Abstract
The objective was to analyze the implications of the oil spill crime disaster, resulting from the neo-extractivist development model in Latin America, on the social determination of the health of artisanal fishing communities on the coast of Pernambuco. This is a study based on the Social Reproduction of Health Matrix proposed by Samaja. Secondary and primary data were used, produced through interviews and an epidemiological survey with artisanal fishermen from the 16 municipalities on the coast of Pernambuco and interviews with municipal and state health managers in Pernambuco; those through documentary analysis of environmental legislation, open letters from scientific institutions, publications from social movements and government reports. The results indicated degradation of the coastal ecosystem, socioeconomic vulnerability, failures in the State’s response and effects on the health of artisanal fishermen who align themselves with the process of Latin American neo-extractivism. It is concluded that this disaster expresses socio-environmental conflicts and cultural rupture, reinforcing injustices and socio-environmental racism and posing the need for effective policies of surveillance, reparation and social protection.
Key words:
Petroleum Pollution; Vulnerable populations; Hunting; Social Determination of Health
Resumo
Objetivou-se analisar as implicações do desastre-crime do derramamento de petróleo, decorrente do modelo de desenvolvimento neoextrativista na América Latina, na determinação social da saúde de comunidades da pesca artesanal do litoral pernambucano. Trata-se de estudo fundamentado na Matriz da Reprodução Social da Saúde proposta por Samaja. Utilizou-se dados secundários e primários, estes produzidos por meio de entrevistas e inquérito epidemiológico com pescadores(as) artesanais dos 16 municípios do litoral pernambucano e entrevista com gestores municipais e estaduais de saúde de Pernambuco; aqueles por meio da análise documental de legislações ambientais, carta aberta de instituições científicas, publicações dos movimentos sociais e relatórios governamentais. Os resultados indicaram degradação do ecossistema costeiro, vulnerabilização socioeconômica, falhas na resposta do Estado e efeitos na saúde dos(as) pescadores(as) artesanais que se alinham ao processo de neoextrativismo Latino-Americano. Conclui-se que esse desastre expressa conflitos socioambientais e ruptura cultural, reforçando as injustiças e o racismo socioambiental e colocando a necessidade de políticas efetivas de vigilância, reparação e proteção social.
Palavras-chave:
Poluição por petróleo; Populações vulneráveis; Pesca; Determinação Social da Saúde
Resumen
El objetivo fue analizar las implicaciones del desastre criminal por derrame de petróleo, resultante del modelo de desarrollo neoextractivista en América Latina, en la determinación social de la salud de las comunidades pesqueras artesanales en la costa de Pernambuco. Es un estudio basado en la Matriz de Reproducción Social de la Salud propuesta por Samaja. Utilizaron datos secundarios y primarios, producidos a través de entrevistas y encuesta epidemiológica con pescadores artesanales de los 16 municipios de la costa de Pernambuco y entrevistas con gestores de salud municipales y estatales de Pernambuco; aquellas a través de análisis documentales de legislación ambiental, cartas abiertas de instituciones científicas, publicaciones de movimientos sociales e informes gubernamentales. Los resultados indicaron degradación del ecosistema costero, vulnerabilidad socioeconómica, fallas en la respuesta del Estado y afectaciones en la salud de los pescadores artesanales que se alinean con el proceso de neoextractivismo latinoamericano. Se concluye que este desastre expresa conflictos socioambientales y ruptura cultural, reforzando las injusticias y el racismo socioambiental y planteando la necesidad de políticas efectivas de vigilancia, reparación y protección social.
Palabras clave:
Contaminación por petróleo; Poblaciones vulnerables; Pesca; Determinación Social de la Salud
Introduction
The relationship between neo-extractivism and health is a relevant topic for Collective Health, especially in the context of technological disasters, whose structural drivers are linked to exploitative practices fueled by economic policies that degrade the environment and compromise the health of affected populations1,2.
Neo-extractivism is understood through extractivism historical-structural reconfigurations and has acquired new dimensions aligned with a developmentalist political-economic model in which the State plays an active role, and that is mediated by the expansion of “commodities”3. In this context, the exploitation of natural assets expands and socioenvironmental injustice advances across territories, in a process of subsumption under political and economic directives for building a development model based on overexploitation4. These processes generate events of major magnitude that affect territories and communities, such as the oil disaster-crime that occurred on the Brazilian coast in 20193, whose analysis requires considering the territorial, ecological, economic, and political dimensions of overexploitation at local, regional, national, and global scales3,5.
The oil industry affects the environment and health by exploiting resources in a predatory manner. Local communities lose the conditions for their social reproduction, while transnational corporations profit, especially in the Global South, a context marked by inequalities and institutional fragility in which the society-nature metabolism is expressed6-8. These effects are manifested as deterritorialization, socioenvironmental vulnerability, biodiversity loss, and disasters6,9, whose recurrence reveals weak regulatory control and an inability to mitigate the impacts produced by large international corporations10-12.
More than ten major oil-related disasters in the oceans have been reported since 1970, making marine ecosystems and populations in the affected territories vulnerable1. In 2019, Northeastern Brazil, Espírito Santo, and Rio de Janeiro experienced the largest oil spill by geographic extent in the South Atlantic12, affecting coastal populations, especially artisanal fishing communities, with material, symbolic, ecological, and collective and individual health repercussions. This event constituted a socioenvironmental crime and, for some authors, has been called the oil spill disaster-crime13-15.
Understanding the relationship between territorial impacts and the developmentalist model of overexploitation is essential in Collective health, in a context in which economic, political, territorial, and environmental processes produce socioenvironmental vulnerability and underlie the social determination of health16. Accordingly, this study aims to analyze the implications of the oil spill disaster-crime for the social determination of health among artisanal fishing communities on the coast of Pernambuco, considering the Latin American neo-extractivist model.
Methods
This study was grounded in the Social Reproduction of Health Matrix proposed by Samaja17 and adapted by Medeiros et al. 18, which analyzes the health-disease process in a broad, complex, and systematic way, considering subjects’ realities and their socio-ecosystem interactions from the perspective of Latin American critical epidemiology. Social reproduction encompasses social, political, economic, cultural, and environmental processes as health mediators organized in a hierarchical network18. The matrix allows us to examine the structural dynamics of the neo-extractivist model through five dimensions (ecological, political, technoeconomic, self-awareness and conduct, and biocommunal), while respecting movements of subsumption and relative autonomy to achieve a comprehensive understanding of life18.
The unit of analysis was the fishing territory of the Pernambuco coast, impacted by the 2019 oil disaster-crime and encompassing 16 municipalities (Cabo de Santo Agostinho, Tamandaré, Ipojuca, Sirinhaém, São José da Coroa Grande, Barreiros, Rio Formoso, Ilha de Itamaracá, Goiana, Itapissuma, Paulista, Jaboatão dos Guararapes, Recife, Olinda, Igarassu, Abreu e Lima), coordinated with the national macro context and its repercussions for the affected population of artisanal fishers (micro context).
Data were collected from September 2021 to May 2023 from primary and secondary sources. The latter included environmental legislation, letters from scientific institutions, publications from social movements, and government reports available online; these were analyzed documentarily using collective subject discourse (CSD)19. Key expressions were organized according to analytical categories built from Samaja’s matrix17 and adapted by Medeiros et al. 18. Primary data were produced using a mixed approach:
1) semi-structured individual interviews with 55 small-scale fishers and 16 municipal and state health managers in Pernambuco15. The analysis used collective subject discourse (CSD)19. The following analytical categories were used in the interviews with fishers: scarcity of seafood and mangrove resources due to pollution and the oil spill; landscape change; delayed provision of State aid; lack of guidance for volunteer work; need to stop working; material and financial losses; disrupted transmission of family knowledge; health impacts; volunteer work; contact with oil; and food insecurity. With managers, the analytical categories were: managers’ perception of the impacts of the disaster-crime; actions developed in the disaster-crime risk management process by the health sector; difficulties faced in the disaster mitigation process; evaluation of management actions during the disaster-crime; and preparedness for future disasters.
2) An epidemiological survey conducted with 1,259 small-scale fishers20,21. Survey data were analyzed using relative frequencies for the following variables: impact on fishery product catch volume; mobilization of federated entities; social mobilization of volunteers; participation in oil removal activities; oil removal training; use of personal protective equipment (PPE) during removal; reparation for damage caused to life; receipt of staple food baskets; impact on quality of life; suspension and consumption of fishery products during or after the disaster; discarding fishery products that had been caught; oil-contaminated work instruments; contact with oil during fishing work or oil removal.
After these stages, data were analyzed using the Social Reproduction of Health Matrix, as shown in Chart 1.
Results
The problems expressed in the dimensions of social reproduction play a fundamental role in the reality of communities, revealing the simultaneously autonomous and interdependent movement within the territories; they are systematized in Chart 2.
The ecological dimension shows that oil repeatedly and extensively reached the Brazilian coast. In Pernambuco, 48 beaches, eight river estuaries, 17 coastal state conservation units (CUs), and the Costa dos Corais Environmental Protection Area were directly or indirectly affected, reaching approximately 70% of the state’s beaches. Oil was sighted in 13 municipalities, from which about 1,650 tons of waste were removed23-27. Notably, the definition of beach boundaries is often uncertain and may affect the quantity identified25.
Oil was found across the coastal ecosystem, as reported by 69.3% of fishers, contaminating fauna and flora, causing the death of marine animal species, and possibly contaminating fishery products22,28. The environmental right to preservation, ecosystem protection, and the improvement and restoration of environmental quality conducive to life, as established by the National Environmental Policy, was not guaranteed29. All fishing territories along the Pernambuco coast were intensely affected, with damage to traditional fishing areas; 81.1% reported a large or extreme impact on catch volume, leading to changes in fishing and shellfish gathering areas and affecting the self-awareness and conduct dimension.
Fishing is scarce today, because before I saw much more fauna and flora. Fish in the sea were abundant; I would go to the edge of the mangrove and find the catch easily. Today I need to go into the mangrove and look for new places, because the places I used to visit no longer have fish, due to pollution and oil. After the spill, I saw a lot of death in the mangrove. Turtles arrived covered in oil, and fish appeared dead or intoxicated. Nature has changed and no longer provides for me as it once did. This situation made me desperate! (Fishers’ CSD).
The federal government acted in a disordered, fragmented, and delayed manner23-26, with ineffective techniques and equipment traditionally used to detect and combat oil spills and inadequate storage of the oil removed from beaches22,23,26,27, and without holding those responsible for this environmental crime accountable23,27,28,31,32. Law No. 9,966/200034 was not complied with; it prohibits the discharge of harmful or hazardous substances in waters under national jurisdiction, establishes that those responsible must be held accountable, and requires activation of the National Contingency Plan.
Decree No. 9,759/201933 abolished support mechanisms that had been created, such as committees established by the National Contingency Plan for Oil Pollution Incidents in Waters under National Jurisdiction (PNC), leading to demobilization25,26 and to a delay by the Ministry of the Environment in formalizing the PNC; only, it only published Decree No. 10,95035 on January 27, 2022, evidencing the federal government’s lack of preparedness for an event of such magnitude24,29.
The Brazilian State was slow to protect the communities and to respond in a manner commensurate with the severity of the crime; it also rendered invisible and silenced the voices of the territories when they demanded justice and reparation32. The right to information and communication as a public good was denied. Information without a scientific basis about socioenvironmental and health-related vulnerabilities was disseminated, there was a delay in information and then abruptly interrupted by the media23,27,31. News released by the Brazilian State about contaminated fishery products generated fear of consumption, directly affecting the self-awareness and conduct dimension24,26,30,31.
They knew; perhaps even the city government already knew. However, I, from the community, did not. No one wanted to take responsibility; no one took the necessary measures, such as containing the oil while it was still at sea. (Fishers’ CSD)
Workers who depended directly or indirectly on fishing, whether fishers or vendors, did not know how to act in the municipality, whether they could sell fish or not, or whether the fish were contaminated. (Managers’ CSD)
These findings reinforce a historical cycle of injustice and environmental racism experienced by these territories and contributed to the communities’ low social participation in disaster management26,31,32. As a way to reduce the lack of access to information and strengthen dialogue, artisanal fishing communities resorted to alternative media and developed community communication strategies31.
I was already providing training for the network, and by daybreak, the team was already prepared. Therefore, I did not involve the population. (Managers’ CSD)
Besides delaying the crisis response, the government encouraged volunteerism, which involved pregnant women and children in oil removal, with most volunteers unprotected and untrained23,24,26-28,30,31. Around 56.3% said that there was mobilization by at least one federated entity; 39.4% said the federal government mobilized during the disaster, and 41.1% believed state and municipal governments mobilized. However, 58.2% reported the involvement of scientific institutions, private companies, the hotel sector, social movements, nongovernmental organizations, fishing communities, and other civil society volunteers.
The help from volunteers was essential because there was no one from the public authorities, despite messages and videos being sent to alert people to the situation and ask for help. No one came; we did not know what harm it could cause us. I just wanted to save our beach-it is our life, our livelihood. (Fishers’ CSD)
People cleaned the beaches with their bare hands27, exposing themselves during oil removal32 and affecting the self-awareness and conduct and biocommunal dimensions. Among respondents, 32.1% participated in cleanup activities, and 80% of them did so without training. Although 93.3% reported using PPE during removal, the equipment was inadequate.
I helped remove the oil, gathering the tar oil with a bucket and a wheelbarrow. There was so much oil! When I saw small patches while fishing, I also removed them. We used only gloves, boots, shovels, and black garbage bags. There were many bags, you know? (Fishers’ CSD)
The federated entities, especially the federal government, did not provide artisanal fishing communities with health, food, and nutrition security so that they could face this situation under dignified conditions30. For 66% of fishers there was no type of reparation for the harm caused to their lives, and 68.2% did not receive staple food baskets from the federal government. Furthermore, State cash assistance was linked to the General Fishing Activity Registry (RGP), which has limited access, and was targeted to residents of affected municipalities22,24,25,32.
Health management fragility was evident, including a lack of prior preparedness, delayed action, lack of planning and protocols, lack of health surveillance of exposed populations30, and a precarious care network26. Reporting was low, with only 402 cases of exogenous oil poisoning, including 18 artisanal fishers36, leading to limited knowledge of the actual severity of health impacts. The health surveillance system was slow to act to ensure health, food, and nutrition security for territorial populations and consumers of fishery products30.
To my knowledge, there was no state-level contingency plan specific to this disaster, although some national regulations existed. When the first oil stain appeared, I began to mobilize to find out what to do. However, during this period, volunteers were already in contact with the oil. I believe I was not prepared to act; I did not yet have the technical capacity to understand oil. There was no record of contamination in the municipality. At first, I had no report or observation of health problems among people directly caused by the oil spill. (Managers’ CSD)
For 76.8% of fishers, there was an impact on quality of life, with repercussions for income, work, health, and social relationships, generating cultural and symbolic ruptures in fishing communities, characterizing the disaster-crime as a medium-intensity socioenvironmental conflict27 and reverberating through the technoeconomic, self-awareness and conduct, and biocommunal dimensions.
The possible contamination of fishery products and fear of consuming them, as well as the interruption of fishing and decline in local tourism, led to a drastic reduction in sales, as reported by 99.4% of respondents, who described reduced demand for and sales of fishery products, whether to direct buyers, middlemen, or during the high tourism season, directly affecting these households’ income and food sovereignty22,24,26-28,30,31. In addition, 66.6% of respondents reported stopping consumption of fishery products at some point, and 20.5% discarded the fish and seafood they had caught, but 69.6% reported resuming consumption out of necessity.
Since I was a child, I have accompanied my parents on fishing trips. Before, I spent the day harvesting oysters, sururu mussels, and shellfish. However, today that is no longer possible. The oil caused severe contamination. I stopped fishing because I was afraid of the effects of the oil on my health. In the mangrove, I saw sururu mussels and oysters die. This situation compromised my income, because I could not sell my product; no one wanted to buy it. To avoid going hungry, my family and I had to eat the fishery products that were available, because we did not have the financial means to buy staple foods such as meat, rice, or beans. (Fishers’ CSD)
There was severe damage to fishing and tourism. Fishers, both men and women, live from fishing and catch for subsistence, but sales fell, and fishing was prohibited. Vendors and beachfront restaurants that sell fishery products at their stalls were also affected. People were afraid and no longer wanted to eat fish. The hotel sector was also affected, with fewer reservations. Health and social, cultural, and financial issues were significantly compromised. (Managers’ CSD)
Work instruments contaminated with oil were reported by 37.8% of fishers, with loss or reuse of those instruments, affecting the technoeconomic, self-awareness and conduct, and biocommunal dimensions.
Our work instruments were also affected, because we used them to remove oil from the sea. (Fishers’ CSD)
Artisanal fishers came into contact with oil (39.7%) during fishing or oil removal, as well as with other chemicals; this exposure increased the risk of poisoning, including among children and pregnant women30, and generated intense distress in small-scale fishing communities, increasing risks to mental health. Despite post-exposure symptoms, many did not seek health care.
On the second day of oil removal, I became ill, with my fingernails and toenails damaged. Just as oil harms the environment, it also harms my health. Not being able to guarantee food for my family made me very sad. Seeing the mangrove animals die that way made me lose sleep, gave me headaches, crying spells, and a lot of anxiety. (Fishers’ CSD)
Based on the cases that emerged, I noticed a predominance of patients affected through respiratory and skin exposure. The most frequently identified symptoms were headache, nausea, dizziness, skin irritation, vomiting, and gastrointestinal symptoms. Many did not wear masks, although that was the guidance, along with the use of gloves. Some did not want to seek emergency care near their homes and treated themselves on their own. There was also another issue: many arrived home and tried to remove the oil with kerosene. (Managers’ CSD)
Discussion
Neo-extractivism reserves for the Global South the modernization of forms of subordination exercised throughout the colonial period, sustaining economic, political, social, and ecological dependency5 and maintaining the old globalized hierarchical division-the South as a space of dispossession and the North as the global center of capitalist accumulation3.
The oil industry guarantees high financial gains for countries but generates technological disasters with environmental impacts, including contamination of soil and sediments, marine flora and fauna, and the spread of contamination to terrestrial ecosystems, with reduced fish stocks, deterioration of water and soil quality, and increased exposure for fauna and human communities that depend on fishing for survival37.
The implementation of neo-extractivist projects reshapes territories rich in sociobiodiversity exchanges and renders them vulnerable38. Unrestrained exploitation produces socioenvironmental disasters and health-related vulnerabilities39, exacerbated by the climate crisis, which affects vulnerable populations such as traditional communities40.
In Brazil, maintaining and investing in new forms of oil exploitation as the basis of the development model moves the country away from international climate goals and agreements, creating challenges for a just transition, weakening the country’s climate discourse, and compromising ecologically sensitive regions for the global climate41. These actions run counter to international conventions that prioritize the protection of a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment40 and to the Brazilian Federal Constitution42, which reinforces the role of public authorities in their duty to defend, preserve, and restore the environment for present and future generations.
The Brazilian political context at the time of the disaster-crime was marked by an intense dismantling of public policies15 and by necropower43. The State’s lack of preparedness and disordered, delayed action1,13,44 affected the ecological dimension by failing to promote sustainable development and to guarantee the territorial, social, environmental, economic, and cultural rights of these peoples, as provided for in Decree No. 8.750 of 2016, which established the National Council of Traditional Peoples and Communities45 and the National Environmental Policy29.
The Ministry of the Environment delayed formalizing the PNC35, which would have enabled coordinated action by public administration bodies and public and private entities to expand response capacity, minimize environmental damage, and prevent harm to public health.
The State, through its environmental agencies, must enforce Law No. 9,966/200034, which reinforces accountability for those responsible, because this disaster constitutes an environmental crime12,14,35,44. Nevertheless, investigations by the Brazilian Navy, the Federal Police (PF), and IBAMA were inconclusive and fragmented, producing divergent results and failing to identify those responsible for the environmental crime13,44.
Under Brazilian environmental law, damages must be fully repaired even when the polluting source has not been established and regardless of fault34; strict liability must be pursued, especially in light of the polluter-pays principle29,42. As long as the polluter is not identified, response and mitigation activities fall to the Federal Executive Branch35.
Incipient actions and governmental incapacity to address this situation were evident1. In this situation, the political dimension is defining, because the Brazilian State should have established protection for the environment and the population, which was not observed during the disaster-crime, thereby affecting the other dimensions of social reproduction.
Incipient measures for comprehensive community reparation, such as cash assistance, were also evidenced in other studies44,46, which highlight the lack of reparative actions for disaster-related damage and dissatisfaction with government measures after the oil spill. The provision of financial subsidies and social support to affected families would reduce negative repercussions10,47, because, due to high dependence on the coastal ecosystem and the low social, physical, and financial capital usually available, artisanal fishing communities are less able to respond to and adapt to the drastic changes that occurred in their territories47.
The limited dissemination by the media and federated entities of discussions on socioenvironmental and health-related vulnerabilities arising from this disaster-crime has also been observed in other studies12,48. The disaster-crime should have been considered a “Public Health Emergency”49,50, enabling timely, rapid, and coordinated action among federated entities12,14,42 and strengthening risk management through surveillance (VIGIDESASTRES)50,51. As a Member State of the World Health Organization and signatory to its agreements and conventions, Brazil is committed to ensuring the implementation of health actions focused on public health emergencies51.
The lack of administrative, criminal, and reparatory sanctions exposed, beyond a technical limitation, a governmental political decision to leave the bodies and territories of traditional peoples unprotected and sacrificed43. It was the State’s responsibility to establish the boundaries between rights, violence, and death, but it used power and denialist discourse to instill fear and insecurity43. By prioritizing a development model devoid of social participation39, the invisibilization of artisanal fishing communities’ voices was exacerbated, and historical processes of institutional and socioenvironmental injustice and racism were reinforced12,15,20.
The entire fishing production chain was affected, from the interruption of fishing to implications for hotel activity and local commerce, compromising household income and food sovereignty44,47. This impairment led fishers and their families to consume fishery products even though they knew they could be contaminated by oil47, affecting the biocommunal dimension. Analyses of fishery products by the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, and Supply (MAPA) showed that samples of albacore tuna (Thunnus alalunga) and parrotfish (Sparisoma sp.) evidenced levels of concern for health52.
Environmental contamination goes beyond apparent safety thresholds, reinforcing the importance of considering the interaction between the ecological and biocommunal dimensions transversally, highlighting the consequences of environmental contamination, generating risks associated with prolonged exposure, and producing medium and long-term health impacts53.
Encouraging volunteerism mobilized many people, especially artisanal fishers, to remove oil without training1,12,14, under the premise of defending the territory, thereby creating a process of vulnerability rooted in State insufficiency. The use of work instruments contaminated with oil, associated with the lack or inadequate use of PPE10,14,46,47, intensified contamination risk12, increasing the possibility of health effects among exposed individuals, both artisanal fishing communities and oil-cleanup volunteers, and generating effects in the biocommunal dimension.
The impacts of oil exposure on human health are broad, ranging from acute to chronic effects, with involvement of the respiratory, neurological, hepatic, renal, and endocrine systems20,53, and may also affect mental health38. The lack of preparedness among professionals and health managers to act during the disaster reveals the distance between the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS) and the National Policy for Comprehensive Health of Rural, Forest, and Water Populations (PNSICFA)54, which seeks to guarantee health care to peoples of the waters by strengthening access to the Health Care Network (RAS), health promotion and surveillance actions, and popular health education.
The SUS must be prepared to act in Public Health emergencies, supporting professional training processes15,46 and developing surveillance strategies based on popular participation55-57. Establishing a dialogue of knowledges56 among the social stakeholders who live and work in these territories gives these communities a voice and visibility55.
Integrating popular surveillance that considers these communities’ knowledge and action in their territories, through collaborative construction involving diverse social stakeholders, can contribute to environmental oversight and to improve the environmental and health public policies55-57.
Final considerations
The neo-extractivist model, with its polluting matrices, impacts the environment and modifies the traditional practices and ways of life existing in territories, directly affecting the ways of living and relating of communities with an interdependent relationship with nature.
The analysis of the social determination of health related to the oil spill disaster-crime on the Brazilian coast allowed us to understand its close relationship with this model marked by environmental unsustainability, revealing this complex process and its repercussions for the ways of life and social reproduction of health among peoples in the affected territories.
This situation requires the enforcement of environmental, social, and health legislation to promote comprehensive reparation for affected communities, especially artisanal fishers, as well as surveillance, monitoring, and health care actions for people exposed to oil and ecosystem recovery, as strategies of socioenvironmental justice.
Acknowledgments
We are grateful to the artisanal fishing social movements and the Municipal and State Health Secretariats of Pernambuco that contributed to the research in the study areas. We are also grateful to all the research team members to whom this study is linked and who assisted during the fieldwork, cleaning, organization, and analysis of the database.
References
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