The akrô in the Daily Life of the Kriny Village, Kayapó Indigenous Land, Southeastern Pará, Brazil

Los Akrô en la Vida Cotidiana de la Aldea Kriny, Tierra Indígena Kayapó, Sureste de Pará, Brasil

Abstract

This study aimed to understand and document the diversity of uses and the cultural significance of akrô, the term used for climbing plants, in the daily life of the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó people. The research initially involved two collaborators, employing the guided tour technique to collect information and botanical samples. Subsequently, the checklist-interview method was applied with ten additional collaborators. A total of 52 species belonging to 42 genera and 23 families were identified, with Bignoniaceae being the most representative family (10 species). Woody climbers predominated (51.92%). Twining vines, whose flexible stems serve as their climbing mechanism, represent 65% of the species recorded. The akrô are found in six different environments, with half of them occurring both spontaneously and under cultivation. Among the six identified use categories, medicinal use was the most frequently cited (74.68%). Identifying the akrô used to sustain this people’s way of life proved essential for the conservation of their territory’s biodiversity.

Keywords:
Amazon; Mebêngôkre-Kayapó; Ethnobotany; Climbing plants; Climbing mechanism

Resumo

Esse estudo visou conhecer e documentar a diversidade de usos e a importância cultural dos akrô, denominação dada às plantas trepadeiras, na vida cotidiana dos Mebêngôkre-Kayapó. A pesquisa foi conduzida inicialmente com dois colaboradores, utilizando a técnica turnê guiada para coleta de informações e amostras botânicas. Posteriormente, aplicou-se o checklist-entrevista com dez novos colaboradores. Foram identificadas 52 espécies pertencentes a 42 gêneros e 23 famílias. Dentre estas, a mais representativa foi Bignoniaceae (10 spp.). Houve um predomínio de trepadeiras lenhosas (51,92%). As trepadeiras volúveis, cujo caule flexível é o mecanismo de escalada, representam 65% das espécies registradas. Os akrô são encontrados em seis ambientes; metade deles são, ao mesmo tempo, espontâneos e cultivados. Entre as seis categorias de uso, a mais citada foi medicinal (74,68%). A identificação dos akrô usados para sustentar o modo de vida deste povo mostrou-se relevante para a conservação da biodiversidade de seu território.

Palavras-chave:
Amazônia; Mebêngôkre-Kayapó; Etnobotânica; Plantas trepadeiras; Mecanismo de escalada

Resumen

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo conocer y documentar la diversidad de usos y la importancia cultural de los akrô, denominación dada a las plantas trepadoras, en la vida cotidiana de los Mebêngôkre-Kayapó. La investigación se llevó a cabo inicialmente con dos colaboradores, utilizando la técnica de recorrido guiado para la recopilación de información y muestras botánicas. Posteriormente, se aplicó la entrevista con verificación-entrevista a diez nuevos colaboradores. Se identificaron 52 especies pertenecientes a 42 géneros y 23 familias, siendo Bignoniaceae la familia más representativa (10 especies). Predominaron las trepadoras leñosas (51,92%). Las plantas trepadoras, cuyos tallos flexibles les sirven como mecanismo para trepar, representan el 65% de las especies registradas. Los akrô se encuentran en seis ambientes, y la mitad de ellos ocurren tanto de manera espontánea como bajo cultivo. Entre las seis categorías de uso identificadas, la más mencionada fue la medicinal (74,68%). La identificación de los akrô utilizados para sostener el modo de vida de este pueblo resultó esencial para la conservación de la biodiversidad de su territorio.

Palabras-clave:
Amazonía; Mebêngôkre-Kayapó; Etnobotánica; Plantas trepadoras; Mecanismo de escalada

Introduction

The flora of the Neotropical region, which encompasses the full diversity of tropical ecosystems across the American continent, is strongly characterized by the richness of climbing plants (Acevedo-Rodríguez, 2003; Campbell et al., 2018; Gentry, 1991), estimated at approximately 10,381 species (Acevedo-Rodríguez et al., 2025). In Brazil, the number of climbing plant species reaches 4,376, with 1,207 of these occurring in the state of Pará (Flora & Funga do Brasil, 2026). The diversity of these plants requires well-preserved forest conditions and suitable habitats where they can thrive (Piovesani & Ferreira, 2021). Thus, the dynamics of their establishment in the Neotropics are related to several factors, including ecosystem fragmentation, the extension of dry periods, and reduced precipitation (Campbell et al., 2018).

Given the lack of consensus among botanists regarding the definition attributed to plants whose life form is characterized by a predominantly climbing habit and by dependence on some type of phorophyte as support (Pandi et al., 2022), the present study adopts the term climbing plants, following Durigon et al. (2019). It is important to note, however, that these plants are also recognized as lianas (Chery et al., 2022) and as vines or lianas in Portuguese (Sperotto et al., 2020).

Climbing plants germinate in the soil, beginning their life cycle as terrestrial seedlings and possessing the ability to grow vertically, usually relying on supports, other plants, or structures to reach considerable heights (Sperotto et al., 2020). Their taxonomic representation spans several families, including Bignoniaceae, Passifloraceae, Cucurbitaceae, Dilleniaceae, and Sapindaceae, and they may exhibit either herbaceous or woody characteristics. Some possess slender or sub-woody stems, whereas others show pronounced secondary growth and are therefore classified as lianas (Engel et al., 1998; Sousa-Baena et al., 2018).

Climbing plants play a fundamental role in the well-being of traditional communities and are used in various contexts, such as medicine, ritual practices, construction, and the production of artifacts, all of which rely on extraction and sustainable management (Da Silva, 2024). For Amazonian Indigenous peoples, climbing plants carry significant cultural value. One example is guaraná Paullinia cupana Kunth, a native species (Congretel; Pinton, 2020) domesticated by the Sateré-Mawé people (ISA, 2024).

In the present study, emphasis is placed on the cultural context of the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó in southeastern Pará, where vines are referred to as akrô. These plants are fundamental components of their socioecological system and hold both economic and symbolic significance. Indigenous communities manage several vine species that are used for various purposes, such as timbó (Serjania paucidentata DC.) in fishing (González-Pérez, 2016) and kupá (Cissus gongylodes (Baker) Planch.) in traditional food practices (Robert et al., 2012).

Furthermore, Mebêngôkre-Kayapó ethnohistorical narratives include the concept of akrô in several accounts, such as the story of “The Flood” (cf. Banner, 1957). This narrative tells of a pôkaprire (armadillo hunter) who, while digging the ground, encountered something resembling a large vine that released a large amount of sap when cut. Several akrô species are indeed used today as sources of water by Indigenous people. In this narrative, the special type of akrô is symbolically interpreted as the artery of the Earth which, once severed, releases a large volume of water that floods the world. According to Indigenous accounts, many animals did not survive this catastrophe and became extinct, whereas the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó managed to escape by taking refuge in the tallest trees that remained above the water level (Banner, 1957).

Considering that ethnobotany seeks to compile traditional knowledge about plants, particularly regarding their uses (Voeks, 2016), it constitutes an important tool for the conservation of climbing plants, since such knowledge can significantly contribute to the development of sustainable use practices (Soares, 2024). Studies on the use and conservation of akrô have not yet been conducted in the Kayapó Indigenous Land (KIL), Kriny village. Therefore, the objective of this research was to document the diversity of uses and the cultural importance of climbing plants in the daily life of the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó people, as well as to provide information that may support the management of these natural resources and the development of conservation policies.

Material and Methods

Study area

The Mebêngôkre-Kayapó, originally native to cerrado regions, permanently occupied the humid tropical forest when they moved northeastward, thereby delaying contact with European colonizers (Robert, 2009). Currently, they occupy a total area of approximately 13 million hectares on both banks of the Xingu River, in the southern portion of the state of Pará and the northern portion of the state of Mato Grosso, encompassing a complex of different Indigenous Lands (AFP, 2024). The Kayapó Indigenous Land (KIL), where the study area is located, lies in southeastern Pará and includes the municipalities of São Félix do Xingu, Ourilândia do Norte, Cumaru do Norte, and Bannach, covering a total area of 32.84 km² (Figure 1). Mebêngôkre, the language spoken by this people, belongs to the Jê linguistic family of the Macro-Jê language stock (Salanova; Nikulin, 2020).

This extensive territory is drained by tributaries of the Fresco River (a tributary of the Xingu) to the east and extends to the tributaries of the Curuá River. To the west, some Mebêngôkre-Kayapó live along the lower course of the Iriri River (Ribeiro, 2019). In terms of vegetation cover, the KIL comprises open ombrophilous forest, dense ombrophilous forest, a transition zone between cerrado and ombrophilous forest, and cerrado vegetation. The surrounding region is characterized by active agricultural frontiers in Southeastern Pará. Consequently, it represents one of the last forest reserves located within the Arc of Deforestation (ISA, 2024), making it a highly coveted area for illegal mining activities. The region is widely known for intense gold mining, to the extent that the municipality of Cumaru is known as the “city of gold,” and the Gorotire village hosts an extensive illegal mining site. As a result, there is a risk that residues and pollutants may be carried into the rivers that cross the villages (Alves, 2023).

Mebêngôkre-Kayapó villages typically have an average population of about 300 individuals, although some may reach up to one thousand inhabitants. This distinguishes them from other Indigenous peoples of the Amazon, where the number of individuals per village generally ranges from 30 to 80 (ISA, 2024). These villages are characterized by houses arranged around a central plaza, where ritual dances take place and where the ngà (house of warriors) is located. This structure constitutes the political center of the village and the place where knowledge is transmitted from elder men to younger generations (Turner, 1992).

The Kriny village, the focus of this study, is located at the geographic coordinates 7°24’47.8” S latitude and 50°55’10.2” W longitude, approximately 80 kilometers from the city of Bannach (Figure 1), and has about 206 inhabitants (SESAI, 2024). Its name means “new village” in the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó language and originated from a split in 2003 from Gorotire, the parent village. The population of Kriny, as well as that of Gorotire, has relatively easy road access to several nearby cities, particularly Redenção, with which it maintains a strong relationship (ISA, 2024).

The Indigenous inhabitants of this village maintain various forms of interaction with natural resources, reflected in their practices of use and management. Food cultivation is a common activity, and each family has its own planting area (Alves, 2023). According to Robert et al. (2012), the agriculture practiced by this people is diversified and based on collective practices that promote exchange networks ensuring the circulation of local agrobiodiversity. Among the essential spaces for obtaining these resources are the kikre bunun (home gardens), where fruit species such as papaya, cashew, and banana trees are cultivated alongside medicinal plants, and the puru (fields), located around the villages and used for the cultivation of cassava, manioc, maize, yam, pumpkin, watermelon, potatoes, sweet potatoes, cassava, and beans (Robert et al., 2012).

Figure 1
Location of the Kayapó Indigenous Land and the Kriny village in the State of Pará

Data Collection

This research was submitted to the Research Ethics Committee of the Institute of Health Sciences at the Federal University of Pará (process no. 25674619.4.0000.0018) and approved by the National Foundation of Indigenous Peoples (process no. 08620.009958/2019-99). Meetings with Indigenous participants were held to present the work plan and to obtain the Prior Informed Consent Form and the Free and Informed Consent Form. After obtaining consent, the documentation was registered in the National System for the Management of Genetic Heritage and Associated Traditional Knowledge (SISGEN), in accordance with Law No. 13,123/2015. The use of recording devices and photographs was authorized through the signing of a voice and or image use agreement.

The implementation of this study responds to a request from two leaders of the Kriny village, expressed during a meeting of the broader project in Gorotire, within which this research is embedded. They highlighted the need to document their knowledge about plants transmitted by their parents, who were known for collaborating with the ethnobiologist Darrell Posey, who devoted a significant part of his professional life to the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó people. The memory of the work of Posey, one of the most influential ethnobiologists of the twentieth century, remains strongly present among the Indigenous population. His long-term engagement with this community revealed complex systems of classification, management, and use of natural resources, demonstrating that the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó are active agents in the creation and maintenance of Amazonian biodiversity (Penna-Firme et al., 2018). Posey demonstrated that practices such as the creation of forest islands and horticulture constitute sophisticated forms of landscape management, challenging models that underestimated the Indigenous role in conservation (Anderson & Posey, 1985). Beyond his scientific contributions, he also acted politically in defense of the territorial rights and intellectual heritage of Indigenous peoples. His legacy established new ethical and methodological perspectives in ethnobiology, recognizing traditional knowledge as fundamental for research and conservation policies.

Field activities for the present study were carried out from July 2023 to December 2024, in two stages. Initially, the guided tour technique (Albuquerque et al., 2010) was used to obtain information about climbing plants, including their Mebêngôkre-Kayapó names, uses, plant parts used, habitat of occurrence, preparation and modes of use, and availability. In addition, climbing mechanisms were classified. These mechanisms correspond to the structural and functional strategies that climbing plants use to ascend through vegetation and reach greater light availability. At the same time, botanical samples were collected and prepared as herbarium specimens. The next stage involved the participation of ten additional collaborators, indicated by the two initial Indigenous specialists. In order to expand and confirm the information about akrô gathered during the first fieldwork phase, a checklist interview was applied (Albuquerque et al., 2010), based on the presentation of individual plates containing photographs of the plants in situ and of their corresponding voucher specimens.

The collected plant species were identified by a parabotanist from the Botany Coordination of the Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi (MPEG), as well as being confirmed by two taxonomists and deposited in the João Murça Pires Herbarium (MG) and in the Ethnobotany Collection (MGEtno) of the same institution. Scientific names and family classifications were verified for accuracy by consulting the online database Lista de Espécies da Flora e Funga do Brasil (https://floradobrasil.jbrj.gov.br/consulta/). The botanical classification system adopted followed the Angiosperm Phylogeny Group IV.

The collected data were organized in spreadsheets and analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. Species were classified into categories of use following Balée (1994) and Cook (1995). The availability of climbing plants was systematized into three categories: spontaneous, cultivated, and both spontaneous and cultivated, according to Ferreira (2011). Climbing plants were also classified based on stem structure as herbaceous or woody (Sperotto et al., 2020). Regarding climbing mechanisms, they were categorized according to the classification proposed by Hegarty (1991) as follows: supporter, which relies on the support plant through successive branching; tendrilled, which possesses tendrils originating from different parts of the plant; root climber, which uses adventitious roots; and twining, which uses the stem, branches, or petioles to coil around other plants.

Results and Discussion

Participant Profile

Among the 12 participants in the study, the number of men and women was equal, with ages ranging from 31 to 66 years. Table 1 (available in the supplementary material, digital repository) presents the percentages associated with the sociodemographic information of the research participants. Regarding the activities performed within the community, two participants are male chiefs (caciques), responsible for leadership and mediation of political and cultural matters; one is a pajé, possessing extensive ethnobotanical knowledge; three men are engaged in subsistence agriculture; and six women identified themselves as responsible for household and family care. According to Robert et al. (2012), although agriculture was not mentioned by all collaborators, it is considered a family activity in which men are generally involved in the selection and preparation of land for cultivation, while women are mainly responsible for planting, sometimes with assistance from the men, although both may continue to cultivate the fields. This profile reflects a population with a strong connection to traditional knowledge and sustainable practices, highlighting the cultural and economic role of plants in the daily lives of the participants. These data indicate a community structure that is diversified in terms of social roles and levels of education.

Floristic analysis

A total of 52 species belonging to 42 genera and 23 botanical families were identified (Table 2, available in the supplementary material in the digital repository). Among these, the most representative families were Bignoniaceae (10 spp.), Apocynaceae (5 spp.), Passifloraceae (4 spp.), and Convolvulaceae, Cucurbitaceae, Fabaceae, and Sapindaceae (3 spp. each). Previous studies conducted in other Mebêngôkre-Kayapó villages involved different plant life forms, yet they also highlighted the cultural importance of akrô for this people (Balée, 2023; González-Pérez, 2016; Posey, 1992). In those studies, several climbing plants belonging to the families Bignoniaceae, Apocynaceae, and Fabaceae presented different uses, including medicinal, food-related, and technological applications, which are further expanded by the findings of the present study. Regarding the availability of climbing plants, the most frequent category was akrô that occur both spontaneously and under cultivation (50%), followed by species occurring spontaneously (44%). The least frequent category comprised those that are exclusively cultivated (6%) (Figure 2, available in the supplementary material in the digital repository).

With regard to the environments where they are found, spontaneous akrô, such as akrô tené kupukané (Mendoncia pilosa Mart.), akrô kremai ô potí (Philodendron acutatum Schott), and akrô kudjoré (Mandevilla hirsuta (A.Rich.) K.Schum.), occur in the natural environments bà (dense ombrophilous forest), kapot (cerrado), and ngô kôt (stream margins), respectively. Those whose presence in the village depends on human intervention through the planting of seedlings or seeds, such as pidjo krãtí (Passiflora nitida Kunth), ngô pointdjà (Luffa cylindrica (L.) M. Roem.), and akrô kukrytí (Tetracera willdenowiana Steud.), are found in kikre bunum (home gardens), puru (fields), and ibê (secondary forest), respectively (Figure 3). These environments are among those documented by Robert et al. (2012) and González-Pérez (2016) in the Moikarakô and Las Casas villages, where they are commonly used or managed.

Figure 3
Managed Environments in the Kriny Village

Woody akrô (51.92%) were slightly more representative than herbaceous ones (48.08%), and the twining mechanism was present in 65% of the climbing species, whereas the least frequent mechanism was root climbing (2%), recorded in Araceae (Figure 4).

Studies in the Brazilian literature dedicated to the cultural aspects associated with ecological communities of climbing plants remain scarce. Most studies adopt an ecological and structural approach. Oliveira et al. (2018), for example, in their phytosociological study conducted in Serra Furada State Park, an Atlantic Forest area in southern Santa Catarina, documented a greater number of woody climbers (62.85%) among the 70 species collected, a proportion similar to that found in the present study.

The cultural and ecological importance of climbing plants has also been documented in other countries. In the study conducted by Kashung et al. (2020) in the Papum Pare district of Arunachal Pradesh in northeastern India, herbaceous climbing plants represented 54.09% of the 61 documented species, with the twining mechanism being the most frequent climbing strategy (39.34%).

Figure 4
Distribution of morphological aspects and climbing mechanisms

There is a paradigmatic conflict between modern silvicultural practices and traditional knowledge systems. This divergence is not only practical but also epistemological. While technical forest management frequently frames climbing plants as a problem due to their potential to reduce the growth of commercial trees and increase damage during timber harvesting, Indigenous knowledge positions them as multifunctional resources that are domesticated and culturally integrated into subsistence and traditional medicine (Reis et al., 2020; Kerr et al., 1978).

Ecologically, climbing plants possess life history traits and disturbance responses that help explain both their increase under certain conditions and their negative effects on tree growth. Large-scale studies in the Amazon show that the degree of liana infestation is correlated with disturbance, light availability, and host species traits, and is associated with reduced tree growth in heavily infested sites (Reis et al., 2020; Letcher & Chazdon, 2012). These findings support the origin and apparent justification of silvicultural practices that recommend the removal of climbing plants to protect timber productivity. However, this ecological context also reveals that simple suppression, without considering regeneration dynamics and the functional roles of these plants, may generate trade-offs for biodiversity and ecosystem services.

From an ethnobotanical perspective, the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó and other Indigenous peoples play an important role in the conservation of climbing plants, since these species perform strategic functions within their socioecological systems. This includes domesticated or semi-domesticated species used as food, in rituals, and in health care practices (Kerr et al., 1978; Robert et al., 2012; Coelho-Ferreira & Garcés, 2020). These uses demonstrate not only direct utilitarian value but also processes of selection and conservation that maintain climbing plant species within the cultural and ecological repertoire of Indigenous villages. Ignoring such knowledge means losing opportunities for integrated management capable of simultaneously protecting commercially valuable trees and conserving resources for domestic and medicinal use derived from climbing plants.

Categories of Use

The climbing plant species collected in Kriny are distributed across six categories of use (Table 3, available in the supplementary material in the digital repository), representing the different ways these species are utilized by the Indigenous community. The medicinal category involved the largest number of species (98%), while the category food or animal attractant was the least cited (12%), as shown in Figure 5. Most species (60%) were cited in multiple use categories. In the study by Anderson and Posey (1985) on the management of a cerrado area in the Gorotire village, where 120 useful species were documented, the medicinal category was also the most prominent (72%), whereas the category animal attractant was the second most cited (40%). This differs from the findings of the present study, which may be associated with differences in vegetation cover between the two study areas or even with methodological approaches. According to those authors, a percentage of species similar to that recorded in Kriny appeared in more than one use category (62%). Among the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó of the Las Casas village, also located in a cerrado area, González-Pérez (2016) found that only 8.42% of the 95 useful species had uses across different categories. The importance of climbing plants in Mebêngôkre-Kayapó traditional medicine, known to pajés and traditional healers, was also documented by Coelho-Ferreira and Garcés (2020) in the Las Casas and Moikarakô villages.

Figure 5
Distribution of the aforementioned usage categories

Medicinal climbing plants are indicated for various purposes. For example, akrô tené kupukané (Mendoncia pilosa Mart.) is used to treat wounds; akrô kaprãn kanê (Momordica charantia L.) to relieve pain; akrôdje djàpriré (Cuspidaria lateriflora (Mart.) DC.) to treat intestinal infections; djà rerek krô (Doliocarpus dentatus (Aubl.) Standl.) for eye diseases; and akrô tekaíkep (Omphalea diandra L.) as a contraceptive. In the study by Million et al. (2020) on medicinal and ritual plants of the Kaiowá in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, climbing plants used as remedies by this people were also recorded. One example is cipó-mil-homens (Aristolochia triangularis Cham. & Schltdl.), which is used to treat diarrhea and vomiting

Regarding the ritual category, which involves practices of healing, protection, and traditional ceremonies such as the wedding festival that marks the union between two families, different plants are used. The fibers of akrôté kajkêp (Rourea cuspidata Benth. ex Baker) are tied to the arm or to the houses to ward off evil spirits. The bark of akrô toité (Adenocalymma flaviflorum (Miq.) L.G. Lohmann) is macerated together with annatto and applied to the body as part of the preparation for the wedding festival. The leaves, stem, and roots of akrô pyré (Prestonia denticulata (Vell.) Woodson) are used in the preparation of ritual baths intended to bring the soul back to the body The role of plants in Indigenous rituals has been documented for many peoples. One example is guaraná (Paullinia cupana Kunth) among the Sateré-Mawé, who prepare a beverage from its seeds that is consumed in ritual contexts to strengthen communication, guide learning processes, and assist in decision making within the community (Congretel, 2017); Another example is the vine caapi (Banisteriopsis caapi (Spruce ex Griseb.) Morton), used as the principal hallucinogen by the Shuar people of the Ecuadorian Amazon in their ritual practices (Bennett, 1992).

The fruits of some climbing plant species are consumed as a source of nutrition, such as katên caak’okrê (Cucurbita maxima Duchesne ex Lam.) and mat kwy-yti krô (Phaseolus lunatus L.), which are cooked and incorporated into the daily diet. In addition, the juice of pidjo krãtí (Passiflora nitida Kunth) is prepared and regularly consumed. Robert et al. (2012) recorded these crops in other villages, reinforcing their importance in the agricultural practices of the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó people. These same authors also mentioned the presence of the vine cipó-kupá (Cissus gongylodes (Burch. ex Baker) Planch.), which was not referenced in the present study. This absence may be explained by the fact that the species is currently considered rare. It appears to be a traditional plant of the northern Jê groups, consumed roasted or cooked by elderly Mebêngôkre-Kayapó individuals (Kerr, 1987).

Climbing plants are employed in the category of materials because of their flexibility and strength. They are used in the manufacture of household objects and adornments, and also as ropes to tie posts and secure components of dwellings, as in the case of akrô kremai ô potí (Philodendron acutatum Schott). In addition, they are used in the production of baskets for carrying fruits and other products from the fields, exemplified by akrô jabiê tí (Distimake macrocalyx (Ruiz & Pav.) A.R. Simões & Staples), and in the manufacture of utensils for domestic cleaning, as occurs with ngô pointdjà (Luffa cylindrica (L.) M. Roem.). The importance of climbing plants in the production of Indigenous artifacts has been documented among several peoples. For example, the Kaingang people use cipó São João (Amphilophium paniculatum (L.) Kunth), which supports part of their economy through the manufacture and sale of baskets made from this raw material (Guadagnin & Gravato, 2013). The Shuar people use the stems of Mansoa verrucifera (Schlechter) A. Gentry to produce baskets (Bennett, 1992).

The toxic plants recorded are crushed and thrown into the water to paralyze or kill fish, facilitating their capture in rivers and lakes. The two species in this category belong to the family Sapindaceae and to the same genus: tokodjotiré (Serjania acutidentata Radlk.) and akrôré (Serjania paucidentata DC.). The use of the latter was recorded in the Las Casas and Moikarakô villages (González-Pérez, 2016). The Ikpeng people of the state of Mato Grosso also use a vine from the same family (Serjania laruotteana Cambess.), popularly known as cipó timbó-açu, for fishing (Txicão & Leão, 2019). Species of this genus belong to the group of plants known as timbó, used as ichthyotoxins since pre-Columbian times, whose toxic action is attributed to rotenone, a substance with significant insecticidal potential (Tozzi, 1989).

In Kriny, the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó use the fruit of akrô moitekàntí (Passiflora glandulosa Cav.) to attract tortoises. In Gorotire, the climbing plant Cuspidaria inaequalis (DC. ex Splitg.) L.G. Lohmann has been documented as being used to attract animals (Anderson & Posey, 1985). Other studies have recorded different uses of climbing plants among peoples from various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia, and the Americas (Al Hatmi & Lupton, 2021; Mekonnen et al., 2022; Oza et al., 2022; Pascual-Mendoza et al., 2022; Pereira et al., 2024; Sivakumar & Sivakumar, 2022). In this context, in India ngô pointdjà (Luffa cylindrica (L.) M. Roem.) is used as a food source (Kashung et al., 2020), whereas among the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó the same species is used as a cleaning material. Figure 6 illustrates akrô belonging to different categories of use.

Figure 6
Akrô with different uses cited by collaborators from the Kriny village

Conclusions

Unlike other management strategies proposed by non-Indigenous actors, which advocate the suppression or elimination of climbing plants, alternative perspectives on the use of Amazonian biodiversity recognize climbing plants as important resources for multiple purposes among the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó. This highlights that forest resources continue to play an essential role in their subsistence and in their traditional health system. The ecological knowledge of this people and their sustainable practices are fundamental for their survival and cultural preservation, while also contributing to biodiversity conservation and sustainable development. Given the rich diversity of climbing plants in the Amazon, it is essential that future studies in ethnobotany and ethnoecology consider both human management and environmental factors, enabling a deeper understanding of the processes that govern the use of these plants. Such an approach can strengthen scientific research and support conservation policies for sociobiodiversity that are aligned with local realities, promoting the sustainable use of climbing plants and ensuring the maintenance of standing forests for the well-being of Indigenous populations. However, many forested areas surrounding the Kriny village are rapidly degrading due to unsustainable exploitation of natural resources, such as illegal mining, which poses a threat to local biodiversity. Therefore, raising awareness among the local population about the importance of conserving these plants has become urgent, ensuring their long-term persistence and preserving both the environment and the traditional knowledge associated with it.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel - Brazil (CAPES) - Funding Code 001 for the postgraduate scholarship. They also thank the Amazon Foundation for Support of Studies and Research (FAPESPA) for funding the project “Bamboos (Poaceae: Bambusoideae) in the Brazilian Amazon: state of knowledge, taxonomy and conservation” (ICAAF 016/2018). They thank the Postgraduate Program in Biological Sciences - Tropical Botany for their support during field trips. They thank the project “Use and conservation of edible and medicinal plants among the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó: opportunities and threats”, in which this research was conducted. They thank Dra. Mayara Pastore for species identification and collaborating in the field. Special thanks to the Mebêngôkre-Kayapó indigenous people of the Kriny village for sharing their knowledge about the uses of climbing plants, thus enabling this work.

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• Data Availability Statement:
  The authors state that all data used in this study are publicly available and can be accessed through the FIGSHARE platform at: https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.28360280

Edited by

• Responsible Editor
  Julia Guivant

• Associate Editor
  Rylanneive Teixeira

Data availability

The authors state that all data used in this study are publicly available and can be accessed through the FIGSHARE platform at: https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.28360280

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  07 Sept 2026
• Date of issue
  2026

History

• Received
  18 Mar 2025
• Accepted
  02 Mar 2026