Blacks and Indigenous Peoples and the fear of rebellion in colonial Lima, 16th and 17th centuries

ABSTRACT

This study examined the origins of the fears held by the white population regarding the presence of black individuals during the first two centuries of colonial rule. Our aim is to demonstrate that the numerical superiority of the black population led to the rejection by the dominant group, thereby inciting fears of potential slave rebellions or interethnic conflicts. Consequently, colonial legislation constructed the image of black and indigenous people as irreconcilable groups. The legal framework was paternalistic, revealing that the dominant fear was not the abuse of black people against indigenous people, but rather the possibility of sexual and friendly unions that could destabilize Hispanic dominance. Violations of prohibitions were met with severe punishments, including whippings, banishment, amputations, or death, executed publicly to exert control. Thus, even rumors of a black uprising induced panic among whites, exposing their vulnerability and likely heightening their anxiety to control the slave population. Marronage, focused revolts, exploitation of legal spaces, escape, or suicide became prevalent forms of protest, met with violent repression.

KEYWORDS
Slavery; fear; colonial Lima

RESUMEN

El presente trabajo analiza la creación de los miedos que la población blanca tuvo sobre la presencia negra durante los dos primeros siglos de dominación colonial. Nos interesa demostrar que la superioridad numérica de la población negra generó un rechazo del grupo dominante, promoviéndose así temores ante la posibilidad de una rebelión de esclavos o que sea interétnica. Por ese motivo, se fue construyendo a partir de la legislación colonial, la imagen de que negros e indígenas como grupos irreconciliables. Un cuerpo legal paternalista donde se puede visualizar que el temor no era el abuso de negros contra indígenas, sino su unión tanto sexual como amical que lograran avasallar el dominio hispano. Por otro lado, toda violación a las prohibiciones era castigada con azotes, destierros, amputaciones o la muerte, pero siempre el camino usando era la violencia contra los cuerpos negros y de forma pública. Es así como, los simples rumores de un levantamiento de negros generaban un pánico en los blancos que expresaban su vulnerabilidad, lo que quizás fortaleció su miedo y ansiedad por controlar a la población esclava. En ese sentido, el cimarronaje, las revueltas focalizadas, el uso de los espacios jurídicos, la fuga o el suicidio se convirtieron en formas comunes de protesta y la reacción era la represión.

PALABRAS CLAVE
Esclavitud; miedo; Lima colonial

INTRODUCTION

This study aimed to demonstrate that the numerical superiority of the black population in the city of Lima during the 16th and 17th centuries generated a rejection by the dominant group, thus fostering fears of a possible slave rebellion. Although some authors, such as Bowser (1977) and Aguirre (2005), claim that uprisings or rebellions as forms of protest were scarce, various forms of slave protest did exist.¹ Despite these acts being localized, they incited a certain level of panic among the slaveowners. For instance, there was a potential link between black and indigenous people or a connection with other foreign groups like pirates. Therefore, fear manifested to varying degrees, and the response was always defensive. As Delemeau (2019) points out, the danger could be real, partially illusory, or entirely imaginary, yet the feeling of fear was indeed real and was felt in repression. In this context, authors like Speckman, Agostini, and Gonzalbo (2009, p. 11) have defined that fears can:

being cultural in nature and arising from ideas or beliefs, interests or needs, values or prejudices, these can be considered cultural fears. Consequently, some are only shared by certain groups, and all are subject to change over time. Among these are the fears of groups about losing a privileged position within the community, the fears of authorities about witnessing their power and legitimacy undermined, and the fears of elites about losing their status and the recognition of such status.

In this manner, local elites, reacting to rumors of a possible slave revolt, expressed their vulnerability, which heightened their fear and anxiety about controlling the enslaved population. On the other hand, the methods of torture used to identify the supposed instigators of conflicts served as public spectacles, always targeting the body. It was no longer enough to have deprived individuals of their freedom and established a hierarchal society based on religious beliefs and skin color; there was also a need to physically repress these individuals, who were viewed as inferior and potentially rebellious. In summary, both violence and terror, as well as the incorporation of certain escape valves, allowed the system to function.

In this way, the role of rumor in societies of the Ancient Régime requires reconsideration. Its importance is crucial for understanding the fears and reactions of societies to news that had no foundation for being debunked but were accepted as truths and became threatening aspects for the population’s security. Rumors could erupt and reappear periodically; this was a constant in the lives of these communities (Delemeau, 2019, p. 223). In this context, Amelia Valcárcel (2019, pp. XII–XIII) asserts that the dynamic of fear was well-known: first, the rumor is established, fear follows, direction is lost, and the search for the responsible party begins, who must pay for everything.

In this regard, the African and Afro-descendant populations were always victims of suspicion, believed to embody all the vices and evils of colonial society, considered naturally rebellious, relying on drunkenness, theft, and suicide as inherent to their ethnic condition, with associated problems of sexual freedom and the mestizo offspring of such behaviors. This has been demonstrated by the substantial number of royal decrees, municipal ordinances, chronicles, testimonies sent to the Crown, and more. A stereotype was constructed, naturalizing the ethnic condition with crime, and repression was used as a defense mechanism by Hispanic and Creole colonial society, as Fernando Rosas (2005, p. 24) asserted, anything that threatened their dominance and the nature of their power generated fears.

Similarly, the role reserved for slaves and their descendants was inferior. While there was limited horizontal social mobility, it lacked social recognition. According to Ramiro Flores (2005, p. 49), this allowed colonial authorities to enforce a repressive policy against the masses with darker skin. For Rodrigo de la O (2022, p. 217), colonial elites created in the pirate the “otherness,” capable of fostering prejudices of various kinds and magnitudes, ranging from the symbolic to material damage.

In this sense, Jean Delemeau (2019, p. 58) notes that innovations historically incited fear. For instance, when a new tax was proposed, the population became anxious due to the uncertainty regarding the terms of the new levy, who it would include, and what would need to be paid. This logic undoubtedly applies to colonial American society because the new racial classifications, geographic space, and the culture of black and indigenous peoples were all novel to Europeans. Although they had previously dealt with epidemics in Europe, they had not encountered these two unfamiliar ethnic groups, which is why the fear of an interethnic rebellion was a daily concern in colonial Lima. In summary, as Rodrigo de la O (2022, p. 216) states, “through fears, individuals and collectives can assess or make sense of their world, their realities”; and also, of their logics of domination and repression.

The fear of the black population is not a new topic in Latin American historiography. We have works like that of Sandra Sánchez (2006), who analyzed a slave conspiracy that occurred in Cartagena de Indias in 1693. This event unsettled the entire city, as it involved a potential alliance between maroons and enslaved people aimed at subverting the social order. What is interesting about this case is that Cartagena was surrounded by twelve maroon communities that constantly threatened the tranquility of the port. This situation evidenced a fluidity in communication between the black populations in rural and urban areas, generating a persistent fear among the local elites.²

Claudia Rosas (2005, p. 143) stated that “the fear was not only present in areas reached by information but also based on comments, speculations, and rumors generated by the lack of news or the fragmented information available to the inhabitants of the viceroyalty at their disposal.” Rumors fueled uncertainties about potential events, the degree of violence, the actors involved, etc.; thus, in colonial society, rumor served as the backbone of access to information, although often distorted.

Similarly, Jorge Camacho (2015, pp. 12-14) illustrated how the Cuban elites in the 19th century racialized fear³ by creating types and physiognomic traits through literature. This allowed them to label black people as those who had the power to subvert the colonial order and threaten white dominance. Although Claudia Rosas’s proposal (2005, p. 143) pertains to the 18th century, it is perfectly applicable to early colonial Peru, asserting that “this complex communicative process led to a series of social fears, such as the fear of the masses and sedition, associated with the fear of the inversion of the social, political, and religious order.”

Hence, our work aimed to analyze the rejection strategies against slavery and how they generated repressive measures reflecting the dominant classes’ fear of a radical social movement led by slaves and including indigenous peoples. We believe that both Spaniards and Creoles preferred to exaggerate their repression rather than see the possibility of alliances between black and indigenous groups (or foreigners) come to fruition. Thus, we understand the “masses” as a heterogeneous group that included enslaved and free black individuals, as well as Zambos, Mulattos, and indigenous peoples, in addition to the poor population subordinated to Spanish and Creole power. These groups were often blamed for the chaos and ills of colonial society.

THE RUMORS COME FROM OUTSIDE. THE SLAVE REVOLTS IN NEW SPAIN

The fear among the colonial Peruvian population regarding the black community originated from growing rumors about their rejection of enslavement, creating suspicion towards the white population, with the potential to escalate at any moment. Scott (2000, p. 46) stated that any individual subjected to domination tends to develop practices that question their situation. Thus, any rumor served the purpose of inciting fear about a disruption of the established order by subaltern groups. In a society with a high illiteracy rate, rumors were the most common way to learn about various aspects of colonial society. For Delemeau (2019, p. 217), in preindustrial societies, rumors and rebellions often went hand in hand due to the lack of means to counteract the disseminated information. In this view, fear is a habitual response of humans to any perceived threat, whether real or imaginary (Delemeau, 2019, p. 22).

O’Phelan (2005, p. 125) observed that rumors easily took hold, especially when there was a basis for them and few resources to disprove them. Rumors could change direction and undergo unexpected transformations as they were passed along. For instance, during the governorship of Viceroy Conde del Villar (1585-1590), a report was sent to the Crown about a revolt prepared by a group of mulattos in the city of Potosí. Some were arrested while others fled the city, prompting a letter to the Audiencia of Charcas to pursue the absentees and punish them harshly. The viceroy himself acknowledged in this letter that many people sent such information

Lacking further foundation, but also because I am told that the idle and curious people of this land, who are not few, often write in personal letters about matters of lesser significance in such a way that over there, they can be considered of great importance, it seemed appropriate to me to write these to Your Majesty. This is so that when they are heard over there, they are neither given more credit nor cause more concern than is warranted once the truth is known and it is understood that here there are and there must be of all kinds (Levillier, 1921, p. 158-159).

Nonetheless, the Crown continued to credit the reports arriving at its disposal. For instance, in 1608, a royal decree was issued requesting the Marquis of Montesclaros to be cautious about the growing black, mulatto, and mestizo population, advising the establishment of a form of good governance so that the “land remains without the risk and danger that exists and can be feared, and of what seems right to all of you, you will inform me at the first opportunity and also about the number of mulatto, black, and mestizo individuals in those provinces and how they could be drained” (Konetzke, 1958, Vol. II, p. 145). In line with this, the Peruvian viceroyalty learned of a black rebellion in Mexico in 1612, where 1500 black people of the Our Lady of Mercy brotherhood gathered at the funeral of a slave who, according to the black individuals’ opinion, died due to her slaveowner’s excessive punishment. They seized the deceased’s body, carried it in a procession through various public institutions, and to her slaveowner’s house, whom they subsequently threatened.⁴

The colonial authorities ordered the leaders to be arrested and whipped, an action which provoked the slaves’ anger. Consequently, they planned a revenge attack against the Spanish on Maundy Thursday. To that end, they gathered knives, machetes, and swords, and informed the surrounding runaways to join the uprising,⁵ the black individuals selected their own court, including princes, marquesses, and dukes. Unfortunately, a clergyman revealed the intentions of the enslaved people, leading to the arrest of the overseers of the brotherhoods and the main suspects.

The punishment was exceedingly cruel: 28 men and 7 women were hanged. Their bodies remained in the square until the following day; only the bodies were removed, while the heads stayed in place (Tardieu, 2017, p. 258-264). This virulent reaction from the colonial authorities indicates that fear of an uprising by the black population was a constant concern. Consequently, they monitored and prohibited gatherings of black and mulatto individuals to thwart any conspiracies. According to Proctor III (2010, p. 59), the reaction of the Spanish authorities merely unveiled their fears in the face of the growing Afro-descendant population and the possibility of their alliance with the indigenous people. Gruzinski (2015, p. 40) noted that during the revolts of 1609 and 1612, the Spaniards were gripped by panic at the prospect of being massacred by enslaved black individuals.

This reflects the extent of cruelty displayed in the punishments inflicted for crimes committed by the enslaved population, which ranged from whipping and branding with hot iron to physical castration.⁶ Spiritual violence and ultimately public hangings challenge the idea of harmonious and conflict-free coexistence with dominant groups. For George Rawick, the use of the whip was not merely a method of punishment. “It was a consciously used device to remind them they were slaves; it was a form of social control, mainly to remind them that their escapes would not succeed” (as cited in Patterson, 2008, p. 22). According to McCutchen (2014, p. 27), “the Spaniards chose to assert their power through threats and fear, by means of violent and public punishments.”

In this context, the knowledge of this 1612 uprising was not confined to the borders of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Instead, it extended to Peru. For example, in 1613, the Viceroy of Montesclaros sent a detailed report on a supposed influence that the rebellion of black people in Mexico a few years earlier had on the city of Lima. For this reason, we have decided to highlight the significance of the rebellion in Mexico, as it was not limited to that location. Rumors reached Lima, and we do not intend to study the revolt itself, but rather its external effects in other colonial areas. For instance, the document states that reports indicated that the enslaved black people in the city wanted to imitate their counterparts from the Viceroyalty of New Spain. The viceroy acknowledged that if the black individuals were to rebel, it would not necessarily be due to contact with the rebels, suggesting that there was always suspicion of a possible uprising, not necessarily prompted by external influence:

After receiving news of the unrest among the black population in New Spain, I assumed that the echo of that disturbance would resonate even more strongly in this kingdom. Although it might not be due to direct contact, at least in imitation, I have long observed that events of this nature wield significant influence in the Indies. This disease appears to spread rapidly across all provinces, regardless of its origin. And indeed, within a few days, the public began to doubt their safety due to the large black population, leading everyone to take precautions. This mindset was not enhanced by anything more than fear, which often confuses a precaution among many. As the viceroy is responsible for everyone’s well-being, several unsigned letters were sent to me, and I was informed by religious figures with zeal for the common good.⁷

The viceroy indicated that he exercised caution and requested information from various residents of the capital to be alerted to any rumors. Additionally, he ordered the Callao companies to stand guard at the royal houses, which would attract the attention of any city resident, thereby making them aware of any emerging issues. The viceroy pointed out that the rumors were indeed based on facts, as several black individuals began to speak brazenly. He ordered the arrest of those he deemed to be the initiators and subjected them to torture to extract confessions about the supposed revolt, but this did not yield any additional information.⁸ However, several slaves were sent to the galleys, and their owners were instructed to sell them outside the city. Meanwhile, others were flogged for being found with weapons, and the city returned to calm.

BLACKNESS IN COLONIAL LIMA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF FEAR IN LOCAL WRITINGS

From its founding, the city of Lima housed enslaved black populations who had participated in the conquest and would become significant elements in the formation of the new colonial society. Their labor presence was not only in domestic roles; they were notable as workers involved in the construction of various city buildings, bridges, and roads, as well as in tending gardens, estates, and convents. In other words, they invigorated the colonial economies, whether urban or rural. In this way, their contribution to the construction of Peru was through their daily labor, not only in the informal urban economy but also in institutions like the Church, which flourished due to black labor. On the other hand, Lima’s urban growth was also due to enslaved labor. For instance, in 1567, Licenciado Castro requested from the Crown a grant of fourteen thousand pesos to purchase 50 slaves for building the bridges the city required (Levillier, 1921, p. 248). Moreover, in this physical space, their interaction with other human groups was constant, leading to an active ethnic and cultural mestizaje. For example, the first baptism records in Lima from 1538 to 1548 show the presence of more than 80 children of Zambo descent, as well as a dynamic relationship of godparents between black and indigenous peoples.

This fact indicates dynamism in human relations between these two groups, which was not marked exclusively by violence but also by filial relationships. However, why do we have the image of an irreconcilable conflict between these groups? How was this black-indigenous relationship constructed through the official discourse of colonial authorities? Diverse testimonies and ordinances helped shape a stereotype of the African and Afro-descendant population in early colonial Peru. To Frederick Bowser (1977, p. 201), municipal legislation sought to exert rigid control over the Afro-descendant population, as confirmed by the documents we will present.

From the first ordinances of Lima’s council, the attitude of fear toward a possible slave rebellion was evident; measures against their presence and circulation in the new city were repressive. For example, on January 30, 1535, shortly after the founding of the colonial capital, the council stated that, in constructing their houses, Spaniards sent their slaves or indigenous people to cut the city’s trees, causing great harm, and ordered that they should not be cut under penalty of physical punishment. It was stipulated that if any indigenous person or black individual felled a tree without their slaveowner’s permission, the former would be punished with fifty lashes and the latter would have the penalty doubled (Lee, 1935, p. 18). The harshness of the punishment against the slave was routine; their offenses or penalties would always receive harsher punishments than other ethnic groups. For example, whippings could reach 300, and they were also branded with hot irons.

According to Bennassar (1984), the pedagogy of fear was effective when these punishments were made into spectacles, thus generating terror among the population. Thus, the punishments were meant to be exemplary against the enslaved population, and as a society of the Ancien Régime, they had to be public spectacles. For Michel Foucault (2014, p. 13), punishments in the society of the Ancien Régime “do not sanction the same crimes, do not punish the same genre of delinquents. But they clearly define, each of them, a certain penal style.” Undoubtedly, for colonial society, the penal style for black persons was one of brutal repression meant to be exemplary. For Keila Grinberg (2018, p. 145), “the control of behaviors followed the same logic: punishment should be public, exemplary, reaffirming the power of the slaveowner.”

The prevailing logic seemed to be that no liberties could be afforded to an oppressed and continuously growing population. Thus, permission was granted to kill a slave to protect the life of any white individual perceived to be in danger. Consequently, slaves were not only deprived of their freedom but their lives held no value compared to those of a white person. According to Bowser (1977, p. 211), some were inclined towards disorder, stealing from their slaveowners to drink and gamble, and participating in brawls and murders. However, these inclinations were merely responses to a system that reduced them to slavery amidst violence in treatment, lack of food, and so on.

Jorge Camacho (2015, p. 37) points out that slave owners used intimidation through physical and psychological violence against slaves, exercising absolute control over their bodies by marking, mutilating, and disciplining them freely. These violent reactions merely reflected the fear of the Lima citizenry and its elites, who employed various repressive measures both in theory and practice. For instance, in September 1535, the Lima council was already reporting that black individuals were entering indigenous towns and harming the chiefs. Therefore, it was decreed that any Spaniard who found a black person harming an indigenous individual could arrest them to be punished (Torres, 1888, p. 409-411).

The most common punishment was flogging, with the number of lashes determined by the severity of the crime. Repeat offenders could receive more than 100 lashes, and in some cases, up to 200.⁹ The aim was to dominate the body and mind of the black population due to the fear of the new social composition and the uncertainty regarding the reaction of the new subordinates to European power, leading to the implementation of punishments and repressions for these new groups.

As observed, necessity outweighed fear, as during the initial decades of the Hispanic presence, the city suffered from the siege by the forces of Manco Inca and the subsequent war among the encomenderos. This motivated colonial authorities to promote the arrival of black individuals to defend the city and combat the Crown’s enemies. However, fear became evident as the population grew, particularly when the council of Lima noted the knowledge that many black men and women, as well as Moors, were engaged in thefts and covered for each other. Consequently, they demanded that within a month of the ordinance’s publication, all involved, whether enslaved or free, reside in Spanish households, with wages paid to the free. Disobedience to the ordinance would result in perpetual exile from the kingdom (Lee, 1935, p. 297).

Moreover, it was important for colonial authorities to limit excessive physical punishment against the enslaved population. Maintaining unrestricted punishment mechanisms would be counterproductive to the goal of keeping the enslaved population calm and avoiding everyday conflicts or uprisings threatening the capital city’s security. Yet, repressive attitudes toward their free movement and cultural activities were commonplace. For instance, playing instruments such as their drums was prohibited on city streets because they caused disturbances and harm. It was ordered that black individuals should not play their drums or instruments, nor dance, except in the city’s public square or that of Nicolás de Ribera, the Younger, under penalty of two hundred lashes for those who disobeyed the ordinance, with the drums to be broken before seizure (Lee, 1935, pp. 144-145).

Nevertheless, cruelty in the treatment of the black population was routine, prompting the Second Council of Lima to request better treatment for the enslaved population, ensuring they received the necessities for sustenance and were not cruelly punished by burning their bodies with iron and pitch (Vargas Ugarte, 1951, p. 240). Not only were Africans deprived of their freedom, but the treatment they received was extremely cruel and systematically aimed at causing bodily harm, whether through branding, whipping, amputation, or castration.

At the beginning of the 17th century, the Viceroy of Monterrey issued a provision that regulated that black people, mulattoes, and zambos, whether free or enslaved, should not rent barns to live in, and if the provision was disobeyed, their houses would be demolished, and free individuals would face monetary penalties, while enslaved individuals would be punished with whippings and fines. Selling chicha to them was also prohibited (Bromley, 1944, pp. 783-784). This measure aimed to prevent the black population from having uncontrolled spaces, as it was believed that these places hid stolen goods and facilitated immoral acts. Therefore, fines were also imposed on courtyard owners who disobey this directive, as these places were meeting points with the indigenous population and potential spaces for conspiracies.

Additionally, it is believed that thefts and escapes by the enslaved population demonstrate their rejection of the domination imposed on them. Suicide was also an escape from suffering, harming their slaveowners, who lost property without compensation for the capital invested in purchasing the enslaved person.¹⁰According to Solange Alberro (1988, p. 463), suicide was a fairly common form of rejection among the enslaved black population. They ended their suffering while simultaneously harming their owner’s estate by destroying a valuable commodity that generated wealth through labor and had the potential for reproduction. Similarly, Jackson Ferreira (2009, p. 14) argues that suicide was an act of individual resistance, which can be understood as an expression of conflict or negotiation between slave owners and slaves. In this way, the captives attempted to take control of their lives despite adverse conditions.

THE REPRESENTATION OF BLACK REBELLIOUSNESS AND THE FEAR OF INTERETHNIC REBELLION

Fears against the black population were not only propagated through external documentation, such as city ordinances or royal decrees, but also through various colonial edicts. Different figures or chroniclers sent reports to the Spanish Crown depicting their daily fears of a large black rebellion. These documents exaggerated the number of black people, the crimes they committed, how they besieged the city, and even suggested that they often dominated their slaveowners. This was aimed at inciting a radical response from the Crown, such as prohibiting the entry of slaves or toughening penalties, which led to the militarization of Lima, as proposed by Juan Vásquez de Loayza in 1615.

The intent was for the Crown to demand greater oversight of the black population from the authorities in Lima, promoting the idea that corporal punishment was the best way to maintain control over a group that not only constituted the majority but was also perceived as being physically superior. Consequently, the image emerged that black individuals would be victorious in a rebellion due to their physical superiority over the Hispanic and black populations. In this context, the mestizo chronicler Felipe Huamán Poma de Ayala (2017, p. 338) mentioned that African black persons were robust and would defeat the Turks, placing themselves in the service of God. These accounts reinforced the image of black people as physically superior beings, and when combined with the unruly character ascribed to them, it was clear that there existed a fear of them. Thus, Huamán Poma de Ayala (2017, p. 338) did not hold back in his negative comments towards Creole black persons, stating:

The Creole black men and women were liars, thieves, bandits, gamblers, drunkards, sly traders, and murders, and they killed their masters, carrying a rosary in hand while thinking of theft. No sermon or preaching chastened them, and the more they were punished, the more mischievous they became, and there was no remedy, being black or Creole black, and so God punishes them, and they kill each other while drunk or gambling, teaching these tricks to the newly arrived slaves.

Huamán Poma de Ayala’s characterization was radical, portraying the ladino black individuals as embodying all the ills of colonial society; they obeyed no one, were drunkards and murderers, and whipping them did not bring them into line. Conversely, it was common for them to kill each other, and they ended up setting a bad example for the newly arrived slaves from Africa. However, further in this description, we find partly a justification for why the enslaved population reacted aggressively towards their slaveowners and society. The chronicler asserted that slaveowners mistreated slaves without reason, deprived them of religious instruction, did not provide them with food, and demanded excessive wages, leading to escape and theft, for which he requested slaveowners be punished for abusing the poor slaves (Huamán Poma de Ayala, 2017, p. 340). Undoubtedly, what the Andean chronicler expressed helps us understand the social dynamics of this period, where it can be inferred that the violence exhibited by the enslaved population was a response to mistreatment and abuse by their slaveowners. However, it must be acknowledged that there were highly problematic black people, who, according to the chronicler, should be deprived of food and, failing that, have their ears branded, marked with iron, or hanged.

On the other hand, according to Bowser (1977, p. 198), the significant presence of the black population was always a danger to the colonial state’s authority because they represented a potential threat of rebellion. The author argues that this led to heightened vigilance over the black and mulatto masses due to the possibility of a slave or interethnic revolt, something that had already occurred in the Caribbean.¹¹ In this context, the Crown consistently received reports from the Peruvian viceroyalty regarding the substantial number of black individuals and the potential problems of not controlling their influx. For instance, in 1615, Juan Vásquez de Loayza wrote to the Spanish Crown, asserting that the City of Kings and its farmlands and fields have twenty thousand or more black people, as well as an equal number of black women, in addition to four or five thousand black and mulatto creole individuals, all of whom are so insolent and daring.¹²

The authorities were alarmed by claims that black people were using knives and killing many, including their slaveowners, which posed a significant threat to the capital city. It was demanded that the Crown address this situation urgently to prevent any uprising,

as similar attempts have often been made. These attempts have not succeeded due to the differences between the various nations. Now, with the increasing influence of their empire among the Creole blacks and mulattos, who are powerful men, the situation has become more precarious.¹³

The origins of African slaves were diverse, complicating the development of unity or shared interests. This complexity was furthered by linguistic and cultural diversity. Consequently, learning Spanish became crucial as it served as the main language of interaction, allowing Creoles and mulattos to become the dominant groups. In response to these circumstances, Juan Vásquez proposed to the Crown to register all slaves aged 14–50 and charge them a fee to support their slaveowners and finance a jail with a militia for the city’s security. He also demanded that runaway slaves be punished with lashes and bodily cuts, with more severe penalties if they carried weapons. Fears arose even when slaves and mulattoes participated in the kingdom’s defense against the Dutch invasion in 1624, as reported:

The cavalry formed entirely of black slaves raised suspicions; everyone strives for freedom if given the chance. Even unarmed, as they number over fifty thousand and have access to horses and knives on the farms, they should be feared in such situations (Jiménez, 2017, p. 92).

Nevertheless, the same document noted that slaves remained loyal and defended the city. As noted by Delemeau (2019, p. 222), these rumors stemmed from previously accumulated anxieties and were the result of mental preparation created by converging threats or misfortunes, which combined to create their effects. Accordingly, these unfounded rumors were embedded in the Spanish collective imagination. Therefore, fears of a potential black or interethnic rebellion were common, with their only hope being that the interests of the Afro-descendant and indigenous populations were not aligned, thereby limiting the success of any conspiracy.

Viceroy Marqués de Mancera (1639–1648) reported to the Crown in his Government Memoir about the massive presence of

blacks, mulattos, mestizos, and other mixtures, saying their excessive numbers should be viewed with suspicion; and that this matter, which requires the great talent and prudence of Your Excellency, should be dealt with according to the circumstances, considering the temperament of the land, to ensure that retributive justice is enforced as much as possible (Altolaguirre, 1930, p. 128).

While we believe that all expressed here shows the rejection of the black population towards the imposed conditions of slavery, the conspiracy of a group of enslaved mulattoes in the second half of the 17th century reveals a degree of coordination among the revolt’s organizers and an awareness of politically relevant events of the period, such as the annulment of the Mapuche indigenous people’s enslaved condition. This demonstrates that social, political, and economic information circulated freely in the Peruvian capital. Everything occurred in a textile factory in Lima in 1677, where a group of enslaved mestizos, led by Juan Pasqual, Domingo López, and Blas Manuel, revolted, demanding an end to the abuses imposed by their slaveowner Francisco Franco. In their declaration, they stated:

the petitioners and all the other slaves suffer so much oppression and punishment in the said workshop, burdened with iron mallets, chains, shackles, scythes, and fetters, without any relief or rest, even on feast days, working night and day. On occasions when they do not complete their tasks, they are tied hand and foot and flogged on the soles of their feet and their bellies, not content with fifty or a hundred lashes but giving over two hundred. Additionally, wax candles are melted over their bodies, leaving them nearly dead. It is noteworthy, Your Excellency, that some slaves, escaping these punishments, fall into despair, handing themselves over to perdition, throwing themselves into boiling cauldrons, cutting their throats, or hanging themselves, a regrettable case worthy of your attention, exacerbated by them being locked up night and day, without allowing the petitioners who are married to communicate with their wives.¹⁴

It is noteworthy that the slaveowner informed the authorities of the revolt, and the rebels were quickly detained and taken to the court’s prison. There, they claimed that the entire incident was part of a plan to draw the authorities’ attention to the abuses they suffered at the hands of their slaveowner. They asserted he was not a good Christian, as he did not respect the order of the Third Provincial Council of Lima, which mandated that married slaves be allowed visits from their spouses. Due to these abuses, they did not wish to return to their slaveowner’s control and requested the Audiencia of Lima to either compel him to sell them or to keep them in prison. The authorities, however, responded that they could not force the slaveowner to sell them but could demand an end to the mistreatment and allow them to live as a family.

The conspiracy orchestrated by the mulatto slaves served as a pretext to expose the mistreatment they endured from their enslaver. This practice was quite common in colonial society, as documented by Solange Alberro (1988) for the Mexican case. The historian described how slaves used blasphemy to attract the attention of the Holy Office’s tribunal, which, upon arresting the slaves, discovered through their testimonies that they were not heretics or blasphemers but had employed this strategy to garner attention. According to Lienhard (2008, p. 19), rebellion is provoked by a sudden change in the established order, causing a seemingly peaceful subordinate group to erupt into open rebellion. Moreover, urban slaves were not isolated from the social unrest happening in Lima and likely participated anonymously in specific protests.

Thus, the reactions of the enslaved population demonstrate they were not a passive group in the face of oppression. On the contrary, they developed various strategies to counteract the inhumane system imposed upon them. For instance, our subjects used the revolt to demand their sale to another slaveowner. While this was not achieved, they managed something even more significant: their grievances crossed the borders of the Peruvian Viceroyalty and reached the Spanish Crown, which had no choice but to respond to the mulatto slaves’ demands.

In their document, the enslaved mulattoes directly criticized the slave system, asserting that they were good Christians and could not understand why they were subjected to slavery when Christ had liberated all people from sin by dying on the cross. However, they acknowledged their lack of power to defend themselves against enslavers but took the opportunity to denounce it, stating that

the severity of such a detrimental allowance against their royal conscience. If previous kings had permitted it due to sinister reports or remained ignorant because such poor, humble, and destitute people had no means to defend themselves, they now appealed to His Majesty. They believed only his royal conscience could bring about the success of their quest for freedom. Today, divine providence has heard their cries and laments, moving the heart of someone as destitute as the petitioners to place their plea in the hands of Your Highness, finding comfort in the assurance that their remedy is now in motion. It is entrusted to His Divine Majesty to move the heart of the king and Your Highness towards this mercy.¹⁵

The king is held responsible for being misinformed about the abuses committed by the officials and slaveowners, who unjustly kept them in captivity. Additionally, the group emphasized that they were the children of Spaniards, yet were cruelly mistreated by them, and that justice did not side with them, as the memorials they sent to colonial authorities remained unanswered. For these reasons, they demanded that the Spanish Crown abolish the enslavement of mulatto slaves, arguing that years earlier metropolitan authorities had abolished slavery for the Mapuche indigenous people, attaching the royal decree of abolition in their memorial. This group of slaves regarded the system as having:

condemned them to hell, which caused them despair with the grievous suffering. The noted dark-skinned and quarter-breed slaves were sentenced to disreputable slavery for the entirety of their lives, and many of them ended up enduring the other eternity of their souls by taking their own lives, driven to despair by the punishments, in which they were also killed by their owners and died in agony unless divine assistance saved them.¹⁶

One might think that mulattoes were not without legal support in this demand, as gathering documentary information on the abolition of Mapuche indigenous slavery could only have been in the hands of literate groups. As Martin Lienhard (2008, p. 27) mentions, regardless of the degree of truth in the facts, the statements of the accused reveal certain truths about society. According to Albert Camus, when slaves enter the realm of action, they reject their very condition as slaves (Lienhard, 2008, p. 18). The revolt takes them beyond mere denial, surpassing the boundary set by the adversary, and demanding equal treatment. Consciousness emerges with the uprising among the enslaved population.

As we have observed, enslaved mulattoes had a clear understanding of the detrimental impact that the slave system had on their lives, epitomized by physical and spiritual abuse, death, and disrespect for their conjugal life. These elements contributed to the formation of a sense of rejection. Faced with not being heard, they organized a revolt, allowing their discontent to surface. This leads us to question: To what extent did they have this level of anti-slavery consciousness? What interests might lawyers and collaborators have intertwined with the cause of this group of rebellious mulattoes? Unfortunately, for now, the answers remain elusive, as all we have reviewed are third-party writings that do not pause to explain these significant details. However, what is certain is that the rebellious movement occurred, clearly showing its repudiation of the slave system and demonstrating that this discontent crossed the borders of the Peruvian viceroyalty. In this sense, we disagree with Jean Pierre Tardieu’s idea (2000, p. 77) that the reiteration of royal and ecclesiastical legislation reveals the failure of the Church and the Crown to defend the enslaved population. We believe that this perspective nullifies the agency of the enslaved population. While the abuses of slaveholders and institutions are undeniable, the enslaved population invigorated the economy, law, and religion, using legislation to set limits on the abuses of their slaveowners.

Nevertheless, the fear of the Crown and colonial authorities was not only the rebellion of slaves but also one that included indigenous peoples. For this reason, they sought to physically separate them, creating paternalistic legislation in which the slave was identified as the abuser. In this context, when we review the Recopilación de Leyes de Indias, the main topic concerning black slaves was their association with criminal acts and included recommendations on how they should be punished (Gonzales, 2019, p. 51). This occurred because the Spanish, unable to prevent either positive or negative relationships between black and indigenous people, sought to control through legislation and impose their authority (McCutchen, 2014, p. 120).

This fact does not deny the abuses against indigenous people; for us, it reveals a fear that the bond between two oppressed groups could strengthen and eventually be detrimental to social control. We refer to the following edict from 1544, which demonstrates that friendships were common between black and indigenous people, as it notes that chicha taverns, owned by the indigenous people, were where many of them would gather with black people to drink. This led to problems and harm for the republic, resulting in indigenous people stopping their work in the fields and slaves being absent from domestic service. Ultimately, they would end up killing each other, and then the slaves would rob their slaveowners to get money to continue drinking (Lee, 1935, p. 132). It seems that the consumption of alcohol was detrimental to the coexistence of black and indigenous people, leading them to commit crimes and offenses against each other and their slaveowners, yet such prohibitions were not enforced.

One can observe that the ownership of taverns and general stores also belonged to black and mulatto persons, and during the rule of Viceroy Toledo, the sale of wine or chicha to indigenous people was prohibited under threat of severe fines (Coello, 2006, p. 114). Thus, colonial authorities deployed various forms of control in social spaces such as taverns, which were not only places for drinking but also for sharing knowledge and spreading rumors, much like the Church. In the latter case, it was the confessors who informed the authorities of any news that might threaten the kingdom’s peace. Essentially, in colonial society, the parish church and the tavern were two hubs where the networks of sociability, especially for the humbler members of society, were intertwined (Delemeau, 2019, p. 233). To these spaces, we can add the marketplace as another venue for the circulation of information and rumors.

The existence of inter-ethnic conflict cannot be denied, not only because it was frequent in Indian legislation but also because daily life was tinged with it. From this perspective, Bowser (1977, p. 202) notes that black people imitated the ways of their slaveowners and mistreated the indigenous, although he emphasizes that the Spaniards feared that this hostility might dissipate, paving the way for a common cause that would ally black and indigenous people against the Spanish. In this sense, it was convenient to highlight the conflict in inter-ethnic relations, which is why colonial authorities sent numerous reports to the Spanish Crown, seeking to punish black people’s incursion into indigenous villages, though they seemingly had little success, as evidenced by the letter from Viceroy Enríquez in the 1580s, which clearly states:

blacks should not live among the indigenous because of the many grievances they cause. Although I have no specific account until now, I had a very great one from when I was in New Spain. It is a bad business to remedy because if those blacks who caused the issues were free, it could be remedied, but since they are all slaves, they cannot stop attending to their masters’ service and their estates.¹⁷

Bowser (1977, p. 26) notes that “during the initial period of colonization in Peru, there was a mutual hostility between black and indigenous people.” Additionally, he mentions that in the early decades, the price of slaves decreased because indigenous people were reportedly killing blacks (Bowser, 1977, p. 31). However, this image must be nuanced, as we believe the author may have been guided by the frequent prohibitions of this early period, a notion contradicted by our previous work (Gonzales, 2019), where we describe the connections forged between these subaltern groups during the early colonial years in Peru. For instance, in the 17th century, Juan Antonio Suardo (1936, pp. 16-18) recounted a riot that occurred in March 1634 at the court jail, where black, mulatto, mestizo, and indigenous people staged an uproar, drawing the attention of the mayor, who came to investigate the issue but was killed by the rebels. They stole the jail key, assaulted other guards, and escaped. Three sought refuge in a parish, were captured, and hanged. The viceroy reportedly dismissed the pleas for their lives and paid little heed to ecclesiastical intervention, as his main concern was to demonstrate that the colonial state was not weak in the face of plebeian rebellion.

A few days later, the riot leader, a black man named Diego de León, a slave to Captain Manuel Rodríguez, was arrested at the Church of San Agustín in the Callao Port and brought to Lima with twenty musketeers. It seems more of a spectacle was made of the event than its actual danger justified, in order to convey its problematic nature and the commensurate gravity of the punishment. Shortly after, an indigenous man who had taken refuge in Callao was also captured. Following a swift and controversial trial, as Suardo noted, they were sentenced to death by hanging. The indigenous man was executed quickly; nonetheless, Diego de León remained in prison until late 1635, when he organized another revolt against the jail warden. He solicited the help of other slaves but was subdued and transferred to another cell, meeting his end by execution on December 24th, which drew a large public gathering.

Moreover, the fact that they sought sanctuary in a parish did not prevent their capture and sentencing, despite the Church’s protests; the viceroy’s authority prevailed, resulting in their execution with the utmost penalty. We believe that the insurrection, which included the entire plebeian class, frightened the authorities, who hastily concluded the case with the execution of its leaders and other participants.

Although a fear of interethnic social rebellion was persistent, one method of subverting Spanish dominance over the day-to-day lives of black and indigenous peoples was through the familial ties established between them in early colonial Peru. As discussed earlier, interactions were often restricted because black people regularly abused indigenous people. While conflict due to daily coexistence was undeniable, it was not the sole type of interaction. For example, in the first baptismal records of Lima, we found evidence of two types of interactions between black and indigenous people that contravened the prohibitions against their association. These records illustrate that the paternalistic prohibitions imposed by the ruling class aimed to eliminate these associations to prevent the unity of these groups from threatening their interests in domination. Thus, sexual relationships resulting in the birth of zambo children and the establishment of compadrazgos (ritual kinship) both demonstrate the elite’s fears regarding bonds formed between plebeian groups. In another perspective, Fernando Iwasaki (2018, pp. 88-89) remarked that the environment in Lima was one of constant panic, not only due to pirate attacks and the threat of interethnic rebellion but also due to the fear of the return of pre-Hispanic gods alongside potential conspiracies between black persons and Portuguese.¹⁸ To these circumstances, we can add a population anxious due to food scarcity, the fear of the increasing presence of vagrants, and, in the case of the indigenous people, the abuses of the mita and the fiscal pressure exerted upon them.

CONCLUSIONS

The research presented elucidates how the fear of the black population in colonial Lima during the 16th and 17th centuries was a fundamental factor in shaping the social and political relations of the Peruvian viceroyalty. In this context, fears are either real or imaginary social constructs that have been utilized to identify scapegoats for societal problems. Throughout history, collective fears have alarmed populations: earthquakes, epidemics, slave revolts, indigenous rebellions, pirates, Jewish conspiracies, and more were common terrors in colonial Lima. These fears transitioned from natural punishments to human actions, yet there always existed a culpable party to be pursued and punished. Practitioners of witchcraft or adultery, for example, were believed to incite the wrath of God, who would then express his dissatisfaction through nature’s fury.

Colonial elites, through legislation, crafted a stereotype of the African and Afro-descendant populations as inherently criminal and likely to incite seditious movements that could subvert public order. Consequently, within the dominant mindset, there existed a symbolic rather than a tangible black threat. Nevertheless, this fear had a basis in historical events, such as the 1537 slave rebellion in New Spain, where a group of slaves revolted against the Spaniards and were subsequently hanged in the public square, with crosses in their hands. This was not the sole rebellious movement that transcended the borders of the New Spanish viceroyalty, as reports of such uprisings were prevalent in Lima during the seventeenth century, notably the aborted 1612 rebellion, which incited panic and dread. We believe that the slave seditions of 1537 and 1612 marked a turning point in the relationships between slaves and elites, extending their impacts to cities like Lima. This rebellion seemingly remained ingrained in the minds of the dominant group, prompting them to pre-emptively protect themselves by creating comprehensive legislation targeting the vices and crimes of the slave population, while ostensibly safeguarding the indigenous population. This legal framework was not intended to amend the improper behaviors or practices of the black population but to impose severe punishment and unrelenting repression. Slave punishments included flogging, facial or bodily branding, castration, amputation, hanging, and dismemberment, all as public spectacles.

The intention was straightforward: punishment needed to be exemplary and instill maximum fear in potential rebels. Thus, one could ask: was it the black population that instilled fear in colonial society, or was it the elites’ repressive measures that frightened the slaves? It appears that fear was bidirectional, with valid arguments for both groups. However, black rebellion acts were a rejection of the conditions imposed by slavery, including uprooting and continuous abuse. Drunkenness, suicide, and maroonage were some expressions of this rejection and were key to justifying colonial authorities’ repressive policies. Whether through local council ordinances or royal edicts, the directive was consistent: there should be no leniency in repressing rebellious actions or even minor legal infractions.

Liberties that could disrupt public order were not permitted, and prohibitions were frequently repeated. While these measures were not always enforced, in the case of slave punishments, authorities consistently applied them, as we have documented in this work. The Crown received reports about the large number of slaves and potential rebellions, prompting demands for parish censuses to ascertain the demographic status of the black population, the necessity of providing sacraments, and ensuring their humane treatment, including permitting marriage to pacify unrest.

This indicates that the Spanish Crown was aware of the fragility of its dominion in the face of a possible black rebellion, not only because they were the majority since the late 16th century, but also because it was recognized that they were physically superior to the Spaniards. A link to indigenous people, pirates, or the Portuguese would have been detrimental to the interests of the colonial authorities. As can be observed, the image these provisions present is of a city besieged by crime, conflicts, and abuses by black against indigenous people, a society living in fear of a black or interethnic rebellion. The only solution seemed to be physical repression of the potential rebels. Nevertheless, this did not mean that black rebellion was absent; on the contrary, it was a daily occurrence. In summary, the slaves challenged the slave system and contributed to the creation of a dangerous image of blackness.

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• 1
  While positions such as Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s (as cited in Helg, 2018, p. 217) argued that the Haitian Revolution should not be considered unthinkable, the fear of a slave-planned revolt that could lead to the destruction of production centers and the massacre of whites had haunted colonial elites since the discovery of a potential rebellion in Mexico in 1537. Thus, between the events in New Spain in 1537 and those in Haiti in 1791, there was no silence from the enslaved population under oppression. On the contrary, the fear of another event like the initial one, and later like the Haitian revolt, significantly influenced the relationships and fears of the elites towards the black population in colonial America. For more information on the conspiracy of 1537, see the work of Jean Pierre Tardieu (2017).
• 2
  Other works on the topic can be found in the 18th century across various parts of the Caribbean. For instance, Consuelo Naranjo (2010, p. 284) indicated that during the Haitian Revolution, which served as a tool to promote fear, being utilized by everyone for any purpose and from diverse sectors.
• 3
  Ada Ferrer (2003, p. 676) noted that the events in Haiti instilled in Cuba a fear of black people that permeated the entirety of Cuban history. It was even argued as a reason for Cuba’s delayed independence, which, “arrived 80 years later due to a fear of black people, and the apprehension that any attempt at national liberation would trigger a violent struggle from enslaved individuals or free people of color.” In this context, the author acknowledges the significance of fear; however, it must be demonstrated, analyzed, and nuanced to better understand Cuba’s unique dynamics.
• 4
  Serge Gruzinski (2015, p. 114) notes that the repression was carried out with ruthless brutality, leading to the dissolution of confraternities and the prohibition of gatherings for blacks and mulattoes, as well as the banning of wearing weapons and jewelry. Furthermore, he states that this failure prevented the black population from establishing themselves as an organized ethnic community with their own languages and attire.
• 5
  For more information about this slave uprising, refer to the works of Fran “Trey” Proctor III (2010) and Jean Pierre Tardieu (2017).
• 6
  Castration was expressly prohibited by King Charles V around 1540. Several decades later, the religious authorities of New Spain requested the Crown to “order the cessation of an act of cruelty occasionally practiced in these parts, which is the castration of black individuals who escape or bear arms, because it is excessive and leads to severe consequences and offenses to God” (Lucena Samoral, 2005, p. 165). Although the royal decree of 1551 punished enslaved persons who kept Indigenous women as concubines.
• 7
  ARCHIVO GENERAL DE INDIAS. (AGI). Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 36. F. 127.
• 8
  AGI. Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 36. F. 127.
• 9
  In the 18th century, colonial authorities limited the use of lashes to 25 for each crime or offense committed (Lucena Samoral, 1996, p. 281).
• 10
  According to Arrelucea and Cosamalón (2015, p. 49), suicide was not very common among slaves in colonial Peru. However, we cannot make such a categorical statement, especially considering that African nations were diverse, and only certain groups (such as those from Angola, Congo, and Mozambique) viewed suicide as a way to return to Africa. In contrast, groups from Benin considered it an unnatural death (Ferreira, 2009, pp. 14-15).
• 11
  Bowser (1977, p. 199) notes that in 1538, French corsairs promised African slaves freedom in exchange for supporting them as allies in the sacking of Havana.
• 12
  AGI. Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 145. F. 234.
• 13
  AGI. Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 145. F. 234.
• 14
  AGI. Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 18. F. 59.
• 15
  AGI. Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 18. F. 59.
• 16
  AGI. Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 18. F. 59.
• 17
  AGI. Sevilla. Real Audiencia de Lima, legajo 30. F. 179.
• 18
  Solange Alberro (1988, p. 470) noted in the case of Mexico that there were various instances where Portuguese Jews used slaves as intermediaries to convey information to their families. She even mentions finding a list among the possessions of the Judaizers that included the slaves from several sugar mills, which might suggest a possible rebellion promoted by the Portuguese with the support of the enslaved population.
• DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT:
  All the data supporting the results of this study have been published in the article itself.

• Editor-in-charge:
  Ely Bergo de Carvalho

Data availability

All the data supporting the results of this study have been published in the article itself.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  12 Dec 2025
• Date of issue
  2025

History

• Received
  01 Apr 2025
• Reviewed
  01 Sept 2025
• Accepted
  10 Aug 2025