roland Barthes, the current research confirmed that advertising, if studied on a point of view that goes beyond what sign can reach, reveals the existence of mythical narratives which, most of the time, go unnoticed by the inattentive eyes. On this way, our findings reveal that Chilli Beans is a brand with a rebel and provocative spirit, which confirms the symbology of the chilli pepper – eroticism, maliciousness, heat and intensity.

Chilli Beans is a clear example of the importance of studying the brands as cultural productions, for, more than grabbing attention to useful attributes, or even emotive, its advertising constructs its appeals over sociocultural narratives which produce and reproduce meanings that inhabit daily life.

We are adept to the idea that intertextuality, as well as the reproduction of myths, facilitates the understanding of the advertising message on account of the referential already known by part of the target public. The association of both – intertextuality and myth – can amplify even more the efficiency of what is being transmitted. As verified in the studied campaign, is highlighted the use of stereotypes as a facilitator element, common to the myth and the practice of intertextuality.

We understand that it would be of a great value the realization of researches that amplified the current study to other perspectives. The first would be to the professional of creation and its understanding about intertextuality, production and reproduction of myths in advertising. The other perspective would be dedicated to the consumer and the comprehension of how the reception and re-meaning of the myth occurs by itself.

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  This article is the result of research fostered by CNPq and FACEPE.

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Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  Jul-Dec 2014

History

• Received
  08 Nov 2013
• Accepted
  03 Apr 2014