Fish farming markets and marketing strategies of family farmers in TocantinsAbstract
Abstract Marketing is a major challenge for family farmers, especially in fish farming in Tocantins, Brazil. Despite increased production and consumption, fish farmers face obstacles such as low value addition, high costs, difficulties with formalization, and weak social organization. In this context, associations serve as a strategy for productive inclusion, improving access to public policies and technical support. This study examines the marketing strategies of three fish farmers’ associations in the Palmas/TO region, based on Schneider’s (2016) market typology. Using data from 26 interviews, the results show that the Bom Peixe and Peixe do Segredo associations operate in short production and marketing circuits, while the Brejinho de Nazaré association is integrated into a longer supply chain, relying more on intermediaries. Marketing strategies differ among associations and include farmers’ markets, direct sales, and partnerships with processing plants, as well as distinct price formation mechanisms. The findings highlight the key role of associations in organizing production and marketing. However, individual initiatives still outweigh collective actions.
Keywords:
family fish farming; associativism; market access; public policies
Resumo
Resumo A comercialização é uma das principais dificuldades enfrentadas por agricultores familiares, especialmente na piscicultura no Tocantins, em que, apesar do aumento da produção e consumo de pescado, os piscicultores enfrentam barreiras como baixo valor agregado, altos custos, dificuldades de formalização e baixa organização social. Nesse contexto, as associações surgem como alternativa para inclusão produtiva, facilitando o acesso a políticas públicas e suporte técnico. Este estudo analisa as estratégias de comercialização adotadas por três associações de piscicultores da região de Palmas/TO, com base na tipologia de mercados de Schneider (2016). A pesquisa, realizada por meio de 26 entrevistas, identificou que as associações Bom Peixe e Peixe do Segredo atuam em circuitos curtos de produção e comercialização, enquanto a de Brejinho de Nazaré opera em cadeia longa, com maior dependência de intermediários. As estratégias variam: feiras, vendas diretas e parcerias com frigoríficos. A formação de preços também difere entre elas. Conclui-se que as associações são essenciais para organização e comercialização do pescado, embora predomine uma atuação mais individualizada do que coletiva.
Palavras-chave:
piscicultura familiar; associativismo; acesso aos mercados; políticas públicas
1 Introduction
The commercialization of agrifood products represents the final link in the process of productive inclusion of family farmers into existing markets. This stage is frequently identified as one of the major difficulties faced by collective organizations formed by family farmers, as well as for individual production (Sousa & Ribeiro, 2023). This is explained by the fact that commercialization constitutes the most anticipated phase of the productive chain, given that it enables the financial return on the labor performed and the goods offered, contributing directly to the socioeconomic reproduction of family farming segments (Deggerone & Schneider, 2022).
Despite its strategic relevance, the commercialization phase remains marked by uncertainties and bottlenecks, largely associated with insufficient knowledge and technical capacity adequate for its management. Among the main difficulties, prominent factors include the limited availability of points of sale, long distances and difficult access to markets, as well as the predominance of buyers with high bargaining power, who impose unfavorable prices and payment conditions on producers. Such situations configure market asymmetries, particularly within marketing channels, which tend to generate economic losses, reduce profit margins, and compromise the profitability of sellers (Sousa et al., 2014).
The social sciences in general, and economics and sociology in particular, have been addressing these problems. As studies and research advance, it becomes clear that the issue of asymmetry and the subordination of one agent to another does not stem from a simple imperfection or even from a malfunction in the exchange relations between agents operating within a mercantile relationship also identified by the so-called “law of supply and demand”. The central problem of asymmetries lies within the relations of power and domination established in exchange relationships, which derive from how markets function and are structured within a given space or social context. Consequently, analyzing markets implies studying and understanding how power relations function, operate, and are organized and structured (Jafari et al., 2022).
Markets assume a structuring role in food systems by functioning as arenas of mediation among production, commercialization, consumption, and public action, in which distinct actors articulate to guarantee supply and formulate food access strategies, integrating rural and urban dimensions (Schneider & Cassol, 2023). This centrality relies on shared values understood as socially constructed norms, principles, and cultural frameworks that embed economic dynamics within social relations. Such values guide the shaping and governance of markets, influence their management mechanisms, and regulate economic exchanges, helping to explain the insertion and permanence of actors in markets with which they maintain affinity and identification (Cassol & Schneider, 2022).
Within this context, the research in question focused on the analysis of family fish farmers and the specificities of family fish farming an activity that consists of the rearing and management of fish in a controlled environment (Food and Agriculture Organization, 2022). The fish productive chain holds relevance for both the economy and society, as it contributes significantly to employment and income generation, especially among low-income families, in addition to strengthening the food and nutritional security of fish farmers and consumers who benefit from this rich animal protein (Sousa et al., 2017). However, a major challenge arises: the requirement of environmental licensing as a prerequisite to legitimize operations, which frequently hinders access to credit in financial institutions and generates other bottlenecks throughout the chain (Sousa, 2021).
In Brazil, several factors favor the advancement of aquaculture, such as suitable climatic conditions, accessibility to equipment and inputs, as well as the wide availability of water resources, which are essential for the activity (Igarashi, 2021).
In the state of Tocantins, it is no different, as these characteristics are even more evident, given that the region stands out for its favorable climate, the abundance of its rivers, and the growing structuring of the fish productive chain (Costa & Sousa, 2025).
Faced with the increasing demand for foods with high nutritional value, fish commercialization represents a strategic opportunity for income generation among family fish farmers, strengthening the local economy and contributing to regional development (Debus et al., 2016).
Although the development of aquaculture in the state has achieved significant volume metrics, including an increase in fish production and consumption, family fish farmers still face difficulties in accessing formal markets. This is due to the low level of social organization and value addition to their products, high production costs, and difficulties in formalizing sanitary inspection (Sousa, 2021).
One of the main strategies to address the problems associated with information asymmetries, high transaction costs, and the imperfect functioning of markets lies in collective action. Through the organization of producers into associations and cooperatives, it becomes possible to reduce individual vulnerabilities, enhance bargaining power, and create more favorable conditions for productive inclusion by allowing a more efficient fulfillment of market requirements (Sousa & Ribeiro, 2023). Collective organizations stand out because they are easier to establish and maintain, configuring a relevant step in the process of structuring and strengthening the social framework of family fish farmers (Silva & Nunes, 2023).
Collective and organizational action, therefore, can be understood as a concrete response to the malfunction and structural problems of markets by mitigating asymmetries and reducing coordination and transaction costs. However, this is not the only available pathway. Public policies constitute a second fundamental pillar for confronting these limitations, insofar as they have the power to reduce structural vulnerabilities and inequalities such as asymmetries of information, access, and economic power thereby creating a more favorable institutional environment for market functioning and the inclusion of family-based producers (Sousa et al., 2014).
In recent decades, there has been an expansion of public policies aimed at building and strengthening markets for family farming, with a focus on promoting food security and environmental sustainability. This movement results largely from the pressure exerted by representative organizations of family farming, public managers, and rural researchers, who began to demand State protection and development policies directed at the most vulnerable segments of the countryside. Such policies were conceived based on the specificities of the social reproduction processes of these groups, seeking to expand their socioeconomic opportunities and stimulating a more active and qualified participation in agricultural markets (Grisa & Schneider, 2015).
In the specific case of agrifood markets, Schneider (2016) highlights that they are structured based on the practices of food production, commercialization, and consumption. Within this scenario, collective enterprises of family farming occupy an intermediate position in the agro-industrial system, situated between the input market and the processing, distribution, and commercialization markets. This insertion, however, exposes family farmers to various commercial complexities involving economic, political, legal, social, natural, competitive, and technological factors (Moraes & Schwab, 2019).
The socioeconomic dimension of family fish farming in Tocantins encompasses the form of commercialization and the structure of distribution channels is fundamental to guaranteeing production outflow and, consequently, the financial influx necessary for the livelihood of family fish farmers. The sale of fish is directly related to income generation for these small-scale producers, which reinforces the importance of efficient and well-structured marketing channels tailored to their reality. Therefore, the objective of this study is to analyze the marketing strategies adopted by three fish farming associations in the region of Palmas, Tocantins (TO), to identify and describe the accessed agrifood markets and channels, seeking to discuss aspects related to their classification within market typologies.
2 Theoretical Foundation
Markets are spaces constituted by a diversity of individuals or groups dedicated to the regular commercialization of products or services, while another variety of individuals or groups is motivated to acquire the offered products (Garcia-Parpet, 2021). These markets can be understood as socially constructed arenas, organized through formal and informal rules that regulate the exchange relations between buyers and sellers (Fligstein & Dauter, 2012).
Belik & Fornazier (2016) highlight that the exchange of commodities is a complex process that demands a comprehensive approach, especially when considering the challenges faced by different types of producers. Family farmers in general, for instance, deal with obstacles such as irregular production, a lack of adequate equipment and packaging, and the delayed implementation of public policies from which they could benefit. In contrast, more capitalized and professionalized producers possess a greater capacity for articulation with other markets and advance more rapidly, deepening the existing differentiation among farming families.
Ploeg (2011), in turn, distinguishes two main types of markets: globalized and liberalized commodity markets, which generate market failures such as inequalities and environmental degradation; and emerging markets, which are distinguished by their emphasis on differentiated products with superior quality, known origin, and new relations between producers and consumers. These emerging markets also involve new infrastructures and social arrangements, being governed differently from traditional commodity markets.
The globalization of markets weakens local food production, distancing producers from consumers by expanding distribution chains, which has aggravated food insecurity indicators (Rover & Darolt, 2021). Biodiversity loss and climate change are also factors that may threaten food and nutritional security in the long term (Flexor et al., 2023).
Within this scenario, markets play a crucial role not only in economic processes but also in shaping values, culture, and institutions, generating conflicts and disputes. Thus, by mediating social interactions, markets shape economic daily life and sociability, influencing individual attitudes and behaviors (Gazolla & Aquino, 2021). This contemporary approach considers markets and institutions to be social constructions, an understanding widely accepted among economists and sociologists (Cassol & Schneider, 2022). However, different configurations of social networks can generate distinct market dynamics, affecting everything from competition patterns to mechanisms of trust and information diffusion. Consequently, networks do not merely sustain markets; they actively shape them (Wilkinson, 2002).
To comprehend the structure and functioning of markets, Schneider (2016) suggested the development of a typology based on the marketing channels used and accessed by family farmers. According to the characteristics of the marketing channels, four different types of markets can be established. When sales occur without any intermediary or mediator interfering in the relation between sellers and buyers, and the relationship is direct, a type of market termed “proximity market” is created. Examples of these channels include direct sales practiced at roadsides, door-to-door, and pick-your-own (colhe-e-pague). In these markets, the relations between sellers and buyers are highly dependent on mutual acquaintance, friendship, or kinship, which function as control and regulatory mechanisms or devices for this relationship, generating trust, loyalty, and strong interaction between those who sell and those who buy.
The persistence and vitality of the informal economy and proximity markets can be explained by economic sociology, which emphasizes the importance of social networks and collective trust in the transactions carried out within this context (Wilkinson, 2003). Schneider (2016) highlights that the nature of exchanges in family farming is related to the purpose of production and the objectives of the farmers, whether oriented toward self-consumption or commercialization. These exchanges are deeply influenced by interpersonal relationships and bonds of reciprocity, which are fundamental characteristics of proximity markets, where economic transactions are embedded in social interactions and solidarity-based relations. Thus, within proximity markets, short food supply chains predominate and have been consolidating in the contemporary food context, especially in opposition to globalized markets marked by the distancing between production and consumption. This configuration plays a relevant role by favoring the establishment of ties among a restricted number of actors, thereby strengthening relations of trust and reciprocity. Added to this is the investment by farmers in more diversified productive systems, whose environmentally sustainable practices are perceived by consumers as alternatives to the environmental degradation and recurrent sanitary crises observed on a global scale (Chiffoleau, 2019).
Regarding local and territorial markets, they configure a transition stage relative to proximity markets, insofar as they begin to operate according to a logic more oriented by supply and demand, with monetized exchanges and quantitative criteria. Although they maintain values from proximity markets, agents in these markets produce with the objective of obtaining higher financial gains, configuring a simple commodity economy. The presence of intermediaries is prominent, and control mechanisms such as certifications and differentiated prices are common. These markets stand out for the territorial and symbolic identity of the products, where reciprocity and mutual acquaintance coexist with devices such as prices and competition. Examples include local fairs and auctions, which combine competition with social values such as trust and reputation (Schneider, 2016).
In contrast, conventional markets are heavily oriented by the logic of supply and demand and are characterized by the predominance of large private agents operating across multiple scales, seeking to maximize profit opportunities. These markets do not depend on specific physical spaces, being considered “placeless”. However, they possess a strong connection to regions of distribution and circulation, reaching national and global spheres. These markets are characterized by high risk and uncertainty, with intermediation mechanisms based on complex contracts, representation agreements, and the regulation of property rights. Farmers embedded in these commodity markets depend heavily on such contracts and face challenges regarding control and regulation (Schneider, 2016).
Within this context, territorial markets emerge as strategies for family farming to guarantee the commercialization of production under fairer conditions, faced with the advancing control of large oligopolistic corporations over food marketing channels. Thus, they are organized to meet not only economic demands but also the social interests of the subjects involved in food production and consumption, wherein producers and consumers assume the leadership of governance. This expands the possibilities for the active participation of historically vulnerable groups such as families in situations of social vulnerability, women farmers, and rural youth as economic agents and political subjects in the construction of territories. Conversely, conventional markets are structured based on norms, practices, and values defined by large corporations within the distribution sector, being regulated by impersonal relations where the circulation of standardized commodities prevails, without concern for identifying their social, cultural, geographical origin, or production process. This distinction results in relevant shifts in power relations and in the structure of food systems, influencing modes of production and consumption, the distribution of value among economic agents, and the level of autonomy regarding local development (Lopes et al., 2022).
Institutional markets, in turn, assume a strategic role in supporting family farming and its forms of collective organization, given that they are structured around public demand, with emphasis on governmental and non-governmental agents that promote practices such as fair trade. Highly regulated, they function through laws, bidding rules, and public procurement, being classified by Polanyi (2000) as markets of redistribution associated with the political organization of societies. These markets offer higher prices and payment guarantees, making them attractive to family farmers. Examples include programs such as school feeding and food acquisition aimed at supplying basic food baskets or public facilities for non-profit entities.
In this manner, institutional markets promote structuring actions toward sustainable development, as they expand marketing opportunities and production outflow by enabling or strengthening the use of public procurement. As a result, they generate several benefits for society, such as dynamization of the local economy through short chains; encouragement of the agroecological transition; valorization of products originating from family farming; increased planning capacity on the part of producers; strengthening of collective organization through the affiliation of individuals with associations and cooperatives; and the promotion of food and nutritional security (Bertolini et al., 2023).
This typology proposed by Schneider (2016) offers a useful tool for understanding the diversity of ways in which family farmers interact with markets, while simultaneously revealing the complexity and particularities of these relations within the context of family farming, as can be verified in Table 1.
To provide an analytical framework that allows for understanding the diversity and complexity of agricultural markets, Schneider (2016) proposed five categories to classify agrifood markets. These categories differ based on the following aspects: the characteristics of the farmers involved, the location and geographical scope, the nature of exchanges and the business models practiced, the existing systems of rules and regulation, and, finally, the type of marketing channel utilized, as presented in Table 1. The first
This typology focuses on identifying the farmers, considering the level of commercialization and the destination of production. Two key variables are highlighted: the level of interaction with markets, which can vary from a lack of integration to full dependence, and the destination of production, which can be oriented toward self-consumption or sale. These variables allow for the classification of farmers' relationships with markets, spanning aspects from autonomy to complete dependence.
To describe a market completely, it is necessary to identify the social mediations and forms of articulation that sustain its structure. This analysis enables an understanding of the relationship between the actors involved and how exchanges are regulated and politicized within the context of markets (Matte, 2018). Regarding market regulation, Schneider (2016) establishes relevant analytical distinctions between different types of markets, highlighting the institutional mechanisms that organize and control economic exchanges in each context. In proximity markets, the institutions regulating transactions are grounded in mutual acquaintance and trust among participants. These are environments in which agents maintain direct and recurrent relations, which facilitates the identification of those considered trustworthy and possessing a good reputation. Similarly, in territorial markets, regulation and control mechanisms also rely on mutual acquaintance and reciprocal trust among agents, but they expand and may involve the mediation of an external agent, such as a small cooperative, an association, or even a social network. Although relationships are not as close as in proximity markets, forms of coordination based on social ties rooted in mutual recognition and reputation persist within territorial markets.
In synthesis, within proximity and territorial markets, the control and regulation devices that form the governance mechanisms are based on informality and tacit relationships. All agents participating in exchange relations within these spaces and formats are aware of the rules and norms. Even if they are not “written in stone”, nor embedded in laws or statutes, agents know what they are permitted to do and what is forbidden to them. Honesty and trust are based on compliance with these principles, which define not only the character and personality of the agents participating in the exchanges but, above all, their reputation and honor. The ultimate expression of the smooth functioning of these control and governance devices can be observed in credit sales (the famous “selling on trust”) and in forms of bargaining, where business continuity rests upon the postulate that a “deal must be good for both sides” (a “win-win business”), that is, for both the seller and the buyer (Schneider, 2016).
In contrast, within conventional markets, the regulation and control of transactions occur predominantly through formal contracts, demanding the action of external mediators and legally institutionalized devices such as supply agreements, partnership contracts, and input delivery clauses to guarantee the regularity and security of exchanges. Regarding institutional markets, the governance mechanisms are essentially legal and contractual, structured by norms, public calls, and administrative procedures, such as biddings, auctions, and supply contracts for public programs involving school feeding or basic food basket supply. Although this high degree of formalization may reduce the flexibility and agility of transactions, it secures greater control, predictability, and transparency, ensuring the operational viability, legal compliance, and reliability of relations between buyers and producers (Schneider, 2016).
This analysis proposed by Schneider (2016) offers a broad and detailed understanding of the forms of regulation and interaction within different types of agrifood markets that can be accessed by family farmers and their collective organizations, evidencing the social, economic, and institutional dynamics that shape the specificities of exchange relations in rural areas.
In a complementary manner, within this same market approach and with the intention of understanding how diversification occurs in practice, Deggerone & Schneider (2022) categorize marketing channels into three types: exclusive, diversified, and super-diversified. In the exclusive model, the family farmer limits themselves to utilizing a single channel for the sale of their products. In the diversified model, they make use of two or three channels, increasing their commercialization options. Lastly, in the super-diversified model, the producer adopts four or more channels, significantly expanding their reach and market opportunities.
With the objective of understanding the operational dynamics of these markets, some representative case studies are presented below. In the study conducted by Miranda et al. (2024) regarding commercialization at the Family Farming Fair (FAF), held on the Seropédica campus of the Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ), it was found that this direct sales channel holds high relevance for local supply. The authors verified that the farmers embedded in this proximity market actively participate in price-setting, whereas the gross revenue obtained presents variations due to seasonal fluctuations in supply and demand, influencing product availability and sales volume. However, such effects tend to be mitigated by the relative stability of prices. Furthermore, the supply is characterized by a diversity of products, whose items frequently have similar substitutes within the same category.
Regarding the institutional market, the study developed by Assis et al. (2019) across three municipalities in Minas Gerais identified challenges related to the mobilization of family farming, the logistics of product delivery to schools, and the processing of payments. The authors highlight the existence of an initial mistrust between farmers and public bodies stemming from the novelty of the relationship established among these actors, which demands a process of mutual learning. Within this context, it is up to the farmers to adapt their productive processes, plan production, organize documentation, and structure supply to participate in public calls. Concurrently, schools and other institutions responsible for procurement need to recognize the specificities of local family farming, adapt menus to incorporate regional products, assimilate new modalities of public acquisition, and establish continuous relations with producers in order to align delivery and ensure the supply of food in adequate quality and quantity.
Still within the scope of institutional markets, Troian et al. (2020), when analyzing the state of Rio Grande do Sul, verified the existence of a significant number of municipalities that complied with the legislation regarding the National School Feeding Program (PNAE), which establishes that at least 30% of funds must be allocated to the acquisition of products from family farming. The results evidenced higher rates of family farmer participation in supplying schools compared to other Brazilian states. In this direction, the authors emphasize that the operationalization of the policy and the expansion of this market can be strengthened by improving relations among the public authorities, family farming, and school institutions through a continuous process of learning an equally highlighted aspect by Assis et al. (2019).
Regarding territorial markets, Cruz & Schneider (2022), when analyzing open-air markets in the Jequitinhonha Valley and northern Minas Gerais, identified three central indicators for their organization: relations of trust, product quality, and supply diversity. According to the authors, the articulation of these traditional values and norms constitutes a relevant differential in building their own mechanisms of control and territorial governance, strengthening the capacity of these markets to confront conflicts and pressures stemming from institutions that regulate conventional markets, which also impact local markets.
Finally, Vargas et al. (2024), in a case study on the markets accessed by land reform family farmers in northern Rio Grande do Sul, highlighted that the main marketing channels are agro-industrial cooperatives, which predominate among soybean producers, and private companies, which are more frequent among those commercializing in natura milk. Insertion into these markets occurs predominantly through conventional circuits, being influenced by factors such as access to information, infrastructure, logistics, governance, and price formation mechanisms. The authors further observe the predominance of poorly diversified marketing channels, a condition that reduces farmers' autonomy and limits their decision-making capacity within the production sales process.
3 Methodology
The research is characterized as a field study, exploratory-descritive in nature, with a predominant qualitative approach and the complementary use of descriptive statistics. The methodological design is guided by the criteria of the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ) guidelines.
The study was conducted across three municipalities located on the banks of the Palmas Lake, a reservoir formed by the Luís Eduardo Magalhães Hydroelectric Power Plant on the Tocantins River. The associations investigated are embedded within Aquaculture Parks established by the Ministry of Fishing and Aquaculture (MPA) in 2013: Sucupira Aquaculture Park (Palmas), Miracema/Lajeado Aquaculture Park (Lajeado), and Brejinho II Aquaculture Park (Brejinho de Nazaré). These parks constitute the productive base of family fish farming in net-cages within the region and delimit the empirical universe of research.
The sample was composed of 26 family fish farmers, corresponding to approximately 70% of the active members from the three participating organizations who voluntarily agreed to take part in the study. The distribution was as follows: 10 members from the Aquaculture Association of Brejinho de Nazaré; 8 from the Association of Fish Producers of the Sucupira Aquaculture Park (Bom Peixe); and 8 from the Peixe do Segredo Association. The inclusion criteria considered: (i) formal ties with the association; (ii) active operation in fish production; and (iii) agreement to participate in the research through free and informed consent.
Data collection occurred between November 2023 and February 2024 through face-to-face, semi-structured interviews. A previously developed and validated interview guide was utilized. The instrument included questions regarding productive profile, associative organization, marketing channels, price formation, difficulties in accessing markets, and mercantile insertion strategies. The interviews were digitally recorded using the ODK Collect software on a tablet, which contributed to data standardization, secure storage, and traceability.
Qualitative analysis followed the thematic content analysis technique proposed by Bardin (2011), developed in three stages: (i) Pre-analysis: organization of the corpus, skimming, and definition of the analytical categories, articulated with the theoretical framework on market typologies for family farming; (ii) Material exploration: thematic coding and categorization of the data, identifying recurrent patterns, convergences, and divergences among the associations; (iii) Treatment and interpretation: interpretative analysis in light of the adopted theoretical framework, seeking to understand the relationship between associative strategies and forms of market insertion.
Quantitative data were systematized through simple descriptive statistics used to complement the qualitative interpretation and provide greater robustness to the analysis.
Aiming at the reliability and validity of the study, the following procedures were adopted: (i) triangulation between empirical data and the theoretical framework; (ii) standardization of the interview guide; (iii) full digital recording of responses; and (iv) explicit statement of the analytical criteria used in building the categories.
4 Results and Discussion
This section presents and analyzes the obtained results, structuring the discussion into subsections to fulfill the central objective of the study. Initially, it examines the market types and marketing channels accessed by the three investigated associations seeking to comprehend their insertion within different market configurations. Subsequently, the predominant characteristics of these organizations such as organizational structure, productive capacity, collective strategies, and the level of institutional articulation and their relationship with the accessed markets are discussed, highlighting how certain associative attributes condition opportunities, limitations, and commercial insertion trajectories.
4.1 Market types and marketing channels accessed in the Bom Peixe Association
The Bom Peixe Association is in Palmas, the state capital and the municipality with the highest Human Development Index (HDI) in Tocantins. This strategic location offers the association important advantages, such as access to a more developed urban infrastructure and proximity to consumer markets and institutional support networks. The proximity market stands out as the main marketing channel for the association, being utilized by 62% of the fish farmers. This prominence can be explained, in part, by the strategic location of the association, situated approximately 15 km from downtown Palmas. This proximity facilitates fish transport and sales, especially since 75% of the interviewed members own vehicles that assist in delivery logistics, making production outflow more efficient. Furthermore, the capital concentrates a higher demand for fish, driven by a larger number of consumers, the diversification of marketing channels, and the potential for product valorization in urban markets, which makes access to this public a strategic factor for the fish farmers of this association.
Another factor favoring the proximity market is the tradition of municipal open-air markets in Palmas, recognized as important points of sale for in natura fish, as pointed out by Júlio and Bessa (2016). Organized since 1992 by the Municipal Secretariat of Economic Development and Employment of Palmas (Sedem), these open-air markets, besides being part of the local culture, play a relevant role in commercializing products from smallholders. Currently, six open-air markets are active, generating more than 1,500 direct jobs and around 5,000 indirect jobs, involving approximately 1,500 stallholders (Oliveira et al., 2023).
In addition to the commercialization of fresh fish, the fish farmers perform processing activities - such as scaling, evisceration, and butchering - meeting part of the local demand and consolidating open-air markets as relevant centers for fish distribution in Palmas. Within this context, 50% of the family fish farmers from the Bom Peixe Association sell their products at open-air markets, which stand out as the primary marketing channel. One of the respondents, who sells exclusively at local open-air markets, reported having previously commercialized his products to other channels, such as restaurants, but stated that he “took a loss because he was not paid”. He explained that these sales are conducted without formal contracts, which led him to decide not to use this channel anymore. In contrast, about 25% opted for the conventional market, negotiating directly with intermediaries or middlemen. Meanwhile, another 13% adopted alternatives such as home delivery systems direct to the consumer and commercialization at the Association's headquarters (within the area granted for use of Federal waters). There was no access to the institutional market.
This market dynamic is also observed in other regions of Brazil, such as in the Itaparica Territory, which encompasses areas of Bahia and Pernambuco. In this territory, fish farming is a central economic activity, organized into more than 50 associations and cooperatives that primarily supply the local market and the open-air markets of cities in the northeastern countryside. This proximity marketing model, similar to that of the Bom Peixe Association, contributes to strengthening and dynamizing the local and regional economy by offering fresh products directly to consumers, promoting the sustainability of traditional communities and generating income (Almeida Júnior & Pereira, 2021).
The territorial market is accessed by 13% of the interviewed member fish farmers from the Bom Peixe Association, configuring itself as a relevant, though less explored, alternative. On the other hand, no fish farmers reported selling their products through the institutional market, which highlights an opportunity to be explored by the Association's management. This channel could offer significant benefits, such as more stable and predictable contracts, thereby expanding commercialization possibilities.
4.2 Market types and marketing channels in the Peixe do Segredo Association
Created from the spin-off of the Bom Peixe Association, the Peixe do Segredo Association is located near the municipality of Lajeado do Tocantins, which borders Palmas. Within this association, the marketing dynamics present similarities to those of the Bom Peixe Association, especially regarding the predominance of the proximity market, which accounts for 62% of sales.
This market is characterized by interpersonal relations marked by bonds of kinship, mutual acquaintance, and reciprocity, in which social values and product quality override immediate profit (Schneider, 2016). These characteristics reinforce the relevance of social relations and mutual respect within the commercialization process in the studied locality. Furthermore, 63% of the members own vehicles or utility trucks, which facilitates product delivery directly to consumers.
However, the Peixe do Segredo Association presents specificities that differentiate it. Unlike Bom Peixe, whose local open-air markets are widely utilized, no member of Peixe do Segredo reported adopting this channel, a fact that may be related to the dynamic and gastronomic culture of the municipality of Lajeado. Commercialization occurs mainly through door-to-door sales, utilized by 37% of the fish farmers, followed by direct sales at the property/headquarters, which represents 25% of sales. This model strengthens local ties, creates human, socioeconomic, and cultural territorialities, and valorizes regional products and identities within a specific territorial context.
Another relevant point is the use of digital media, such as WhatsApp, for communicating with clients. Through this platform, fish farmers provide information regarding fish availability, allowing consumers to collect the products directly at the property or opt for delivery to the buyer's domicile. This practice demonstrates a preference for direct marketing channels with lower intermediation, securing control over prices and distribution.
The territorial market is the second most relevant for the members of Peixe do Segredo, encompassing 38% of sales. This channel is mainly destined for supplying fresh products to restaurants, evidencing a significant local demand for quality and freshness. On the other hand, conventional and institutional markets are not accessed by the fish farmers of this association, representing a potentially unexplored opportunity.
4.3 Market types and marketing channels in the Brejinho de Nazaré Association
The Brejinho de Nazaré Association was founded in 2018, bringing together fishers, riverside dwellers, beneficiaries of social programs, and members of family farming who produced fish in the municipality of Brejinho de Nazaré (Costa & Sousa, 2025). The association is situated approximately 107 km from the capital, Palmas.
The marketing dynamics of the Brejinho de Nazaré Association differ significantly from those observed in the Bom Peixe and Peixe do Segredo associations, especially regarding the predominant channel. The conventional market stands out as the primary commercialization pathway, accessed by 70% of the fish farmers.
Unlike the other associations analyzed, no member reported selling to the proximity market. This preference for the conventional market was also observed in the Association of Young Fish Farmers of Jatobá (PE), where commercialization occurs predominantly through middlemen and wholesalers, according to Pedroza Filho et al. (2014). In both associations, the sale of whole fish reflects a lack of minimal infrastructure and the absence of the Federal Inspection Service, a situation that is also repeated in the Bom Peixe and Peixe do Segredo Associations.
One of the factors explaining the adherence to the conventional market in Brejinho de Nazaré is the security offered by agreements with a regional slaughterhouse/processing plant. Although the contract is not formalized, the established relationship provides a sense of stability and trust for the fish farmers. These agreements are utilized by 60% of the respondents, while 40% stated they have no agreement. However, no formal contract was reported, reflecting the predominant informality in the sector. In a similar study conducted by Pedroza Filho et al. (2020), the fish farming clusters of Western and Northern Paraná were highlighted, where 100% and 86% of the fish farmers, respectively, allocate their production for sale to slaughterhouses.
The territorial market is the second most relevant channel for the Brejinho de Nazaré Association, representing 30% of sales, with an emphasis on specialized shops that valorize fish quality and provenance. Despite this, proximity and institutional markets are not accessed by the members. The absence in the institutional market reflects an opportunity that is not properly explored, considering the potential benefits of this channel, such as greater stability and predictability in sales.
In a study conducted by Sousa et al. (2019), the potential of institutional procurement such as the PNAE and the Food Acquisition Program (PAA) to expand marketing opportunities was highlighted. In 2016, a pilot project in Brejinho de Nazaré involved 36 members associated with a fishers' colony, promoting training and organizing production for insertion into the institutional market. Although the initial results were promising, with significant gains for the participants, the current study revealed that the Brejinho Association, formed by some members of the colony, was unable to sustain this insertion into the institutional market. No interviewed fish farmer declared selling fish to governmental agencies, evidencing a gap between the achievements of the pilot project and the continuity of commercialization practices within the institutional market. Table 2 presents a synthesized overview of family fish farmers' access based on market typologies, highlighting the market types accessed by each association.
Family fish farmers' access to markets varies according to the association and the market typology. Each organization adopts distinct strategies, considering the geographical scope, business models, forms of regulation, and marketing channels. Furthermore, although the Bom Peixe and Peixe do Segredo associations present the same percentage of access to the proximity market, they utilize different channels. This diversity highlights the producers' adaptive capacity to different market dynamics within the same region.
4.4 Characteristics of the associations and their relationship with the accessed markets
The geographical location and the level of organization of each association have a direct impact on their marketing strategies and the challenges they face. The analysis of these factors, summarized in Table 3, highlights the different approaches and difficulties that each association encounters, reflecting their specific realities and contexts.
The study evidence that the analyzed associations possess unique characteristics and contexts that influence their management and governance practices. The Bom Peixe Association, located in Palmas, benefits from its proximity to the capital, which facilitates access to financial resources, technical assistance, and interaction with government bodies. This strategic location strengthens the ties between fish farmers and public institutions. Furthermore, participation in traditional municipal open-air markets, which are deeply embedded in the local culture, drives fish commercialization within proximity markets. According to Castro & Castro (2016), open-air markets transcend their function as a commercial space, configuring themselves as arenas where social, cultural, and economic interactions are continuously negotiated. Within this context, the relations between fish farmers/stallholders and consumers reflect power dynamics and symbolic values that shape commercial exchanges.
These local markets also present a pricing logic influenced by social factors - such as reputation, trust, and honor - as discussed by Schneider (2016). These values not only guide economic transactions but also define how business is conducted, consolidating open-air markets as complex spaces of interaction.
Another positive aspect of the association is its favorable logistics, as most fish farmers own their own transportation, facilitating travel to points of sale. With 10 years of existence, Bom Peixe demonstrates organizational maturity, reflected in the growing commitment of its members. This strengthening translates into symbolic exchanges such as solidarity, recognition, and mutual support, exemplified by the exchange of labor during harvesting (despesca) which reinforce the sense of belonging and interdependence among the members.
However, the fish farmers face challenges that compromise the development of their activities. Access to loans is hindered by bureaucracy, highlighting gaps in public policies regarding meeting the sector's demands. The lack of sanitary certification also restricts access to more competitive markets, affecting consumer confidence in product quality. Furthermore, the precariousness of the productive and commercial infrastructure aggravates these difficulties.
The Peixe do Segredo Association, located in Lajeado, emerged as a spin-off from Bom Peixe, but faces significant challenges due to its short operating time of only three years so far. The lack of management experience and internal conflicts limit member commitment and institutional strengthening. In a municipality with only 3,357 inhabitants (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 2022), local technical support and infrastructure are insufficient to meet the association's demands.
Commercialization at Peixe do Segredo occurs mainly through relations of trust, with clients purchasing fish directly at the Association's headquarters and on the fish farmers' properties. However, the lack of suitable transportation limits the members' reach: 37% depend on bicycles or motorcycles, whereas those with automobiles can take the products directly to consumers. In this scenario, direct contact and face-to-face exchanges remain fundamental to sustaining the commercial dynamics, reinforcing the importance of reciprocity. These interactions involve economic transactions and symbolic exchanges that strengthen the social ties among the association's affiliates.
Even so, the association faces operational obstacles. The dependence on Bom Peixe for bureaucratic matters, such as feed procurement, limits its autonomy.
Additionally, there is a shortage of equipment and difficulties in accessing credit lines, reinforced by complex bureaucratic processes, which restrict the expansion of activities and economic development.
In turn, the Brejinho de Nazaré Association follows a different model from the others, opting for the conventional market. Located in a region distant from the municipal center, direct commercialization is hindered by the lack of own transportation for 60% of the fish farmers. This limitation is partially offset by a regional slaughterhouse/processing plant, which acquires the fish directly from the association, providing commercial security for the members. Consolidated in its operations, most of the members (79%) consider fish farming a complementary activity, indicating that they do not depend exclusively on it for family livelihood.
Like the other analyzed associations, the Brejinho de Nazaré Association also faces obstacles in accessing institutional markets, especially due to excessive bureaucracy, even though it participated in the PAA in 2013 (Sousa et al., 2019). On the other hand, the adoption of a rotation system among the members for fish cultivation stands out positively, which favors an equitable division of tasks and contributes to a more efficient management of available resources. Among the main challenges faced, the high cost of feed compromises the economic viability of fish farming, especially for smallholders.
The lack of access by the three evaluated family fish farmers' associations to institutional markets reveals flaws in public policies aimed at the productive inclusion of family fish farming in Tocantins. However, some initiatives have sought to reverse this scenario, such as Descriptive Note/Normative Instruction No. 06/2013, which encourages fish consumption in state public schools, guiding the use of mechanically separated meat (MSM) or boneless fish fillets in school meals to facilitate preparation and consumption, thereby meeting PNAE requirements (Brasil, 2013; Sousa et al., 2019). Nevertheless, even with the formalization of this regulation, associated family fish farmers face significant barriers to accessing this market. Factors such as the existing bureaucracy and the absence of a processing plant to process the fish hinder the insertion of these producers into institutional programs, highlighting the need for more effective public policies adapted to local realities.
Within the context of agro-food chains, the Bom Peixe and Peixe do Segredo associations are embedded in short production and marketing circuits. This enables direct commercialization between producers and consumers, eliminating intermediaries, which valorizes the product. The reduction in transportation and storage time allows the fish to arrive fresher and healthier, preserving its nutritional and sensory qualities. Furthermore, this model strengthens the relationship of trust between producers and consumers, encouraging a preference for local products. This practice results in higher remuneration for producers and contributes to strengthening the local economy, promoting economic development and generating jobs.
Consequently, the Brejinho de Nazaré Association is embedded in a long agro-food chain. In this context, sales occur predominantly to slaughterhouses/processing plants, which act as intermediaries between the producers and the final consumer. This implies lower autonomy for the fish farmers in defining prices and in commercializing the fish, since negotiations are intermediated by the processing plant that serves the association.
Regarding channel diversification, the Brejinho de Nazaré Association presents a higher level of exclusivity compared to the others, with 40% of the associated fish farmers using only one sales channel, according to Figure 1. In the case of this association, as previously mentioned, commercialization is mainly carried out to a processing plant, which makes many fish farmers exclusively dependent on this channel. On the other hand, the Bom Peixe Association stands out with the majority of its members, 75%, utilizing two sales channels.
In the super-diversified model, all three associations present the lowest percentages within the classification, indicating that although they utilize varied marketing channels, most of their members use few channels as a strategy. For Modenese & Sant’Ana (2019), in a study conducted in the municipality of Mirandópolis (SP), the distance from urban centers and the economic difficulties of settled families hinder the insertion of farmers into broader markets. The absence of supportive public policies - such as the extinct territorial development program and Technical Assistance and Rural Extension, which suffered interruptions and uncertainties - further aggravates this situation. Without this support, fish farmers also face limitations in accessing new markets and expanding their growth opportunities, thereby damaging the economic development of the families.
The analysis conducted allows for an advancement toward a broader problematization regarding the degree of freedom effectively available to fish-farming families in defining their marketing strategies. Rather than merely identifying and describing the accessed channels and the observed levels of diversification, the results indicate that the choice of markets does not stem, to a large extent, from fully autonomous decisions, but rather from a set of territorials, institutional, logistical, and organizational conditioning factors that delimit the concrete possibilities of commercial insertion. Factors such as transportation availability, proximity to consumer centers, access to technical assistance, collective organization capacity, processing infrastructure, sanitary and bureaucratic requirements, and the stability of established commercial relations emerge as central elements influencing decision-making regarding marketing channels. From this perspective, the lower or higher diversification observed among the associations reflects not only deliberate strategies but also different degrees of structural restriction or openness. Thus, expanding producers' freedom of choice depends on overcoming obstacles that limit their capacity to access alternative markets and negotiate under more favorable conditions, which demands territorially sensitive public policies, investments in infrastructure, the strengthening of collective organizations, and institutional mechanisms that enhance the commercial autonomy of family fish farming.
In synthesis, the results demonstrate that the marketing strategies adopted by fish-farming families cannot be understood loosely from the territorial specificities that condition their performance. Aspects such as geographical location, population density, logistical infrastructure, proximity to consumer centers, access to public policies, and the organizational trajectory of the associations constitute determining elements in defining the mobilized marketing channels and the degree of economic autonomy achieved by the producers. In this sense, while territories with greater urban and institutional integration tend to favor insertion into short circuits and the diversification of sales channels, contexts marked by greater territorial isolation and infrastructural weaknesses induce dependence on conventional and intermediate markets, restricting the possibilities for value-adding and strengthening productive autonomy. This finding reinforces the need to understand the commercialization of family fish farming from a territorialized perspective, capable of articulating the spatial, social, and institutional dimensions that shape the economic strategies of families. This approach expands the analytical contribution of the study by evidencing that market access does not stem exclusively from individual or organizational decisions but is deeply conditioned by the opportunities and limitations produced within each territory.
5 Conclusions
The application of the market typology for family farming enabled the analysis of the different markets and channels accessed by the fish farmers, evidencing the heterogeneity of the marketing strategies adopted by the analyzed associations and how these choices condition the obtained results and the specific challenges faced by family fish farming.
The results evidenced that, in the Bom Peixe and Peixe do Segredo associations, the proximity market occupies a central position in fish commercialization, configuring itself as the primary channel accessed by most of the members. Within the Bom Peixe Association, sales conducted at local open-air markets stand out, favored by the strategic location, the consolidated gastronomic culture of Palmas, and the availability of own vehicles among the fish farmers. In turn, within the Peixe do Segredo Association, door-to-door sales and direct sales at the property predominate, highlighting the use of WhatsApp is a tool for communication and articulation with consumers, which reinforces the relevance of direct contact and the strengthening of short marketing circuits.
In contrast, the Brejinho de Nazaré Association presents a predominant insertion into the conventional market, established through a partnership with a slaughterhouse/processing plant responsible for direct fish collection at the association. This dynamic contributes to simplifying logistics and reducing transportation costs; however, the reliance on informal contracts reveals important institutional weaknesses, exposing the fish farmers to risks and uncertainties stemming from the absence of legal guarantees.
Another relevant aspect identified was the nonexistence of commercialization toward the institutional market, configuring itself as a structuring challenge for family fish farming in the region. Such a limitation is associated, above all, with the absence of collective processing units, such as slaughterhouses, as well as the need for greater state action regarding producer training, guidance on sanitary and bureaucratic requirements, and the simplification of public procurement procedures. These restrictions compromise the activity's expansion potential and evidence the need for more articulated and effective public policies to strengthen the sector.
Given this, it is recommended that future research advances in analyzing the necessary conditions to strengthen public policies aimed at family fish farming, with special attention to creating mechanisms that reduce the barriers to insertion into institutional markets. Furthermore, it is pertinent to expand comparative investigations between individual marketing strategies and those developed collectively through associations and cooperatives, to deepen the understanding of their effects on the productive autonomy and economic sustainability of family fish farmers.
Data availability:
Research data is available through the DOI: https://doi.org/10.48432/BCGYHO
Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge the support of the funding agencies: FAPT, FAPTO, CNPq, and CAPES.
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Conflicts of interest:
Corresponding author:
Diego Neves de Sousa. diego.sousa@embrapa.brAssociate Editor:
Source: Research data (2024).