Articulated actions and public policy for the inclusion of people with disabilities at work in the municipality of São Carlos, São Paulo, Brazil

Abstract

Objective  to report the implementation of a public policy for the inclusion of people with disabilities (PWD) at work, initiated by academic research and extension practices to address the demand made by some companies to meet the Lei de Cotas, in the city of São Carlos - SP.

Methods  documentary analysis was performed, being complemented by collective reflection on the extension and research actions and on the public policy implementation. The report was organized in the form of a narrative.

Results  the development of the “activity-based inclusion model” to place disabled people in safe and adapted jobs is presented. Thanks to the networking of social and institutional actors, the “meeting of companies and PWD” was promoted, founding the municipal public policy, implemented through the Action, Work and Opportunity Project - ATO, between 2008 and 2015. An average of 40 people with disabilities took part in the project each year; 85 people were employed; 61 companies hired people with disabilities in the period.

Conclusion  the city of São Carlos, besides being recognized as a technological hub, was a “hub of social innovation and inclusion of PWD” in the period referred to, resulting from the functioning of the network of services and the implementation of unique and original public policy in Brazil.

Occupational Health; Public Policy; People with Disability; Social Inclusion of Disabled; Ergonomics; Work

Resumo

Objetivo  reportar a implementação de política para inclusão no trabalho de pessoas com deficiência (PCD), iniciada a partir de práticas de pesquisa e extensão acadêmicas para tratar da demanda colocada por algumas empresas a fim de atender à lei de cotas, em São Carlos – SP.

Métodos  relato de experiência organizado sob a forma de narrativa, fruto de análise documental e reflexão coletiva sobre intervenções após ações de extensão e de pesquisa e sobre participação na implementação de política pública.

Resultados  apresenta-se o desenvolvimento do “modelo de inclusão baseado na atividade” para inserir PCD em postos de trabalhos seguros e adaptados. Graças ao funcionamento em rede de atores sociais e institucionais, promoveu-se o “encontro de empresas e PCD”, fundando política pública municipal, implementada por meio do Projeto Ação, Trabalho e Oportunidade (ATO), entre 2008 e 2015. Participaram do projeto em média 40 PCD por ano; 85 pessoas foram empregadas; 61 empresas contrataram PCD no período.

Conclusão  São Carlos, reconhecida como polo tecnológico, foi “polo de inovação social e da inclusão de PCD” no período relatado, resultante do funcionamento da rede de serviços e da implementação de política pública original no Brasil.

Saúde do Trabalhador; Política Pública; Pessoas com Deficiência; Inclusão de Pessoas com Deficiência; Ergonomia; Trabalho

Introduction

The issue of disability raises questions for society as a whole and goes beyond the boundaries of individual countries. It is an essential issue in global human development, which is generally left in the background¹.

The rights of people with disabilities (PWD), especially in terms of inclusion in social activities, are provided for in various countries, and materialized in their respective legal frameworks. In Brazil, two laws and a decree - the lei de cotas (quotas act), No. 8.213/91², the Statute for People with Disabilities³, and Decree No. 3.298/99⁴, which provides for the National Policy for the Integration of People with Disabilities - regulate social practices to ensure the rights of people with disabilities and their participation in society.

The lei de cotas aims to repair the inequality in the state’s actions towards certain minorities, including the PWD. Through the quotas set aside for certain activities in society (education, work, culture), the law would induce their inclusion in social life.

Law No. 8.213/91² stipulates that companies with 100 to 200 employees must reserve 2% of their jobs, companies with 201 to 500 employees must reserve 3%, companies with 501 to 1,000 employees must reserve 4%, and companies with more than 1,000 employees must reserve 5%. Although it was published in 1991, enforcement began in 1999, when Decree No 3.298/99⁴ was published.

However, inclusion, which takes place in the capitalist system under neoliberal influence, tends to be based on instrumental practices, in the private and public sector, based on the premise of individuals taking responsibility for the success of their inclusion⁵. It is therefore a complex problem that challenges its implementation.

The inclusion of PWD in the workplace depends, of course, on the laws in force and their application, through the actions of public agents who carry out inspections in workplaces and check that the required quotas have been met. However, this is not enough.

There are several challenges associated with inclusion in the labor market, including the socially widespread representation, including by the mainstream media⁶, of how disability is seen, how the inclusion process is conceived, and how the roles of the various actors are shared even by the PWD themselves.

Inclusion is influenced by “representations about disability and the ability to work”⁶ (p. 460), by the view “about the very nature of the process, i.e. whether it is a social problem or a problem for the individuals themselves”⁶(p. 460-1)⁷,⁸. In order to really include it, a

comprehensive view of the nature of the process, in which people with disabilities, like anyone else, have the capacity to work if barriers to their participation are eliminated. This is a major social issue, the tackling of which depends on the engagement of the various social actors and institutions (p. 461)⁶,⁹,¹⁰.

Observing different situations of inclusion in companies shows that, when they are required to comply with the law, they tend to adopt conduct aimed at strictly meeting the quotas stipulated¹¹-¹³. The selection of workers with a certain type of disability, or the use of classified workers after falling ill as a result of their work, is a recurring practice; the difficulty of hiring is justified by the lack of qualifications of the PWD. These practices hide a lack of interest in investing in changes to the environment, to eliminate the physical and organizational barriers that prevent people with disabilities from entering the workplace. There are, of course, successful cases of inclusion at work in the private and public sector¹⁴,¹⁵.

But these are not the only problems faced by PWD. When asked, in general, the biggest barrier they mention is the lack of accessibility to urban spaces, whether due to the quality of urban roads or the lack of adapted public transport, among other factors⁶.

The implementation of a public policy^e for the inclusion of PWD in the workplace presupposes a meeting between companies, which have to comply with the law, and PWD who are interested in and prepared for the job. How can we overcome the various barriers to inclusion, make this meeting possible, and promote inclusion safely and effectively?

The aim of this report is to present, firstly, the academic research and extension practices of a team of researchers from the Federal University of São Carlos (UFSCar), which began to address the demand made by some companies in the early 2000s to hire PWD and fill the quotas required by law. They will also report on the actions that followed them and led to the implementation of a public policy for the inclusion of PWDs in the job market in the municipality of São Carlos.

Next, the narrative of the experience over time will allow us to reflect on the links between the technical construction that underpinned the studies and interventions carried out, based on the ergonomic analysis of work, and the social construction that framed action in institutions, companies, and local society to implement public policy at municipal level.

Methodological perspective

In order to present the experience of São Carlos in this report, we draw on the “tradition of practice”¹⁷in the field of public policy^f, where practice is defined as the “space for joint action and learning around shared problems that provides the starting point for the study” (p.412)¹⁷. A reflexive perspective is adopted, based on the interpellations between “thought and action in the policy-making process” (p. XI)²⁰.

On the other hand, as the policy was initiated and consolidated, as we shall see, through extension and research actions in the field of production engineering, ergonomics, and occupational therapy, it is necessary to emphasize the dimension of “intervention” associated with the production of knowledge, which influences the current of research on practice²¹.

Also from a reflexive perspective, the production of knowledge in the field of ergonomics takes place from the resolution of concrete problems that guide professional intervention, subsequently dealing with specific themes and objects to be modeled or formalizing methods²¹.

The reflection on the São Carlos experience will therefore be presented and discussed on the basis of the various “interventions” carried out both in the company space, the locus of inclusion, and in the public spaces where the actions of the network of actors and politics took place.

The records made by the service created to implement the policy (reports sent to the Public Prosecutor’s Office, reports on the activities carried out as accountability to the city council, among other documents), scientific publications, and academic texts (theses and dissertations produced²²-²⁴) are the support for the reflection, favored by the role of coordination and execution of the policy exercised by two authors and the academic guidance provided by another author. The fourth author was responsible for organizing the reflection and writing process.

The experience will be presented through a narrative^g, covering the period between 2001 and 2015, considering events that reoriented and redefined decisions and actions, as well as periods, practices, actions, and collective learning, and their main results.

The narrative below divides the experience into three main chapters: the first interventions between 2001 and 2005, the development and application of the activity-based inclusion model between 2005 and 2008, and the implementation of the municipal policy between 2008 and 2015.

The experience of São Carlos in the inclusion of PWD: from the first studies to the implementation of the Action, Work, and Opportunity project

Before describing the actions carried out by the team, it is necessary to introduce the municipality where the policy was implemented, the city of São Carlos.

It is a municipality with an estimated population of 252,000 (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics - IBGE), known as the “technology capital” for being a hub of scientific and technological development in the state of São Paulo. It has a thriving and diversified economy in both agriculture and industry, whose diversity of processes involves the metal-metallurgical and textile industries, aircraft maintenance, among others.

First chapter: in search of inclusion at work (2001-2005)

At the beginning of the 2000s, as the application of the law was recent (enforcement actions began around 1999), companies had no experience or practices for selecting and hiring PWD. In addition, there was a negative perception of the abilities of PWD to work in industrial activities. UFSCar’s Production Engineering Department was asked by a company in the aeronautics sector to help it comply with the law.

The demand for intervention in an industrial production system in the city of Botucatu - SP, was aimed at analyzing the feasibility of including PWD in aircraft manufacturing. For the company’s representatives, it seemed difficult to comply with the law, i.e. to hire PWD to work in the industrial plant, due to the nature of its production activity and the selection criteria practiced by the company.

Nineteen activities (jobs) were indicated to investigate whether PWD could work in them. An analysis of the activities, especially the skills required for the various positions, showed that all of them could be filled by people with physical disabilities²⁵.

These initial interventions confirmed the possibility of including PWD and the potential role that work analysis could play in helping to study the necessary skills and the suitability of jobs and environments for PWD. At the time, however, it was not imagined what difficulties there would be in finding and hiring PWD, which would arise in the following years.

Second chapter: development of the activity-based inclusion model and implementation of the action network (2005-2008)

After the first contacts with the problem, the team set about developing a model for the inclusion of disabled people and the reintegration of PWD into work, characterizing the dispersed population of PWD in the municipality and structuring a network of actions and services. These three axes ran in parallel, forming the embryo of the Action, Work and Opportunity (ATO – Ação, Trabalho, Oportunidade) project.

The inclusion model (Figure 1) was developed in three stages: 1) classification of the functionality of the PWD^h; 2) analysis of work activities; and 3) inclusion (training and technical and psychosocial support). Through this model, it was possible to analyze the potential and knowledge of people with disabilities, the barriers and facilitators to carrying out activities, workplaces, postures required by work tasks, movements, technical requirements, and necessary knowledge, by analyzing the activities of non-PWD working in the positions²⁷.

Figure 1
Activity-based inclusion model

The classification of people with disabilities, based on the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF) and the analysis of work activities, based on the premises of Activity Ergonomics, served as the basis for the development of inclusion, which aimed to qualify people with disabilities for work, adapting the workplace and environment (spaces, artifacts, accessibility, and social relations), informing employees and managers about the disability and then carrying out psychosocial and technical development monitoring during the professional internship, with an analysis of the activities of the PWD in their jobsⁱ.

The model was tested in a textile company in 2007, with the participation of seven PWD volunteers in four jobs (two in production and two in administrative tasks). It was the responsibility of the São Carlos Educational Foundation (FESC – Fundação Educacional de São Carlos) to carry out the professional training, based on the idea of citizen training, to favor the conditions for the insertion or reinsertion of the PWD into the workplace. The subjects covered in the course included: self-care and self-esteem, working posture, communication in the company, job interviews, interpersonal communication and relationships, assertiveness, autonomy, and dealing with barriers²⁸.

At the end of the study, only one PWD was hired to work in an administrative service position.

At the same time, an extension activity was carried out, linked to the development of the model and the pilot study, by a team from UFSCar’s Occupational Therapy Department, to reach and get to know the dispersed PWD population in the municipality. The study was carried out in order to find out, through the five institutions that support people with disabilities in the municipality, what services were provided, what training activities were offered, and what number of people with disabilities of working age they reached. It was concluded that 4,775 PWD were assisted in these places, of which 1,520 were in the economically active population (EAP) age group, i.e. between 18 and 50 years old, and of these, 130 had some kind of professional activity²⁹.

Gradually, various interlocutors began to be identified in the municipal public services, the labor inspectorate, and companies, with the aim of structuring and designing a network of actions to implement a public policy for inclusion in the workplace. The network was structured through a partnership between UFSCar, the Regional Labor and Employment Management and the City Hall, and its various departments (sustainable development, health, education, and culture), as well as the Educational Foundation, which would be responsible for training activities. As well as implementing a management information system, the network aimed to “educate, train, rehabilitate, inform, mediate, and create incentives to include, retain, and replace people with disabilities in the job market and assist them with technical, psychological, economic, and social support” (p. 175)²³.

Immediately, it was necessary to provide support and face up to the need to hire by companies in the municipality, stimulated by the growing demand following the enforcement of the law and the low demand for jobs by PWDs living in the area.

Although the registration of the PWD was done through a system used by the Ministry of Labor and Employment and operated by the municipal service responsible for the Employment Desk, there was little demand from PWD for jobs.

Chapter three: the implementation of the ATO project (2008-2015)

The ATO Project succeeded the network of actions for the inclusion of PWD in São Carlos²⁴,²⁷ after obtaining financial resources from a Conduct Adjustment Agreement signed between the Public Labor Prosecution Office (MPT – Ministério Público do Trabalho) and a large metalworking company, which made it possible to set up a formal organization, hiring professionals and formalizing agreements between the institutional partners. The National Social Security Institute (INSS – Instituto Nacional do Seguro Social) joined the project. The academic coordination was carried out by professors and a researcher from UFSCar, while trainees and hired professionals were responsible for its operationalization.

Between December 2008 and February 2010, the team dealt exclusively with the inclusion of PWD in the metal company, analyzing 78 jobs. However, when consulted, the local employment office did not have enough candidates for the company to hire. The project was then widely publicized in the local media, asking for candidates.

Before presenting the results at the metalworking company, we’ll look at the actions taken to bring the PWD into the project.

The active search for candidates

Faced with a persistent lack of applicants, the ATO Project was publicized by the São Carlos Educational Foundation (FESC) and the Municipal Department of Labor, Employment and Income (SMTER - Secretaria Municipal de Trabalho, Emprego e Renda), who enlisted the help of the Autonomous Water and Sewage Service (SAAE - Serviço Autônomo de Água e Esgoto) by handing out a leaflet explaining the ATO Project’s activities in specific neighborhoods. Priority neighborhoods were those identified by the municipal services where a large number of PWD lived. Civil servants from the citizenship and social assistance department and technicians from the municipality’s housing project company (PROHAB - projeto habitacional do município) were familiar with the locations of recent housing projects in which there were incentives for PWD to buy their own home at a lower price than other low-income people.

In addition to publicizing the project on water bills, the executive team mobilized to deliver the project leaflet to various health units in the municipality and to some hypermarkets in the city, as well as to publicize it on the municipality’s television channel, an affiliate of a major national network²⁴,²⁸.

Results of inclusion in the metalworking company

From December 2008 to August 2010, the jobs at the metalworking company that is a partner and funder of this project were analyzed according to the proposed methodology. Simultaneously with the analysis of work activities, 226 people who sought out the ATO project were registered. Of these, 131 people were assessed.

The people assessed were invited to take the training course offered by the project^j. The training course was held in seven classes, with the syllabus divided into 30 hours. A total of 87 PWD completed the course.

Regarding referrals to the formal job market, of the people who completed the professional training course, 82 were referred to the formal job market. The remaining five were referred to the solidarity economy program of the Department of Labor, Employment and Income of the Municipality of São Carlos.

The 82 PWD who were recommended for jobs in the formal market were recommended to start an apprenticeship at the metalworking company that funded the project. After completing the internship, 28 were hired by the metal company, i.e. 34% of the people referred for internships.

During the project’s implementation period, specifically in 2009, training was given to the company’s supervisors, production, and human resources staff in order to prepare them to receive the PWD for their internship. The training session^k lasted 4 hours. A lecture and group dynamics were given to the 75 employees who took part²⁸.

The continuity of the project until the end of the agreement

When the conduct adjustment agreement expired in December 2010, the City Council took over the project in its entirety, through an agreement with the Association of Parents and Friends of the Exceptional (APAE – Associação de Pais e Amigos dos Excepcionais)^l of São Carlos, until mid-2012. The agreement was then renewed and ran from June 2014 to June 2015. UFSCar, through the Production Engineering and Occupational Therapy departments, continued to coordinate the project academically.

The agreement consisted of the city council passing on funds to APAE, which was responsible for hiring professionals and keeping the project running using the model of inclusion through activity. In addition to the financial contribution, SMTER and FESC maintained the physical space used by the team^m, as well as the necessary electronic equipment²⁴.

On average, 40 people with intellectual, motor, visual, and hearing disabilities took part in the project each year, through coordinated, intersectoral action, with the lowest percentage of people with visual disabilities and the highest percentage of people with motor disabilities. 85 people were included after being trained. Among the industry and commerce sectors, 61 companies from various sectors hired PWD through the project.

Despite the successful placement of the PWD in jobs in the formal market, the activities carried out by the ATO Project were definitively suspended in 2015, following changes in the municipality’s public administration²⁴.

Discussion

The literature shows that, despite the existence of the law, there are numerous barriers to the inclusion of PWD in the job market. It’s a controversial issue, conditioned by economic, social, and political factors that don’t necessarily converge: companies seeking to comply with the law at the lowest possible cost, PWD marginalized and excluded from social and economic life, and public institutions generally uninterested in solving the problem⁷.

Inclusion is not a simple process resulting from the application of the law by companies and enforcement action, but one that requires overcoming various barriers⁷.

Before discussing the São Carlos experience, it is important to point out the inherent limits of this text, since it is based on the reflections of some of the players involved throughout the process (despite their leading role). As such, the aim was not to carry out an in-depth analysis of the policy implemented, but rather to highlight the main difficulties and contributions throughout the process, which were considered most important by the academic team.

Although the chapters presented in this report are based on articles already published²⁵,²⁷ and other academic works²²-²⁴, the complete process has not been publishedⁿ, nor has it been presented in narrative form. In this way, it is possible to visualize and list the main aspects that influenced the implementation of inclusion in the work of the PWD in the city.

In the experience reported, the need to enforce the law mobilized a network of actors and services to promote a “mediated” meeting between companies, which needed to comply with the law, and the PWD, who were dispersed throughout the territory and invisible to a large part of society and municipal services³⁰. As the law was a mechanism for responding to the desires of the PWD movements, it was thought that the supply of jobs advocated by the law would be quickly filled, which was not the case.

The narrative initially pointed to the technical resolution, i.e. the development of a method to establish the inclusion of people in companies and the importance of educational processes; then it highlighted the design to solve the “social problem” - that of the lack of demand for work by PWD - in the early 2000s.

Initially, it was necessary to expand the instrumental perspective pursued by companies⁷,¹¹, which sought to comply with the law and hire PWD without modifying the facilities or their workstations. The development of an activity-based inclusion model ensured that this reduced perspective of inclusion was broadened, by influencing the design of safe workplaces adapted to disabled people, the characteristics of the activities, and production requirements. Activity-based ergonomics and the ICF formed the technological basis of the inclusion process in companies, whose demand to fill positions was only made possible by the development of network actions (social construction)²⁵.

The report, then, shows the importance of the various network actions in order to get to know the PWD population, locate them in the territory, train them, and bring them in to be part of the inclusion process. For this reason, it was essential to have a variety of municipal services that knew their characteristics when acting on them in the various fields (energy and water distribution, social services, housing, education, health) and would help locate them, look for them, inform them of the municipal policy, to encourage their inclusion in the job market in the municipality²⁴,²⁸.

Training also played a fundamental role. On the one hand, preparing PWD for life at work and its demands, which were unknown to them⁷. The training of technicians and company staff also helped to show that, once the barriers were removed, PWD could perform adequately; changing the representation of “disability” among company representatives is a fundamental step in making the inclusion process viable⁷,³¹.

In addition, the policy took shape in its own space, with the hiring of professionals and the allocation of resources for its maintenance, while it was valued by the municipal government²⁴.

Despite the progress made in the process, Navas²⁴, when evaluating the ATO project, states that one of the barriers to inclusion in São Carlos, or dismissal after inclusion, is associated with the team’s inability to monitor the permanence of people after they join.

Although there aren’t many cases of local inclusion policy implementation in the literature, a study carried out in Florianópolis also points to the importance of networking and training social actors¹⁵, which was highlighted in the São Carlos experience.

It is important to point out that implementing a public policy to deal with such a controversial and difficult subject was possible thanks to the complementary contributions of different disciplines and inter-institutional action involving municipal and federal authorities, as well as MPT agents, representatives of the private sector, and specialized institutions. Hence the importance of the presence of a federal university in the municipality, which is committed to solving society’s issues through outreach activities and which, in this particular case, coordinated the inclusion process.

On the one hand, it can be said that the actions and policy implemented have increased the pouvoir d’agir³² of the various players involved. The historical narrative thus shows the team’s commitment to “giving a voice to the voiceless”³³, a characteristic of interventions in Workers’ Health and Public Ergonomics³⁴.

Conclusion

The municipality of São Carlos, as well as being recognized as a technological hub, was a “hub for social innovation and the inclusion of people with disabilities” because of the implementation of the ATO project. This is a unique experience both for the inclusion of PWD and for the intervention of ergonomics at the heart of public policies.

There is no denying the importance of the development of the activity-based inclusion model, which was technically founded and complemented by the organization of the actions of the service network and the implementation of a municipal policy based on a social vision of the inclusion process.

These two dimensions for overcoming barriers to inclusion should be considered when implementing similar policies in other locations.

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• Availability of data:
  The authors declare that the entire dataset supporting the results of this study has been published in the article itself.
• Presentation of the study at a scientific event:
  The authors report that the study has not been presented at a scientific event.
• e
  Public policy is understood not only as a form of intervention by the state, but as a “contemporary form of exercising power in democratic societies, resulting from a complex interaction between the state and society, understood here in a broad sense, which includes social relations that also take place in the field of economics (p. 2)”.
• f
  The implementation of social public policies, as in the case of inclusion, is a process of social engineering aimed at solving problems of a complex nature or enigmas (puzzle solving), it involves a network of different actors with their interests and interactions, it encourages collective learning, it involves permanent negotiations due to the different points of view and existing controversies, it requires inter-institutional coordination to ensure a democratic perspective.
• g
  As Winship shows, the history of the implementation of a given policy makes it possible to understand the process of solving the riddle at its origin.
• h
  The International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF), a classification based on the biopsychosocial model, considers that activity is the execution of a task or action by an individual and that participation is the involvement of that individual in a life situation, for example, work. However, the analysis of “activity and participation” is based on capacity - performing activities in a standard environment (e.g. a health clinic) - and performance - performing tasks in the usual environment (e.g. the workplace). In this way, an individual can have a disability and consequently a limitation in their capacity, but environmental factors can favor (facilitators) or disfavor (barriers) their “activity and participation”.
• i
  The ICF proved to be very effective in providing information on the abilities of PWD and analyzing them in relation to the factors that, in this context of inclusion in the workplace, were identified with the help of work activity analysis, through Activity Ergonomics.
• j
  “The training courses were based on the methodology of the Sorri-Campinas Institution and worked on the following topics: self-care and self-esteem, communication in the company, job interviews, group dynamics, interpersonal communication, valuing relationships, networking, positive thinking, autonomy, facing barriers, accessibility, rights and duties, professional posture, process vision in the organization, autonomy, and inclusion culture” (p. 124).
• k
  “It was about education for inclusion, in order to present the characteristics of people with disabilities, discuss their abilities and limitations, and the barriers imposed by society to inclusion” (p.124).
• l
  The city council made financial transfers to APAE to carry out the project, through Municipal Law No. 15.814/11.
• m
  A secretary, an occupational therapist, and a psychologist, as well as trainees from UFSCar’s occupational therapy and production engineering courses.
• n
  Of course, the chapters summarize more in-depth analyses of the themes and objects dealt with in the published articles.

• Funding:
  The authors declare that the study was not funded.

Edited by

• Editor-in-Chief:
  Eduardo Algranti

Data availability

The authors declare that the entire dataset supporting the results of this study has been published in the article itself.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  02 Dec 2024
• Date of issue
  2024

History

• Received
  14 Feb 2023
• Reviewed
  06 May 2024
• Accepted
  08 May 2024