Abstract
The article highlights shortcomings in social housing projects in urban Amazonian areas, often inadequate to local ways of life. It analyzes the impacts of government interventions in informal settlements and the residents’ resistance to imposed changes. The main objective is to assess whether the adaptive capacity of inhabitants allows them to maintain their values and cultural references, especially those related to riverside architecture. To this end, the concept of resilience - articulated with stability and adaptation - is used as an analytical tool to understand the spatial and cultural adjustments made over time. The research was conducted in the informal settlement of Riacho Doce, in Belém (PA), through non-participant observation and semiological analysis of historical and current photographs. The study identified resilient spatial and cultural elements that connect residents to their origins, contributing to the development of housing solutions more attuned to the Amazonian context.
Keywords:
Riverside housing; Stilt house; Adaptation; Resilience; Amazonia
Resumo
O artigo parte da constatação de deficiências em projetos de habitação social na Amazônia urbana, frequentemente inadequados aos modos de vida locais. Analisa os impactos de intervenções governamentais em áreas de ocupação informal e a resistência dos moradores às mudanças. O objetivo é verificar se a capacidade adaptativa dos habitantes permite manter seus valores e referências culturais, especialmente as ligadas à arquitetura ribeirinha. Para isso, utiliza-se o conceito de resiliência, em articulação com estabilidade e adaptação, como ferramenta analítica para compreender os ajustes espaciais e culturais realizados ao longo do tempo. A pesquisa foi conduzida no assentamento informal do Riacho Doce, em Belém (PA), por meio de observação não participante e análise semiológica de fotografias históricas e atuais. Identificaram-se elementos resilientes - espaciais e culturais - que conectam os moradores às suas origens, contribuindo para refletir sobre soluções habitacionais mais sensíveis ao contexto amazônico.
Palavras-chave:
Habitação ribeirinha; Palafita; Adaptação; Resiliência; Amazônia
Resumen
El artículo parte de la constatación de deficiencias en proyectos de vivienda social en la Amazonía urbana, a menudo inadecuados a los modos de vida locales. Analiza los impactos de las intervenciones gubernamentales en zonas de ocupación informal y la resistencia de los habitantes a los cambios. El objetivo es verificar si la capacidad adaptativa de los residentes permite mantener sus valores y referencias culturales, especialmente vinculadas a la arquitectura ribereña. Para ello, se emplea el concepto de resiliencia, articulado con estabilidad y adaptación, como herramienta para comprender los ajustes espaciales y culturales realizados a lo largo del tiempo. La investigación se desarrolló en el asentamiento informal de Riacho Doce, en Belém (PA), mediante observación no participante y análisis semiológico de fotografías históricas y actuales. Se identificaron elementos resilientes - espaciales y culturales - que conectan a los habitantes con sus orígenes, aportando reflexiones sobre soluciones de vivienda más adecuadas y sensibles al contexto amazónico
Palavras clave:
Viviendas en la ribera; Casa sobre pilotes; Adaptación; Resiliencia. Amazonia
Introduction
Over the past decades, and continuing to the present, the city of Belém has received a significant influx of migrants from the surrounding river islands. A defining characteristic of the Amazon region, these territories are extensively interspersed with rivers and igarapés (narrow waterways), fostering the formation of numerous islands inhabited by a substantial portion of the Amazonian population.
The island way of life exhibits distinct cultural and environmental features, albeit with variations across the vast Amazon territory. In the area surrounding the Metropolitan Region of Belém, stilt houses, or dwellings built on piles, are a prominent feature (Menezes; Perdigão, 2015; Perdigão, 2016; Menezes; Perdigão, 2021). Key characteristics of these houses include verandas, a spatial gradation from the interior to the exterior of the dwelling, and predominantly single-story units elevated above river level, with direct access to the public domain - here represented by waterways. Additionally, such houses are often set apart from each other, except in cases where they belong to the same family nucleus, in which they may be interconnected by paths over firm ground or by estivas - timber footbridges enabling circulation between units.
Similarly, this migratory process is also observed in the main cities of the Amazon region. Families and individuals from the islands, upon relocating to urban centers, tend to settle in self-built dwellings, often located in peripheral areas and, in many cases, on sites unsuitable for housing - such as riverbanks, igarapés, or their surroundings. Although riverside populations have lived for decades in environments of similar nature, in cities such occupations become inadequate due to the specific dynamics of urbanization in the Amazon. In these urban areas, flood-prone or waterlogged land is generally lacking adequate infrastructure or is filled in to enable its incorporation into consolidated parts of the city. Consequently, urban densification and expansion over stable ground have been promoted for decades, in misalignment with the territory’s natural conditions (Trindade Júnior et al., 2011).
The occupation of such areas, followed by their densification and subsequent surface sealing - aimed at consolidating firm ground for the construction of streets and public spaces - generates significant environmental impacts that should be avoided. However, given the high demand for urban space, the reproduction of the riverside way of life in densely built urban contexts is observed, contributing to the discharge of pollutants into rivers and igarapés, compromising water quality and rendering the environment unhealthy and unsuitable for habitation.
In this context, public housing policies play a central role in attempting to provide adequate dwellings and infrastructure for populations residing in peripheral areas. In Brazil, although such policies are formulated at different levels of government, they are predominantly financed with federal resources and/or coordinated through national programs that follow nationwide regulatory guidelines. Most of the country’s housing production, therefore, takes place within the framework of national policies implemented in partnership with local public authorities, through agreements and intergovernmental cooperation (Sakatauskas; Santana, 2015).
Recent research has shown that social housing units delivered by Brazilian government programs inadequately address the broad and diverse needs of residents, often leading to spontaneous initiatives by the users themselves to modify the built environment in order to adapt the dwellings to their daily routines and functional requirements (Costa et al., 2015; Trindade; Perdigão, 2016; Oliveira et al., 2016). Studies conducted in the Northern Region of Brazil identify the presence of design elements characteristic of riverside and regional housing in the processes of housing adaptation, particularly regarding the internal spatial configuration of dwellings.
However, gaps remain in the understanding of the appropriation and use of outdoor spaces adjacent to housing units - whether individually occupied or collective (such as apartment blocks) - particularly regarding the relationship between the building and the public realm, as well as the dynamics and characteristics of the public space itself.
Given this context, it is relevant to develop research and housing proposals more closely aligned with the diverse dwelling practices found across different localities of the national territory. Beyond the production of the housing unit itself, it is essential to observe and understand the spontaneous dynamics of everyday life in informal settlements, especially in contexts where governmental interventions have brought about significant transformations in the urban fabric. In such scenarios, many residents preserve their traditional practices and ways of life as a form of resistance to external impositions and the standardization promoted by homogeneous housing models.
This article is part of a broader investigation developed within the Laboratório de Desenvolvimento Humano (LEDH), affiliated with the Graduate Program in Architecture and Urbanism at the Federal University of Pará (PPGAU/UFPA). The research aims to deepen the understanding of the relationships between space and the ways of life of Amazonian populations, in order to inform advances in design processes, both in architectural education and professional practice (Menezes; Perdigão, 2015; Menezes; Perdigão, 2021; Perdigão, 2016; Nascimento; Perdigão, 2023; Perdigão; Menezes; Paixão, 2022; Paixão; Perdigão, 2021; Nascimento; Perdigão, 2021).
In this context, the present study seeks to provide input for the development of design proposals more suited to popular neighborhoods in the Amazon, with an emphasis on the scale of the public space immediately adjacent to housing units. The research focused on the area known as Riacho Doce, located in the Guamá district of Belém (PA). This settlement gradually developed along the banks of the Tucunduba River, in an area contiguous to the Federal University of Pará, through the self-construction of dwellings by families originating from various islands and inland municipalities of the state. The way of life on these islands is deeply tied to the rivers, showing remarkable adaptability to adversities that, from an urban perspective, might be considered constraints: tidal dynamics, soil characteristics, heavy rainfall, and the equatorial sun.
Beyond these material conditions, the symbolic and territorial dimensions of riverside settlements are also noteworthy. Many of these communities live in small villages along the rivers or in isolated dwellings, giving rise to a specific social and spatial configuration-characterized by considerable distances between houses and mobility generally carried out by small- and medium-sized boats. This reveals a distinctive way of life, shaped by Amazonian cosmology and its intimate relationship with the waters (Paes Loureiro, 2015).
The methodological strategy adopted is based on the observation that the Riacho Doce area presents two notable characteristics: it is an informal settlement established in the 1990s, and therefore already consolidated; and it has undergone several improvement actions and public interventions which, despite the transformations implemented, have preserved a significant portion of the settlement’s original configuration. These two conditions enable the analysis of spatial and architectural continuities and transformations over time, allowing for the identification of relevant elements to inform the design of neighborhoods and housing complexes in Belém and other contexts of the Amazon region.
Accordingly, by observing the strategies adopted by the residents themselves - whether related to the use of formal elements or to spatial organization - this study seeks to understand how inhabitants maintain dwelling forms they consider suitable to their ways of life. For this purpose, the concept of resilience is employed as a theoretical framework, aiming to interpret these strategies of permanence and resistance, even in the face of spatial transformations over time.
For the purposes of this study, a qualitative approach was adopted, based on two main strategies: (1) non-participant observation of how residents of the study area - Riacho Doce, in Belém (PA) - use public space; and (2) semiological analysis of photographs, as proposed by Bauer and Gaskell (2002), comparing records from past periods with the current situation of the locality. The analysis aimed to identify spatial solutions created and/or preserved by the residents themselves over time, with particular attention to the topological relationships observed and to the characteristic elements of stilt-house dwellings (tipo palafita).
Theoretical Framework
The standardized housing typology, characterized by its rigidity and limited flexibility, has been the subject of recurrent criticism for reflecting the centralized management of housing policy in Brazil. This logic is particularly evident in state-led production, in which decisions and guidelines are established in a top-down manner-from public authorities to the population-often disregarding the sociocultural and territorial specificities of the localities served. Such an approach can result in inefficiencies, a lack of creative solutions, and inadequacy in meeting the real needs of communities (Costa et al., 2015).
In contrast, the Amazonian way of life has been marked by communities’ ability to adapt to environmental and social challenges. Both in informal, self-built dwellings and in the multiple adjustments embedded in daily life, there is a continuous practice of resilience and creativity in confronting local adversities (Paes Loureiro, 2015).
Resilience has proven to be a valuable analytical lens for interpreting the dynamics of informal settlements, especially those located in regions such as the Amazon. In these areas, the lack of adequate urban planning and the limited role of the State exacerbate social and environmental vulnerabilities. Nevertheless, the adaptive capacity of these communities often enables them to address such challenges through the creation of innovative and contextually appropriate solutions (Araújo; Villa, 2020).
The concept of “resilience” originates in the field of ecology, where it denotes the capacity of an ecosystem to recover after experiencing disturbances (Holling, 1973). Over the past decades, this concept has been progressively incorporated into urban and technological studies, particularly in the context of risk management and disaster reduction. Within this scope, resilience has come to be understood as the ability of a system or community to adapt, withstand, recover, and, eventually, transform in the face of adverse situations (Metzger; Robert, 2013).
Although the term “resilience” has been widely used in recent decades across various fields of knowledge-including studies on urban development (Meerow; Newell; Stults, 2016)-its origins are primarily linked to the environmental field. Today, however, its application in social and cultural contexts has become increasingly common, proving particularly relevant for advancing research in these areas (Tavares; Alves; Vásquez, 2021; Araújo; Villa, 2020; Zeng et al., 2022).
Resilience has also gained prominence for its symbolic and redemptive appeal, especially in addressing climate change. The capacity of communities and systems to adapt to and overcome adversity is now seen as a promising perspective in the face of contemporary environmental impacts. In this sense, the emphasis on resilience offers a more positive and proactive approach to addressing climate challenges, underscoring the importance of collective action and human capacity for overcoming obstacles.
The concept has emerged as a catalytic axis in multidisciplinary scientific production. Researchers in fields such as ecology, urbanism, sociology, culture, climatology, and technology have engaged with the notion of resilience, applying it to different contexts and scales. This interdisciplinary approach enables a more comprehensive understanding of the challenges faced by communities, while also providing support for the development of effective mitigation and adaptation strategies (Metzger; Robert, 2013; Tavares; Alves; Vásquez, 2021).
To understand the origins of the concept of resilience, it is essential to revisit the seminal article by Holling (1973), which introduced this notion in the field of ecology, later expanded to several other areas of knowledge. In this work, the author argues that stability has traditionally been used as a parameter to describe system behavior, which has led to confusion in the ecological domain, particularly because its mathematical definitions tend to assume the existence of equilibrium states.
In contrast, Holling (1973) proposes resilience as a measure of a system’s capacity to absorb disturbances in its state variables while still maintaining its functions. Thus, resilience would be an intrinsic property of the system, whereas persistence-or, conversely, extinction-would constitute the observable outcome. The author emphasizes that the spatial and temporal homogeneity of the environment reduces both fluctuations and the resilience of the system, making it more vulnerable to collapse.
In this way, the structure of resilience would allow systems to absorb and accommodate unforeseen future events without the need to anticipate them with precision and without requiring them to remain unchanged. Resilience, therefore, introduces a dynamic and adaptive perspective to understanding the stability of complex systems.
It is worth noting that, according to Holling (1973), resilience essentially consists of a system’s ability to preserve certain internal relationships so as to maintain relative stability. This means the capacity of the system to return to a state of equilibrium after the occurrence of a temporary disturbance. Thus, resilience is linked to a dynamic recovery process, in which stability is understood as the maintenance of the relationships that characterize the system.
Metzger and Robert (2013) point out that the concept of resilience has proven promising for addressing social, environmental, and climatic issues, particularly in the urban context. The term “resilient cities” has gained popularity, often replacing or complementing the notion of “sustainable cities.” Originating in different fields such as psychology and ecology, the concept of resilience has also been applied in the economic and financial domains. In general terms, it represents the capacity of a complex system to adapt, absorb shocks and disturbances, and maintain its essential structure, serving as a management strategy that strengthens the system and prevents collapse.
In the scientific field, as with the concept of sustainable development, resilience has been used to address social and environmental issues, especially in urban contexts facing the challenges imposed by climate change. However, the term is not universally accepted and has been subject to criticism, with calls to distinguish its use as political rhetoric, an operational tool, or a scientific concept.
Cities are recognized both as focal points of risks and as potential sources of solutions to these challenges. In this sense, resilience seeks to ensure the continuity and permanence of urban systems without altering their fundamental structure, with the purpose of confronting disturbances and uncertainties. Despite its optimistic and proactive nature, the resilience approach tends to weaken the political debate on the structural causes of risks, focusing predominantly on adaptation and the expansion of response capacities (Metzger; Robert, 2013).
Criticism of the standardization of public policies and the rigidity of state-led production highlights the importance of considering the sociocultural diversity and resilience of communities. The Amazonian way of life constitutes a compelling example of the adaptive and innovative capacity of populations in the face of environmental and social challenges. In this context, resilience - whose origins and adoption are inherently multidisciplinary - offers a valuable analytical perspective for interpreting phenomena observed in informal settlements, as well as for addressing climate change issues on a global scale. By fostering dialogue among different fields of knowledge, the concept of resilience emerges as a promising theoretical and practical tool for building more sustainable futures.
The interrelationship between the concepts of resilience and vulnerability is also noteworthy in the social context under analysis, particularly in riverside - origin communities that, in analogous fashion, occupy urban areas located near water bodies. This configuration refers not only to the physical vulnerability of these dwellings but also to the symbolic and material relationships established between communities and the environment. Observing the patterns of occupation and the adaptive capacity of these populations allows for a shift in focus from risks as consequences to their structural causes - such as, in the Amazonian case, recurrent flooding. Such a shift in logic may be crucial for advancing studies on urban resilience in the region.
According to Meerow et al. (2016), in their review study on resilience in urban systems within the framework of socio-ecological systems (SES), resilience is commonly defined as the capacity of a system to absorb disturbances and reorganize amidst transformations while essentially maintaining its functions, structure, identity, and feedback mechanisms. However, this conception has recently been challenged by approaches advocating for a dynamic non-equilibrium perspective. These approaches suggest that systems are in a constant state of transformation, without a fixed point of stability, which implies redefining resilience not merely as “recovery,” but as an ongoing adaptive capacity in the face of complex and unpredictable change.
Some definitions of resilience avoid taking an explicit stance on the existence of an equilibrium state, yet acknowledge that cities are in constant transformation and may not return to a previous configuration. The notion of resilience as an inherently positive characteristic has been widely disseminated (Leichenko, 2011, p. 166 apud Meerow et al., 2016). However, social theorists have questioned to whom this resilience serves and for what purposes it is mobilized. There is a concrete risk of the concept being instrumentalized in ways functional to capital, legitimizing adaptation logics without structural transformation. For Metzger and Robert (2013), disturbances and crises generated by neoliberal development tend to be naturalized under the discourse of resilience, conceived as inevitable properties of complex systems. Such a perspective shifts the focus away from social critique toward a technical and adaptive approach, prioritizing society’s capacity to mitigate future damages to the detriment of analyzing the structural causes of risks and the social processes that lead to disasters. In this sense, resilience can become distanced from the critical contributions formulated within vulnerability studies.
Several scholars treat adaptability as synonymous with adaptive capacity, or as the flexibility required to address unexpected risks. Although no clear distinction is established between these terms, the importance of maintaining both threat-specific resilience and general resilience to uncertainties is emphasized. From this perspective, Meerow, Newell, and Stults (2016) propose a definition of urban resilience that seeks to reconcile six conceptual tensions: (1) resilience as outcome or process; (2) as recovery or transformation; (3) spatial and temporal scale tensions; (4) resilience for whom; (5) issues of agency and governance; and (6) measurement challenges. Based on these dimensions, the authors present a broader approach that recognizes urban resilience as dynamic and multifaceted, potentially manifested through persistence, transition, or transformation, depending on the circumstances and the urban system’s responses to disturbances.
At this point, a conceptual bridge is established between sustainability, resilience, and adaptation - or adaptability - articulated with the field of studies on adequate social housing design. This articulation aims to promote the maintenance or creation of conditions that ensure a quality of life that goes beyond meeting minimum requirements, such as access to housing and basic sanitation services. It involves valuing aspects related to ways of life, sense of belonging, and dignity within housing processes. Researchers from the Amazon region have made significant contributions to advancing this body of knowledge (Guimarães; Perdigão, 2024; Sakatauskas; Feitosa, 2022). In this context, the provision of adequate housing in the Amazon is essential for consolidating a more sustainable approach that prioritizes the human dimension of settlements and architecture over market logics and profit-oriented values (Perdigão, 2020).
The articulation between sustainability, resilience, and adaptability constitutes an essential conceptual foundation for rethinking housing production models in the Amazon. Sustainability - understood not only as environmental balance but also as social equity and long-term economic viability - requires an integrated vision that encompasses the territory, local culture, and traditional ways of life. In this context, resilience emerges as a complementary and strategic dimension, enabling an understanding of how historically vulnerable communities, such as riverside populations, respond to and reorganize in the face of recurring adversities - whether environmental, economic, or institutional. Adaptability, in turn, refers to the inherent capacity of these groups to modify practices, construction techniques, and settlement patterns in creative and functional ways, while preserving their sociocultural identity.
This conceptual triad thus offers a powerful lens to guide social housing projects that move away from a universalizing and standardized logic, often detached from the particularities of Amazonian dwelling practices. Sustainability establishes the guiding principles; resilience reveals the strategies of persistence in the face of shocks and stresses; and adaptability points to the everyday mechanisms of transformation, accommodation, and innovation. By recognizing the value of these dynamics and incorporating them into urban and architectural planning, it becomes possible to create solutions that not only improve material living conditions but also strengthen the symbolic and identity-based bonds between people and their territories.
In the field of urbanism, sustainability is understood as a promising avenue for developing more comprehensive and context-sensitive approaches to addressing buildings and traditional communities, particularly in the riverside regions of the Amazon. Such approaches must necessarily consider local needs, expectations, and ways of life, requiring the construction of a theoretical-methodological framework that incorporates physical, spatial, cultural, and environmental variables. Within the discursive matrix of sustainability, the conception of architecture as a space that produces quality of life stands out, in which symbolic aspects and the social formation of the built environment play a central role. Fostering a sense of identification and belonging among residents and their living spaces thus becomes a fundamental objective. Vernacular architecture is valued as a cultural expression that contributes not only to the preservation of local traditions but also to the spatial vitality and collective well-being of communities (Perdigão, 2020).
According to Araújo and Villa (2020, p. 143), resilience in the urban environment is understood as “[…] a quality of the built environment that greatly enhances its capacity to adapt and transform in the face of imposed challenges, helping it to be more future-proof […]”. In this regard, the authors point out that housing complexes, in general, exhibit low resilience, as their built environments have a limited capacity to absorb and respond to the impacts they face. They also highlight the intrinsic relationship between the concepts of resilience and adaptation, the latter linked to the notion of adaptive capacity, defined by Brooks (2003, p. 8) as “[…] the capacity of a system to modify or change its characteristics or behavior to cope with actual or expected stresses […]”. Thus, according to Araújo and Villa (2020), adaptation refers to the actions effectively implemented to reduce vulnerability and enhance resilience, whereas adaptive capacity refers to the system’s - or community’s - ability to conceive and carry out such actions.
Thus, understanding resilience in urban environments entails recognizing that it is not limited to the physical resistance of buildings or the technical capacity to respond to adverse events; it primarily involves the ability of social, spatial, and cultural systems to reorganize and transform in the face of uncertainty. In the context of housing complexes, especially those intended for low-income populations in the Amazon, it becomes evident that low resilience stems not only from the structural weaknesses of the dwellings but also from the disregard for local cultural practices and the lack of flexibility in architectural designs to accommodate transformations over time.
Adaptive capacity, in this regard, gains relevance as a strategic dimension that precedes and underpins resilience. It is manifested in residents’ ability to adjust their spaces to daily needs, in the incorporation of construction solutions based on traditional knowledge - such as stilt houses (tipo palafita) in floodplain areas - and in the collective appropriation of public space as an extension of the dwelling. Adaptation, therefore, is not merely a reactive mechanism but a creative and continuous process that reveals how communities shape their environment in response to environmental, economic, and social pressures.
In the Amazonian context, recognizing local adaptive capacities can significantly contribute to the design of more effective public housing policies that not only reduce vulnerability but also value and strengthen the strategies already present within communities. Projects that integrate the logic of resilience - not as a synonym for returning to a previous state, but as transition and transformation - offer greater potential to address urban dynamics and the growing risks of flooding, extreme heat, and the deterioration of urban services.
Therefore, the articulation between resilience, adaptation, and adaptive capacity should be incorporated into the field of urban and architectural design as both an analytical and a design framework. This entails moving away from standardized and rigid models toward flexible approaches that are sensitive to territory and culture, allowing the built environment to function as a dynamic support for social life rather than as an obstacle to its reproduction and evolution.
This study proposes to employ the articulated conceptual basis of the resilience-stability-adaptation triad as a tool for structuring an analysis of the spatial and cultural relationships that persist over time and across space. This approach seeks to provide theoretical and methodological foundations for the development of social housing projects that are better suited to the specificities of the Amazon region.
Results and Analysis
In the context of this investigation, and considering the original discussions dating back to the 1970s, the concept of resilience is employed as a tool to understand the phenomenon of persistence of elements from traditional Amazonian dwelling forms, which permeate both the interior of the houses and their external relationships, particularly regarding the topological configurations already widely discussed in several studies conducted in the region (Menezes; Perdigão, 2015; Menezes; Perdigão, 2021; Nascimento; Perdigão, 2021; Nascimento; Perdigão, 2023; Perdigão, Menezes; Paixão, 2022). It is noteworthy, in this sense, that the study concerns the analysis of a housing system profoundly impacted by state interventions in its surroundings, yet maintaining significant ties to the original ways of living. Thus, it becomes essential to investigate which elements remain and to assess whether these elements indeed form part of the spatial relationships characteristic of Amazonian riverside housing, particularly of the palafita type.
This study was conducted using qualitative techniques, involving a review of the available literature on Amazonian settlement, Brazilian housing policy, and adaptive processes in housing. In addition, the architecture of the Riacho Doce area was analyzed through the semiological interpretation of photographs (Bauer; Gaskell, 2002) from two historical moments of the settlement, compared with the structure of a typical riverside dwelling. Complementarily, the analysis of behavior and space use was carried out through non-participant observations, within the scope of preliminary studies linked to doctoral research.
Perdigão (2016) highlights that Amazonian culture faces changes stemming from forces that challenge its traditions and its unique way of life in the region. The stilt house (palafita)-a typology often associated with precarious construction-nonetheless plays a fundamental role and is culturally reproduced in floodplain (várzea) and swamp forest (igapó) areas of Northern Brazil. In the Amazonian context, this association of the palafita with precariousness has weakened the region, negatively influencing housing policies that often prove inadequate to local realities and disregard the specific context of these constructions. Still, there is much to be understood and learned from this practice, which both persists and resists.
In general, in housing complexes located in the North of the country, especially in Pará and Amapá (Guimarães; Perdigão, 2022), residents display a consistent interest in ensuring views to the exterior from housing units, particularly in collective environments. However, it is also common for these new dwellings to be abandoned, with some residents choosing instead to live along river courses or over the so-called urban “canals” (Costa; Perdigão; Cavalcante, 2015). In informal housing areas, generally located in flood-prone regions and over these waterways, residents tend to use public spaces as extensions of the internal spaces of their homes. These characteristics are particularly evident in riverside and urban-riverside dwellings, which reflect the language, symbolism, and values of typical housing in the region’s riverside towns. The photographs presented below illustrate these particularities, serving as a visual reference for the study.
In Figure 01, several characteristic elements can be denotatively observed, such as: stilt houses (palafitas); the presence of verandas; gable roofs; a spatial relationship with the surroundings established “from top to bottom” due to proximity to the river; use of the front veranda as a clothes-drying area; houses with one door and one or two windows; geometric decorative elements on railings; and direct access to the public space represented by the river. Field visits to the study area were conducted at two distinct moments, in the years 2000 and 2023. Additionally, there is a historical aerial record from the beginning of the settlement, dated 1990, which contributes to interpreting the spatial transformations that have occurred over time.
In the images below (Figure 02 ), from left to right, one can see: a photograph of the main street of Riacho Doce at the beginning of the settlement; a photograph taken at human height of the same street, recorded in the year 2000; and, finally, an image captured in the first semester of 2023 (bottom right). Figure 06 presents an aerial photograph of the study area, in which the full extent of Riacho Doce is marked in gray, while Rua da Olaria - visible in some of the other images - is highlighted by an orange line.
In Figure 02, the photograph of Rua da Olaria dated 1990 shows the presence of stilt houses (palafitas), with the river’s advance into the area during flood periods still being noticeable. The roofs had a single-pitch structure, due to the impossibility of directing rainwater to the sides, and housing density was high, especially when compared to isolated riverside communities or dwellings. In the 2000 images, one can note the direct access of houses to the street, the presence of verandas, doors, and windows, as well as filled-in streets.
The images show the configuration of the street layout, the delineation of the houses, and the way in which the buildings “interact” with the public space. Over the years, this area has undergone various public policy interventions, which initially included plans to eliminate the main street - something that, fortunately, did not occur. In the surrounding area, blocks of state-produced social housing were built (located on the left side, beyond the row of houses), while on the right side, many dwellings were removed, including those that extended over the Tucunduba River, in order to enable the urbanization of the riverside road
In Figure 03, with photographs from the period between 2000 and 2001, there is a constant and well-defined presence of forms of direct access to the street, whether physical or visual, through stairs, gates, low fences, balconies, and windows. Most houses, as in the original riverside dwellings, do not have walls or any barriers that block spatial and visual access. However, there is a recurring presence of subtle demarcations that structure spatiality in gradations from private to public, defining uses, boundaries, and spatial relationships. Connotatively, symbolic and aesthetic elements are also present, reflecting the origin and identity of the residents; for example, the balcony designs are characteristic of the railings of balconies in Amazonian riverside houses. The use of this transitional space - which is neither fully street nor entirely house - for domestic activities, such as drying clothes, is also evident. This appropriation of space shows that it is not completely public but serves a social function common to transitional areas of riverside dwellings along the rivers.
Houses on Olaria Street or on the side streets. Forms of access and street views. Intermediate elements between house and street. Year 2000.
Attention is drawn to the external elements of the dwellings, such as balconies, thresholds, and access points, as well as to the topological spatial relationships that connect the interior and exterior of the homes. The “outside” is understood as the space immediately adjacent to the dwelling, including the street, sidewalks, and nearby areas. In 2023, the presence of asphalt and the planting of an ipê tree can be observed; the space available for the street-or the distance between the house façade and the pedestrian circulation area-appears to have slightly decreased. However, the topological relationships between the inside and outside of the dwelling remain unchanged.
In the images below (Figure 04), the persistence of these values can be seen. A single-story wooden house painted blue stands out, accompanied by a small sidewalk and potted plants that define the transition space. In the masonry house, there appears to be a break with the traditional connection of the riverside house, yet an external staircase and a window overlooking the street are still present. Finally, the two-story wooden house features a balcony with riverside motifs and, once again, the practice of hanging clothes as a use of this transitional space.
Casas en la calle de la Olaria o en calles transversales. Forma de accesos y visualización de la calle. Elementos intermedios entre la casa y la calle. Año 2000
In 2023, on Rua da Olaria (Figure 05), asphalt had been implemented on all streets, with the construction of new houses, while some wooden residences had disappeared, giving way to masonry buildings. Nonetheless, the same sets of windows and doors persist, as well as external staircases providing access to the upper floor - elements once characteristic of wooden houses, now replaced by reinforced concrete and brick masonry structures. There is also the extension of verandas or balconies that allow visual contact with the outside. Many houses remain without significant modifications and still feature the geometric elements typical of riverside balconies. Overall, the same spatial relationships appear to have been maintained over time.
There is a convergence between the spaces of riverside dwellings and those of informal urban occupations in the Amazon region. In dwellings located near watercourses, an intermediate area known as the “housing spatial fringe” can be identified, representing a space of shared use and maintenance in both housing complexes and informal social housing areas. This fringe constitutes a place where various domestic activities take place within a space of public domain. Although close to the domestic space, the housing spatial fringe presents challenges for design articulation, as it is more closely linked to urban public space yet domestically appropriated in housing contexts, enabling multiple uses at different times. This dwelling fringe forms an intermediate zone between domestic and public spaces, a characteristic present in vernacular housing in both rural and urban areas of the Amazon (Guimarães; Perdigão, 2022).
Casas en la Rua da Olaria o en las calles transversales. Formas de acceso y visualización de la calle. Elementos intermedios entre la vivienda y la calle.
Based on the analyses carried out, it can be stated that, over the course of decades, the relational characteristics between the original architectural and urban spaces of the informal settlement-established in 1990-have been maintained and, moreover, reproduced in new constructions. Despite the construction of surrounding housing complexes, street paving, and the emergence of new buildings, the same spatial relationships and construction forms persist. This finding, albeit preliminary, suggests the existence of a resistance of these elements and a pursuit of stability in ways of life, which can be interpreted as a manifestation of spatial and cultural resilience.
Studies conducted by the Laboratório Espaço e Desenvolvimento Humano at the Federal University of Pará (LEDH/UFPA) have contributed to identifying fundamental spatial elements and relationships that can inform projects considering the Amazonian riverside way of life. The palafita typology (Menezes; Perdigão, 2015; Menezes; Perdigão, 2021) has been identified, incorporating various typological elements useful for understanding this dwelling form, its habits, and especially the spatial relationships it establishes (Perdigão, 2016). The relationships identified in the analyzed images are among those that have been the subject of ongoing investigation. The main contribution of these studies lies in the potential to reduce the need for spatial adaptations by residents who move into architect-designed, state-produced housing, which generally does not reflect or consider local ways of life in its conception. In this brief investigation, it was observed that these aspects have been preserved despite spatial transformations, constituting, in fact, the main factor of urban resilience.
From a construction standpoint, Montes (2018) highlights the importance of project evaluation in the social housing sector, emphasizing the need to consider not only the current climatic context and initial costs but also the impacts and benefits over the building’s life cycle. This approach aims to promote reflection on integrating life cycle concepts into social housing design, with particular attention to energy issues and climate change. In addition to rising temperatures, climate change is analyzed from the perspective of the resilience of social housing. In this sense, the riverside way of life in the city expresses this form of resilience in various aspects, including the materials used and the life cycle perspective of constructions.
King et al. (2017) propose an approach to analyzing housing options that transcends the traditional divisions between formal/informal and public/private, encompassing a variety of combinations of elements related to ownership, space, services, and financing. The authors highlight the fundamental importance of housing for security, economic productivity, community health, and human well-being. Among their recommendations, they stress the need to regard modernization - understood as the upgrading of uses, technologies, renovations, and design improvements - of informal settlements as an opportunity rather than a problem, emphasizing the pursuit of co-created solutions that incorporate the knowledge and perspectives of the local community. According to King et al. (2017), evidence indicates that in situ modernization is preferable to relocation, except in cases of significant risks or when there is a public objective that justifies and compensates for the transfer. This perspective recognizes the particular value of urbanizing already occupied and consolidated areas, building on existing local knowledge through the provision of qualified technical support, both for housing units and for collective and open public spaces.
Conclusions
The form of resilience identified in this study contrasts with the experience described by several authors regarding housing complexes, which generally prove to be poorly resilient to external events and human intervention. Such complexes exhibit spatial rigidity and low capacity for adaptation in a suitable and healthy manner. On the other hand, although the analyzed informal housing area has undergone formal interventions over time, a process of consolidation is observed that preserves the original spatial relationships, both in their direct (denotative) dimension and in their symbolic and relational (connotative or topological) dimensions. These cultural spatial relationships are deeply connected to Amazonian cosmology, which shapes ways of living and dwelling.
In Holling’s (1973) conceptual framework, the stability achieved through resilience requires careful investigation, particularly in housing areas. This is because certain spatial configurations, even when repeated for decades or centuries, may either represent an undesirable condition for human well-being - and, for that reason, become naturalized - or constitute essential elements for maintaining family unity, collective well-being, and the relationship with the territory. The latter hypothesis has been frequently noted by researchers of social housing in the Amazon. However, within the scope of this work, there was no direct contact with residents that would allow for validation of the spatial interpretations presented here, nor access to their perceptions and meanings attributed to these relationships.
The aim of investigations of this nature, developed within the framework of the Laboratório Espaço e Desenvolvimento Humano (LEDH), is to identify and acknowledge patterns of occupation and spatial relationships for application in architectural and urban projects. The goal is to ensure that populations living in areas marked by environmental, architectural, or urban nonconformities can receive public investments that are not only necessary but, above all, appropriate to their ways of life.
The set of concepts and research techniques adopted in this study made it possible to identify prominent elements that persist over time-resilient aspects of these communities’ way of life. Such elements are deeply connected to residents’ identities, their origins, and the continuity of their daily practices, even in the face of transformations in the inhabited space.
Far from seeking definitive answers, this text aimed to observe the adaptive dynamics of residents in Amazonian cities in relation to their dwellings-often self-built and lacking technical support - as a way of maintaining ties with their original ways of life. From these observations, the intention is to contribute both theoretical and practical guidance for the formulation of more adequate social housing solutions. While these reflections may resonate with other geographic contexts, this study focuses on the Amazonian reality, where housing adequacy requires consideration of traditional ways of life and the complex relationship between culture, territory, and the built environment.
In this sense, the aim is to provide resources both for professionals engaged in urban planning and design and for public authorities, through the proposition of design guidelines that are sensitive to local cultural and spatial practices. These guidelines are based on the observation of residents’ cultural and spatial resilience, highlighting how ways of dwelling are maintained even in the face of adversity and state intervention. The potential embedded in Amazonian ways of life points toward more sustainable and financially viable housing in the long term-less dependent on structural transformations and more effective in addressing everyday problems - precisely because it aligns with the spatial organization and adaptive capacities already present in the communities.
It is therefore important to emphasize the resilience of ways of life and of spatial relationships as adaptive strategies in the face of external interventions. Even when economically vulnerable and subject to frequent state actions, residents continue to build and rebuild their lives based on values that, though not always explicitly expressed, structure their daily practices and spatial organization.
The Riacho Doce area offers a diversity of cultural, architectural, and relational elements between people, space, and nature that are highly relevant to guiding researchers and designers in preventing urban risks. Over time - even with successive transformations - the houses of Riacho Doce preserve both structural and symbolic ties with traditional riverside dwellings. What is commonly interpreted as vulnerability may, in fact, be understood as potential. Vernacular spatial practices reveal dwelling codes transmitted through generations, teaching how to live in harmony with the territory. This perspective calls for a paradigmatic shift: resilience, in this case, is also an active form of vulnerability, enabling the continuity of life and pointing toward a sustainability truly rooted in the Amazonian context.
In this context, vernacular architecture expresses the capacity for spatial adaptation grounded in local knowledge. Unlike resilience discourses focused on risk control and spatial standardization, here vulnerability becomes a strength that sustains adaptation and continuity. The essential values of these practices do not change substantially over time; appearances and materials may evolve, but the relational logic between body, house, street, and nature remains.
The gap becomes evident: if architects are able to grasp this essence and translate it into design operations-incorporating the spatial, topological, and environmental relationships that structure Amazonian dwelling - public interventions could become more effective and sustainable. This would help reduce undesirable transformations in buildings, strengthen community quality of life, and enhance local ways of life. The true path to a just, sensitive, and enduring urbanism lies in the fluidity of the vernacular life of Amazonian peoples, which persists, adapts, and offers essential lessons for envisioning the future of cities.
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Not applicable.






Source: photographs taken by the authors, personal archive. (A) Riverside house on Ilha das Onças, Barcarena-PA, 2022; (B) Riverside house on Ilha das Onças, Barcarena-PA, 2022; (C) Riverside house on Ilha das Onças, Barcarena-PA, 2022; (D) Urban riverside house in an area adjacent to the study site, Belém-PA, 2022.
Source: (A) Rua da Olaria, the main street of Riacho Doce, in the year the settlement began (Photograph by Luiz Braga, 1990. Available at: <https://fragmentosdebelem.tumblr.com/post/657414868698349568. Accessed on 17/07/2023). (B) Aerial image of Riacho Doce, highlighted in gray, with Rua da Olaria marked in orange, housing blocks in blue, and the Tucunduba River in magenta - Google image from April 2024. (C) Rua da Olaria in 2000, year of the authors’ first field visit to the area. (D) Rua da Olaria in 2000, year of the authors’ first field visit to the area.
Source: photos taken in 2000 and 2001 by the authors. Authors’ personal archive.
Fuente: fotos tomadas por los autores en los años 2000 y 2001. Archivo personal de los autores
Fuente: fotos tomadas en mayo de 2023 por los autores. Archivo personal de los autores.