An analysis of the professional insertion of Administration course graduates in Brazil

ABSTRACT

Purpose:

To analyze the professional insertion process of Administration and Public Administration course graduates in Brazil, with ages ranging from 18 to 36, who graduated after 2011.

Originality/value:

As the main contribution of the study, it is possible to highlight the contingent of well-qualified professionals that are unemployed or in informal and often underoccupied jobs, indicating the expansion of non-qualifying job insertion. Thus, as a widespread problem which cuts across different ages, classes, genders, races, and ethnicities, this aggravating factor in the labor market falls mainly on individuals with higher education that are working jobs below their skill and education levels.

Design/methodology/approach:

This study has a quantitative, non-probabilistic, non-experimental, transversal, and descriptive approach. Data collection began in September 2018 and ended in November 2018. The sample consisted of 847 cases, divided by regions: 344 from Southeast, 244 from South, 163 from Northeast, 56 from Midwest, and 40 from North.

Findings:

It is worth noting that 73% of the respondents did not spend more than one year to professionally enter into the labor market, 20% of graduates are in positions with less than undergraduate education requirements, and 16.6% are not working. In addition, despite being well qualified, the investigated professionals share a structurally fragile occupational scenario, especially about the types of employment contracts practiced, regardless of their sociodemographic characteristics.

KEYWORDS:
professional insertion; education; work; Administration; graduates

Resumo

Objetivo:

Analisar o processo de inserção profissional de egressos dos cursos de Administração e Administração Pública no Brasil, com idades entre 18 e 36 anos, formados a partir de 2011.

Originalidade/valor:

Como principal contribuição do estudo, é possível destacar o contingente de profissionais bem qualificados em situação de desemprego, em trabalhos informais e muitas vezes subocupados, dando indícios à ampliação de uma inserção não qualificante no trabalho. Assim, como um problema generalizado, que perpassa diferentes idades, classes, gêneros e cores/raças/etnias, esse agravante no mercado laboral recai, principalmente, sobre os indivíduos com ensino superior, os quais mostram o enfrentamento de uma condição de trabalho aquém de suas competências e sua escolaridade.

Design/metodologia/abordagem:

Este estudo tem enfoque quantitativo, não probabilístico, não experimental, transversal e descritivo. A coleta teve início em setembro de 2018 e término em novembro de 2018. Após os cortes, a amostra foi de 847 casos divididos por regiões, sendo: 344 do Sudeste, 244 do Sul, 163 do Nordeste, 56 do Centro-Oeste e 40 do Norte.

Resultados:

Destaca-se nos resultados que 73% dos respondentes não passaram mais de um ano para se inserir profissionalmente, 20% dos egressos encontram-se em cargos com requisitos de escolaridade inferiores à graduação, e 16,6% não estão trabalhando. Além disso, apesar de bem qualificados, os profissionais investigados compartilham de um cenário ocupacional estruturalmente fragilizado, principalmente em relação aos tipos de vínculos laborais praticados, independentemente de suas características sociodemográficas.

Palavras-chave:
inserção profissional; formação; trabalho; Administração; egressos

INTRODUCTION

In recent years, higher education for young people has become the link to the labor market (Dornelles et al., 2016). However, along with greater access to higher education in this social group, there is an increase in youth unemployment (Volkmer-Martins et al., 2019).

Significant changes in Brazil regarding employment, further worsened by periods of crisis, are segregating young people from their professional trajectories (Volkmer-Martins & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2017). This scenario concerns a growing education, especially among young people from the popular classes, since there is a relationship with the search for social and professional advancement of young Brazilians by holding a degree and a good placement in the labor market (Picanço, 2015; Volkmer-Martins & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2017). In addition, these teenagers believe that reaching more qualified employment opportunities depends exclusively on their level of education. This belief is associated with the dynamics of the labor market, which demands higher educational levels, not only for entry but also for job retention (Tejada et al., 2015; Dornelles et al., 2016).

The existence of a direct relationship between graduation time and return to the labor market is clear, with the plan for the expansion of higher education in Brazil being associated with policies that consider education as essential to progress and development, to the detriment of public policies for entering the labor market (Ferrugini & Castro, 2015). However, as pointed out by Almeida and Ernica (2015), in an environment marked by inequalities in training, getting a job depends not only on youth education but also on a whole business economic structure capable of ensuring opportunities for these young people, without disregarding the relevance of public policies. It is important to consider differences in social origin, race, gender, and socioeconomic situations, the structure of social classes and the replication of this same structure when addressing professional insertion. This is because they enable the discussion and reflection on aspects that go beyond qualification and can affect the insertion process, even questioning the recent expansion of Higher Education in Brazil (Rocha-de-Oliveira & Piccinini, 2012a, 2012b; Volkmer-Martins et al., 2019).

According to statistics from the National Institute of Educational Studies and Research Anísio Teixeira (Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira – Inep) (2018b), in the last Higher Education Census, of 2017, there were 8,290,911 enrollments, 3,226,249 entrants, and 1,199,769 graduates. Focusing on the Administration courses, we notice that its growth is associated with the rise of the United States as a superpower in the 20th century. In this scenario, Brazil was one of the first countries to start “schooling administration, by creating schools, courses, and departments relatively early” (Bertero, 2006, p. 4).

Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the process of professional insertion of graduates from Administration and Public Administration courses in Brazil, aged between 18 and 36 years old and graduated as of 2011. Specifically, to highlight motivations for choosing the course, parent’s education level, time without a job after graduation, positions held, job changes after graduation, and graduates’ gross income.

To this end, we carried out a quantitative survey with 847 graduates from these courses in five regions of Brazil at the end of 2018. The choice of this field is based on the representation of the Administration course in the national scenario, the growing number of enrollments (Bertero, 2006; Inep, 2018b), the popularity of this field, both in teaching and research and professionally (Bertero, 2006), as well as the possibility of exploring the context of insertion nationwide.

In terms of structure, in addition to this introduction, the study discusses professional insertion, presents the research method and statistical data about Administration courses, the results, and final considerations.

THE LENS OF PROFESSIONAL INSERTION: CONCEPT AND CHARACTERISTICS

As a research field, professional insertion arises from the multiple forms of interpreting this phase of life, represented by the entry into active life, professional transition, and school-to-work transition, among others experienced by individuals (Volkmer-Martins et al., 2019). The use of these different nomenclatures refers to different periods in time. The expression “entry into active life” (entrée dans la vie active), which emerged in France in the 1960s in the field of Psychology (Nicole-Drancourt, 1996), was replaced by “professional insertion” in the mid-1970s. Initially, this change took place in legal texts (Alves, 2007) and then moved to several studies on the difficulties faced by a growing number of young people when completing their education and entering the labor force in the French context (Volkmer-Martins et al., 2019).

Simultaneously with the emergence of the term “entry into active life,” the expression “entry to work” appears in Anglo-Saxon literature (Maizels, 1970). These expressions began to fall in disuse in the 1970s and were replaced in French literature by the term “professional insertion”; in Anglo-Saxon, by “transition from school to work”; and in German, by “transition in its plural form” (Alves, 2007). These changes in the concept of professional insertion represent more than changes in nomenclature; they bring a multidimensional look at this stage since it does not refer only to professional transition but also to social and cultural aspects related to the acquisition of autonomy, formation of identities, formation of a new family, among others (Tartuce, 2007). As Rose (2018) highlights, understanding professional insertion as a socially built process is about considering the influence of the strategy adopted by each of the actors involved in this situation.

Cordeiro (2002) proposed the classification of professional insertion in two different ways: the “qualifying professional insertion” and the “nonqualifying professional insertion”. In the first case, the company values its human resources, through workers’ protection policies, stable contracts, better working conditions, and a career progression system, among other elements that contribute to developing workers’ individual and collective skills. On the other hand, in non-qualifying professional insertion, companies use precarious contracts, lack training policies within the company, a good system of career progression, and have low salaries, among other factors that contribute to an increasing devaluation of the workers (Cordeiro, 2002).

Regarding young people that are approaching adulthood, they are increasingly led to individualize their trajectories, which is in line with the idea of greater agency capacity and self-direction allowed by adult life. However, it is essential to acknowledge that social structures play an important role in these choices, often directing them (Schwartz et al., 2005).

In recent years, the professional insertion of young people has been marked by higher job insecurity, a situation that is timely for deepening the discussion on the diversity of paths that arise due to differences in social origin, race, and gender, between rural and urban environments, and between regions in Brazil (Santos, 2013). Hence, we can “reflect on the social elements that influence young people in building their diverse professional trajectories” (Volkmer-Martins et al., 2019, p. 567).

Some of the previous research on this subject includes school-work transition (Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2008); the analysis of professional insertion of Administration students from internship experiences (Rocha-de-Oliveira & Piccinini, 2012b); the difference in opportunities between genders due to market segmentation (Santos, 2015; Mariano et al., 2018); the influence of parents’ education on the academic and financial progress of their children (Corrêa & Lima, 2015; Longo & Vieira, 2017; Barrozo, 2017); and the influence of class and race on the process of social mobility (Santos & Gimenez, 2015; Ribeiro, 2016), which has a broader sense in the French experience (Lemos et al., 2009).

There are also studies that challenge this topic of insertion, valuing the theory of human capital (Schultz, 1967) and Bourdieu’s study (1988), which questions the relationship between professional qualification and insertion in the labor market of Administration graduates from a University in Rio de Janeiro (Lemos et al., 2011). Finally, the process of professional insertion is an important stage and a factor of social mobility, through which we can see the inequality of opportunities for social ascension. Therefore, it is essential to study the Brazilian socio-historical context by considering its social classes’ structure, its replication, and other social and cultural mechanisms that bring important contributions to discussing professional insertion in Brazil.

THE ADMINISTRATION COURSE: WHAT DO INEP’S STATISTICS SHOW?

Higher education institutions, complying with the Brazilian Decree no. 6,425/2008, must annually present figures on their students and faculty. By using them, we present preliminary data for the year 2017¹, which registered 2,448 higher education institutions, among them 199 universities (106 public and 93 private); 189 university centers (eight public and 181 private); 2,020 colleges (142 public and 1,878 private); and 40 institutions divided between federal institutes (FI) and Federal Centers for Technological Education (Centros Federais de Educação Tecnológica – Cefet), both public (Inep, 2018b). Although universities represent only 8.1% of all institutions, they accounted for 53.6% of enrollments in 2017, that is, 4,443,601 entrants. In contrast, colleges accounted for 82.5% of Brazilian institutions, but the percentage of enrollments was around 25% (2,070,747) (Inep, 2018b).

The 2017 Higher Education Census (Inep, 2018b) shows an annual comparison of enrollments at the undergraduate level from the year 2007 on. During this period, there was an increase of 56.4% in the number of enrollments, with an average annual evolution of 4.6%. Thus, the year 2017 ended with 8,290,911 Brazilians enrolled. By strata, 75.3% of the registered enrollments (6,241,307) refer to the private sector, while the public education network has only 24.7% (2,045,356). During this period between 2007 and 2017, the percentage of enrollments in private institutions in the country was 59.4%, and 53.2% in public institutions (Inep, 2018b).

The last Technical Summary of the Higher Education Census reveals that Law, Administration, and Pedagogy courses had the highest number of enrollments in 2016 – 862,324, 710,984, and 679,286, respectively (Inep, 2018a). By observing the data, in 2017, the Law course reached 879,234 enrollments, Administration decreased to 682,555, and Pedagogy showed 714,345 entrants (Inep, 2018b).

From Inep’s Statistical Synopsis, we can look through the historical series from 2001 to 2017 regarding the Administration courses, where we see the enrollments, entrants², and graduates. The two main areas were Administration and Public Administration, in the modalities on-site and open and distance learning (ODL). Table 1 summarizes the enrollments for both courses and modes.

Table 1
Enrollment in Administration and Public Administration in on-site and ODL

Course/mode		Ano-20XX
		01	02	03	04	05	06	07	08	09	10	11	12	13	14	15	16	17
ADM.	On-site	356.1	454.4	530.7	583.6	626.3	654.1	680.6	714.4	604.5	705.6	702.9	668.9	643.0	623.3	585.6	524.9	481.7
	ODL						106.1	40.1	116.3	217.0	128.1	140.2	164.0	157.9	178.5	181.2	186.0	200.7
PUB. ADM.	On-site	145	314	596	1.0	1.8	2.6	3.7	4.0	6.2	7.3	8.5	12.1	12.1	12.9	14.1	14.2	14.6
	EAD						3.1	4.6	7.4	19.6	34.6	38.1	36.0	40.7	48.4	49.0	47.3	58.8

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.
• Due to inconsistencies in the disclosure, data on ODL mode were officially standardized only in 2006. Data are in thousands.

The Administration course, although showing an increase between 2001 and 2008, has gradually decreased since 2009, despite a brief increase in 2010 (from 604,581 to 705,690 enrollments). On the other hand, Public Administration continued to grow, especially from the period of 2012 to 2017. Regarding ODL, the first data on this modality were published in 2006. Therefore, Table 1 presents the 2006-2017 time frame for the analysis of Administration and Public Administration courses. In Administration, there was a jump in enrollments between 2007 and 2009, from 40,101 to 217,057. In2010, this number dropped to 128,186. However, there was a resumption of growth between 2010 and 2014, with special attention to 2013 and 2014. As for Public Administration, the most significant evolution occurred between 2007 and 2010, from 4,604 to 34,611 enrollment records. Between 2010 and 2016, there was little variation; however, another noticeable leap was made between 2016 and 2017, when enrollments went from 47,330 to 58,870, that is, 11,540 more entrants than in 2016.

Table 2 presents an overview of ODL Administration and Public Administration courses in the historical series from 2009 to 2017. We observe that the Administration course grew exponentially between 2009 and 2012, going from 4,646 to 22,743 graduates. Despite a decline in 2013, from 2015 onward, there was an increase (7,667 more graduates compared to 2013), with a small variation until 2017. As for the Public Administration course, the 2010-2011 period shows an increase in the number of graduates (from 4,010 to 10,092). Even with a drop in 2013, there were few changes in the number of graduates in ODL.

Table 2
Number of graduates in Administration and Public Administration by ODL

Course/mode		2009	2010	2011	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016	2017
ADM.	ODL	4.6	8.4	14.0	22.7	18.1	18.2	25.7	24.7	26.3
PUB. ADM.	ODL	5.4	4.0	10.0	9.2	4.9	9.4	9.6	11.3	10.9

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.
• Data on graduates by this learning mode were only systematized as of 2009. Data are in thousands.

Regarding entrants and graduates in the Administration course, in 2016 and 2017, in both on-site and ODL modes, the total number of entrants is higher than the number of graduates. The analysis of the Public Administration course shows the same situation. In this case, enrollments in the ODL modality stand out, as shown in Table 3.

Table 3
Entrants and graduates in Administration and Public Administration in on-site and ODL modes

Administration		2016	2017	Public Administration		2016	2017
On-site	Entrants	143.5	137.6	Presencial	Entrants	4.6	5.4
	Graduates	93.5	85.9		Graduates	2.7	2.7
ODL	Entrants	90.1	100.9	EAD	Entrants	21.3	38.3
	Graduates	24.7	26.3		Graduates	11.3	10.9

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.
• Data are in thousands.

After discussing professional insertion and the scenario of Administration and Public Administration courses in Brazil, we present the methodological approach that guided this research.

METHODS

This research had a quantitative focus, making use of a “sequential and corroborative process [...], relying on numerical measurement and statistical analysis to establish patterns and prove theories” (Sampieri et al., 2013, p. 30). It was non-probabilistic, non-experimental, cross-sectional, and descriptive research.

Graduates from Administration and Public Administration courses participated in this study, between the ages of 18 and 36 years old (that is, graduated as of 2011), located in five regions of Brazil. The choice of this cut-off line sought to meet the professional insertion theory, which aims to understand the socioeconomic, labor, and education status of young people (Galland, 2000; Dubar, 2001; Alves, 2007; Tartuce, 2007; Rocha-de-Oliveira & Piccinini, 2011). We emphasize that the labor market considers individuals aged between 15 and 29 years old as young (Silva & Silva, 2011); however, the minimum age in the sample was 18 years old. The ways in which the sample was drawn strengthen the non-probabilistic nature of this study since we contacted graduates mostly by e-mail and social networks.

We adopted the following access strategies: 1. creation of a page in a social network; 2. sending messages by three main social networks; 3. adhesion of researchers to discussion groups on job opportunities, competitions, professional associations, and educational institutions; 4. contact with different higher education institutions through courses coordination, ethics committees, research groups, communication and event departments, ombudsmen, and Alumni; 5. requests for publishing the research in different channels on the Internet (blogs, specialized websites, and pages of educational institutions); and 6. use of the authors’ contact networks.

As a result, we developed a kind of snowball, where people passed on the survey, and individuals could not be “randomly picked”; that is, they did not have the same chance to participate in the sample, which is an attribute of a probabilistic sample.

The 2016 Statistical Synopsis³ served as a parameter for regions’ stratification. Based on this synopsis, we prepared Table 4, which shows the representation (in percentage) of the country regions in relation to the total number of graduates in 2016; and the proportion of each region in the study. We sought to find out each region’s representation in relation to the total number of graduates in order to draw the sample, which, despite being non-probabilistic, indicates how far away it was from the ideal.

Table 4
Representation and proportion in Brazilian regions, regarding the total of graduates

	Graduates (2016)	Representation of regions (%)	Expected sample (for 1,551)	Achieved sample (for 1,551)	Achieved proportion (%)
North	14,423	5.97%	93	63	4.06%
Northeast	38,363	15.87%	246	226	14.57%
Southeast	120,412	49.81%	773	738	47.58%
South	45,780	18.94%	294	429	27.66%
Midwest	22,769	9.42%	146	95	6.13%
Total	241,747	100%	1,551	1,551	100%

• Source: Adapted from 2016 Higher Education Census (Inep, 2017).

After defining the sample, we started collecting data. We began data collection in September 2018 and ended in November 2018. Altogether, we gathered 1,686 cases throughout Brazil. Of these, we excluded 135, as they did not meet the age criteria – between 18 and 36 years old – and were not Administration graduates – some individuals were still completing the course, and others had training in different areas. Thus, we obtained a valid sample of 1,551 cases, stratified as follows: 63 (North), 226 (Northeast), 738 (Southeast), 429 (South), and 95 (Midwest). This sample was roughly representative, as it was non-probabilistic, and the corresponding figures were collected to arrive at the necessary number of cases.

Some factors during data collection affected the sample’s composition. First, the fact that the authors live in the Southern region of the country led to a larger sample than necessary. We could have excluded some participants; however, there would be a loss of significant information for understanding the phenomena in that region. Second, the use of the 2016 Statistical Synopsis served as a basis for calculating the proportions; thus, we achieved an idea of the number of graduates by region, which was not far from reality. For these reasons, all values were acceptable for the study.

Therefore, within the attained sample of 1,551 graduates, 847 met the established criteria. As for answers’ distribution, we obtained the following sample: 344 graduates from the Southeast, 244 from the South, 163 from the Northeast, 56 from the Midwest, and 40 from the North.

We applied the questionnaire prepared by Volkmer-Martins (2016), with 107 questions, where the author addressed the constructs of professional insertion and social mobility of young students and graduates of technology courses in the metropolitan region of Porto Alegre (RS). Based on the French model of professional insertion, Volkmer-Martins’s (2016) instrument had a theoretical background from authors like Cordeiro (2002), Hasenbalg (2003), Souza (2006, 2012), Peugny (2007, 2014), Bourdieu (2015), and Rocha-de-Oliveira (2012). We focused our study on elements of the professional insertion construct, more specifically, seven key questions from the original instrument, which helped us understand the process of professional insertion of graduates from Administration and Public Administration courses in Brazil. For data analysis, we used the software Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) for bivariate descriptive statistical tests, such as frequency and means.

GRADUATES IN BRAZIL: DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The following analyses and discussion refer to Administration and Public Administration courses, not considering other potential emphases, given their low representation. The section begins by addressing the motivations for entering the Administration course, followed by the main occupations of graduates’ parents, the time they took to get a job after completing the course, the main positions occupied, turnover in positions, and finally, we analyzed graduates’ individual monthly gross income.

The Brazilian Federal Council of Administration (Conselho Federal de Administração – CFA) (2015) carried out a survey on the main reasons for choosing the Administration course and found four main reasons: a general and comprehensive education (18.72%), a large labor market (15.17%), vocation (15.14%), and working in the area combined with a desire to deepen knowledge (11.18%). In our study, we assessed the motivations for entering the Administration course through a question where respondents could choose more than one reason. In this case, we highlight identification with the course, marked by 66.4% of the respondents, and the highest percentage in all regions. The other options had the following percentages – intention to take a public contest (22.1%), family influence (22.1%), experience in the area (21.3%), absence of interesting options (19.7 %), job progression (15.3%), and being an evening course (13.3%). Beyond percentages, data are relevant as they extend the reasons observed in previous surveys on the same subject.

In a previous study, Sales et al. (2017) carried out a survey with 108 students of the 698 enrolled in the Administration course at the Federal University of Pernambuco (Universidade Federal de Pernambuco – UFPE). The results found were the intention to enter public service (43% of respondents), a decision made before starting the course. For the authors, this decision would be associated with the search for stability and compensation; between 2003 and 2014, 234,998 people entered public service, which represents a significant percentage of formal jobs in the country. Few studies address the absence of interesting options being among the motivations for entering the Administration course, which, in our study, stood out.

The high frequency of responses that showed identification with the course led the authors to examine if there was a relationship with the education of their parents; we noticed that 8.3% of fathers and 4.3% of mothers had an Administration degree. At the undergraduate level, only 15.2% of men completed a course, according to this regional distribution: South 19.3%, North 12.5%, Northeast 11%, Midwest 12.5%, and Southeast 15. 1%. Regarding mothers, only 16.5% had a higher education degree, dispersed among the regions: South 18.9%, North 10%, Northeast 13.5%, Midwest 14.3%, and Southeast 17, 4%. Table 5 summarizes the outstanding data regarding the higher education degree of graduates’ fathers and mothers by color/race.

Table 5
Parents’ main occupations by color/race/ethnicity of graduates

	Black	White	Brown	Yellow
Fathers	Law	Administration	Administration	Administration
	Mechanical Engineering	Accounting	Law	Dentistry
	Languages	Law	Civil Engineering	Pedagogy
	Pedagogy	Civil Engineering	Geography	Chemistry
Mothers	Languages	Administration	Languages	Pedagogy
	Pedagogy	Accounting	Pedagogy	Languages
	Social Service	Biology	Social Service	Mathematics
		Law		Nursing
		Languages		Accounting

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Table 6 shows how long it took to get a job after graduating in Administration by region.

Table 6
Time without work after graduation, by country regions

		South	North	Northeast	Midwest	Southeast	Total
0 months	Absolute number	139	21	78	20	185	443
	Among regions	31.38%	4.74%	17.61%	4.51%	41.76%	100.00%
	Internally	56.97%	52.50%	47.85%	37.74%	53.78%
1 to 5 months	Absolute number	37	6	30	10	62	145
	Among regions	25.52%	4.14%	20.69%	6.90%	42.76%	100.00%
	Internally	15.16%	15.00%	18.40%	18.87%	18.02%
6 to 12 months	Absolute number	38	4	20	9	37	108
	Among regions	35.19%	3.70%	18.52%	8.33%	34.26%	100.00%
	Internally	15.57%	10.00%	12.27%	16.98%	10.76%
13 to 24 months	Absolute number	14	6	15	11	36	82
	Among regions	17.07%	7.32%	18.29%	13.41%	43.90%	100.00%
	Internally	5.74%	15.00%	9.20%	20.75%	10.47%
25 to 36 months	Absolute number	5	0	9	2	5	21
	Among regions	23.81%	0.00%	42.86%	9.52%	23.81%	100.00%
	Internally	2.05%	0.00%	5.52%	3.77%	1.45%
Over 3 years	Absolute number	11	3	11	4	19	48
	Among regions	22.92%	6.25%	22.92%	8.33%	39.58%	100.00%
	Internally	4.51%	7.50%	6.75%	7.55%	5.52%

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.

In general, graduates were without a job after completing the course for one to 24 months, which represents 26.8% of the sample, especially in the South, Northeast, Midwest, and Southeast regions. However, 12.8% of the respondents, mainly from the South, Northeast, and Southeast, said they remained out of work for six to 12 months after completing the course. On the other hand, in the North region, 52.5% of the graduates got a job just after graduation. Data show the high level of employability in this field since, in all regions, the percentage of graduates who achieved professional insertion in the first year after completing college was above 73%.

The most mentioned positions were executive manager, administrative analyst, administrative assistant, administrative clerk, coordinator, manager, and professor, as shown in Table 7.

Table 7
Main positions held by graduates by country regions

Positions	South		North		Northeast		Midwest		Southeast
	N	%	N	%	N	%	N	%	N	%
Exec. manager	10	4.10%	2	5.00%	6	3.68%	3	5.66%	28	8.14%
Adm. analyst	33	13.52%	5	12.50%	13	7.98%	6	11.32%	52	15.12%
Adm. assistant	33	13.52%	5	12.50%	26	15.95%	8	15.09%	39	11.34%
Adm. clerk	21	8.61%	3	7.50%	10	6.13%	6	11.32%	40	11.63%
Coordinator	9	3.69%	1	2.50%	9	5.52%	-	-	10	2.91%
Manager	18	7.38%	1	2.50%	17	10.43%	3	5.66%	40	11.63%
Professor	12	4.92%	3	7.50%	12	7.36%	5	9.43%	13	3.78%
Businessman	5	2.05%	-	-	1	0.61%	-	-	7	2.03%
Graduate student	12	4.92%	-	-	-	-	1	1.89%	5	1.45%
Others	34	13.93%	5	12.50%	12	7.36%	10	18.87%	52	15.12%

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.

These results confirm CFA’s research (2015), where the main positions occupied were: manager = 18.64%, analyst = 18.26%, coordinator = 8.32%, business = 7.07%, board of directors = 6.44%, technician = 5.92%, advisor = 5.49%, supervisor = 4.99%, assistant = 4.95%, and clerk = 4.80%; the positions of analyst, clerk, manager, and assistant were a large part of professional positions between 2012 and 2015 (CFA, 2015). Furthermore, we confirmed those results regarding the relationship between position and time of graduation. Our results show that these positions are still the most frequent among graduates. It is also worth noting that positions such as clerks and assistants usually require less than undergraduate education, something that proved to be a reality for more than 20% of the respondents.

In addition, several graduates took positions outside their area of education, sometimes considered inferior or operational positions. We mention a few of them: seller, driver, telecommunications technician, cashier, and course instructor.

Regarding job changes after graduation, Table 8 provides an overview of the collected data, highlighting 39.1% of respondents that remain in the same organization. In addition, 23% said they had changed jobs at least once, especially graduates from the South and Southeast. In addition, we see a balance between the group that is not working (16.6%) and the group that changed jobs two or three times (16.5%). In the first group, South, Northeast, and Southeast regions prevail, while in the second group, only graduates from the South and Southeast are more frequent.

Table 8
Job changes after graduation by country regions

		South	North	Northeast	Midwest	Southeast	Total
Once	Absolute number	61	13	30	11	80	195
	Among regions	31.28%	6.67%	15.83%	5.64%	41.03%	100.00%
	Internally	25.00%	32.50%	18.40%	20.75%	23.26%
From 2 to 3 times	Absolute number	45	5	17	11	62	140
	Among regions	32.14%	3.7%	12.14%	7.86%	44.29%	100.00%
	Internally	18.44%	12.50%	10.43%	20.75%	18.02%
4 or more times	Absolute number	5	0	3	2	10	20
	Among regions	25.00%	0.00%	15.00%	10.00%	50.00%	100.00%
	Internally	2.05%	0.00%	1.84%	3.77%	2.91%
None, and I am not working now	Absolute number	35	9	41	9	47	141
	Among regions	24.82%	6.38%	29.08%	6.38%	33.33%	100.00%
	Internally	14.34%	22.50%	25.15%	16.98%	13.66%
None, since I have never worked	Absolute number	4	1	6	4	5	20
	Among regions	20.00%	5.00%	30.00%	20.00%	25.00%	100.00%
	Internally	1.64%	2.50%	3.68%	7.55%	1.45%
None, I work in the same organization	Absolute number	94	12	66	19	140	331
	Among regions	28.40%	3.63%	19.94%	5.74%	42.30%	100.00%
	Internally	38.52%	30.00%	40.49%	35.85%	40.70%

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Proceeding with the analysis, Table 9 summarizes the gross monthly income of graduates by gender, age, color/race/ethnicity, and by HEI. With salary as a reference, when analyzed by gender, we observe that women’s average monthly income is R$ 2,832.01, and men’s is R$ 3,552.89, a difference of around 19%. By age group, graduates between 18 and 24 years old receive, on average, R$ 1,864.16, an income relatively higher than that disclosed by the Brazilian Inter-Union Department of Statistics and Socioeco-nomic Studies (Departamento Intersindical de Estatística e Estudos Socio-econômicos – Dieese) (2018), of R$ 1,348,00 for people employed in Brazil in the age group up to 29 years old. Compared to Dieese’s data (2018), the average gross monthly income of R$ 3,157.05 of graduates aged between 25 and 30 is higher than in all age groups above 29 years old. Among the age groups, the highest family income is concentrated in graduates aged between 31 and 36, with a value of R$ 9,812.90.

Table 9
Average monthly gross income by social indicators, levels, and types of learning

			Individual monthly gross income (R$)	% compared to the whole sample
Gender	Male		R$ 3,522.89	100.00%
	Female		R$ 2,832.01	80.39%
Age	From 18 to 24 years old		R$ 1,864.16	52.92%
	From 25 to 30 years old		R$ 3,157.05	89.62%
	From 31 to 36 years old		R$ 4,334.97	123.05%
Color/Race	Yellow		R$ 2,602.22	73.87%
	White		R$ 3,570.81	101.36%
	Indigenous		R$ 800.00	22.71%
	Black		R$ 2,022.59	57.41%
	Brown		R$ 2,605.00	73.94%
High school	Private		R$ 4,069.70	115.52%
	Public		R$ 2,664.52	75.63%
High school	Private	Yellow	R$ 3,212.73	91.20%
		White	R$ 4,519.86	128.30%
		Indigenous	–
		Black	R$ 2,609.09	74.06%
		Brown	R$ 2,959.87	84.02%
	Public	Yellow	R$ 1,642.86	46.63%
		White	R$ 2,927.60	83.10%
		Indigenous	R$ 800.00	22.71%
		Black	R$ 1,885.32	53.52%
		Brown	R$ 2,496.77	70.87%
Higher education institution	Private		R$ 2,959.79	84.02%
	Public		R$ 3,374.63	95.79%
Higher education institution	Private	Yellow	R$ 1,299.89	36.90%
		White	R$ 3,322.27	94.31%
		Indigenous	–
		Black	R$ 1,826.31	51.84%
		Brown	R$ 2,589.59	73.51%
	Public	Yellow	R$ 3,915.56	111.15%
		White	R$ 3,872.76	109.93%
		Indigenous	R$ 800.00	22.71%
		Black	R$ 2,204.06	62.56%
		Brown	R$ 2,626.16	74.55%

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Emphasizing the percentages of recent graduates’ monthly gross income, the replication of the wage gap in the labor market is evident. Using men’s average salary as a point of reference, women earn 80.39% of the sample’s average income, public school recent graduates earn 75.63%, and black people receive 57.41% of the reference value. Black graduates, when separated between public and private high schools, still have lower incomes compared to the sample’s average: 60% and 83%, respectively. Regarding Dieese’s research (2018), in absolute numbers, black alumni have an income close to that of employed persons between 30 and 39 years old (R$ 2,192.00), and brown alumni are close to the average income of employed persons aged 50 or more (R$2,683.00).

For Mariano et al. (2018), one way to explain the wage gap between ethnicities and gender is job segmentation, which classifies occupations according to their nature, and shows differences according to the characteristics of the segment, such as labor turnover, wages, working conditions, labor productivity, and use of technology. Labor market segmentation is a significant element in generating income differences between different social groups (Santos, 2015). Such inequalities occur among individuals in the same profession, which strengthens the existence of an internal segmentation of opportunities, which produces gender, race, and social class differences.

CFA’s research (2015) showed that the average salary of graduates was 9.24 minimum wages, and, at the time of the study, the minimum wage was R$ 788.00. By salary ranges, 20% received up to three minimum wages monthly, 46% between 3.1 and 10 SM, 16% between 10.1 and 15 SM, and 18% received more than 15.1 SM. In the country, the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística – IBGE) (2018) showed that men’s average monthly income was R$ 2,306.00, and women’s was R$ 1,764.00. In other words, the men and women surveyed in our study had incomes above the national average.

Our data present an overview of the socio-occupational profile of young graduates from Administration courses in Brazil, regarding their professional insertion, relating it to their education and professional trajectories, and highlighting some regional cut-offs. Our findings are contrary to those of Lemos et al. (2011), based on the origin of groups, which were unable to identify differences in the quality of occupations, as individuals from both wealthy families and from poor families obtained quality jobs, confirming Schultz’s (1967) assumption on the importance of education. This finding would be associated with the labor market establishing a “differentiation credential” for individuals who hold degrees from renowned educational institutions; but, at the same time, it shows a contribution of this study regarding the heterogeneous quality of business schools in the country, which results mainly from mass education (Rocha-de-Oliveira & Piccinini, 2012b).

FINAL REMARKS

Higher education courses in Law, Pedagogy, and Administration show the highest growth in enrollment in Brazil. From this perspective and considering the familiarity of the authors with the Administration course, we decided to study it. Therefore, our main purpose was to analyze the process of professional insertion of graduates from Administration and Public Administration courses in the country, aged between 18 and 36 years old and graduated as of 2011. Considering the field as a science, research environment, and work, we intended to present and discuss the collected data, showing the socio-occupational trajectories of graduates from this area, who share a panorama of multiple social and professional changes.

Given the scenario of crisis in the labor market, we highlight the number of well-qualified professionals that are unemployed, in informal jobs, or often underemployed, indicating the expansion of a non-qualifying insertion in work. As a widespread problem, which pervades many ages, classes, genders, and colors/races/ethnicities, this aggravating factor in the labor market affects mainly individuals with higher education, who face working conditions that fall short of their competencies and qualifications.

Among the relevant findings of the study, we mention the identification with the course and the search for a public career as the main motivating factors for choosing Administration. Regarding the time to find a job after graduation, 73% of the respondents did not wait more than one year to achieve professional insertion. As for positions held, the most cited were executive manager, administrative analyst, administrative assistant, administrative clerk, coordinator, manager, and professor. One caveat is that about 20% of graduates work as assistants or clerks, which usually require less than an Administration degree. In terms of job turnover, there were several trajectories; around 40% of the respondents changed jobs between one and three times, and a similar percentage remained in the same job since the beginning of their career. Another issue which caught our attention is that 16.6% of graduates are not working, with a negative emphasis for the North and Northeast regions, which show percentages of 22.5% and 25.15%, respectively. Regarding income, there is an average salary above the national average; however, with a wage gap for women, black people, and public high school education.

To continue researching this topic, we propose the following areas of further inquiry: 1. to seek the relationship between the constructs of professional insertion, especially the social markers of difference, such as gender, class, and color/race/ethnicity; 2. to investigate professional insertion in other courses, focusing on issues of gender, class, and color/race/ethnicity, as well as the different understandings of insertion; 3. to analyze Inep’s Statistical Synopses in detail, seeking association with different national economic indicators; 4. to analyze the Statistical Synopses of higher education courses with the highest number of enrollments in Brazil, such as Law, Pedagogy, and Administration, to compare the evolution of these courses and the impacts on professional insertion and social mobility of graduates; and 5. to explore the typologies of professional insertion proposed by Ramos et al. (2014) in multiple social contexts, comparing distinct higher education courses in different geographical regions, to assess the conditions of insertion after six or seven years after graduation, especially based on the French theoretical perspective for professional insertion’s analysis.

This study sought to highlight the reality of professional insertion of young administrators from a nationwide sample, where the heterogeneity of Administration courses was a positive element, by allowing comparisons and potential reformulations. Thus, it also aimed to encourage educational institutions to monitor graduates and serve as a subsidy for more effective public policies on professional insertion. Today, it is still associated with underemployment and the replication of differences when considering social markers related to young people and young Brazilian administrators.

At the same time, this study pursued the goal of encouraging further discussions about social and occupational inequalities, focusing on Administration graduates, and emphasizing issues of class, gender, and race/color/ ethnicity. Our intention was not to reach a definitive conclusion on these topics. In contrast, we hope that researchers will continue to look for new perspectives of study through different lenses; hence, it is necessary to examine other courses focusing on the professional insertion of young people in the country in order to make this a reality.

• 1
  Until the beginning of the systematization of the data for the research, the data for the year 2018 had not yet been released, as they are published by Inep between September and October of the following year.
• 2
  Correspond to students whose year of entry in higher education is equal to the reference year.
• 3
  We chose the 2016 Statistical Synopsis of Higher Education because Inep’s Higher Education Censuses are published on the institutional site, in general between September and October of the following year. Therefore, the 2017 Statistical Synopsis of Higher Education was disclosed only on September 20, 2018.

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Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  16 Sept 2022
• Date of issue
  2022

History

• Received
  24 Aug 2020
• Accepted
  15 Oct 2021