Education in and for Human Rights in Philosophy CurriculaABSTRACT
This bibliographical and documental study sought to examine the feasibility of an emancipatory education in and for human rights, considering the disciplines present in the curriculum of Degree in Philosophy courses at five Brazilian public universities. The guiding problem questioned to what extent the curriculum of Degree in Philosophy can contribute to promote social justice? The theoretical contributions mainly considered the contributions of: Arendt (1989), Rawls (1997), Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2003), Freire (1987) and Sacristán (2000). The results indicate, despite the ambivalences inherent to the process, the commitment of the analyzed HEIs with Education in and for Human Rights.
Keywords
Human Rights; Curriculum; University Education; Philosophy
RESUMO
Este estudo de caráter bibliográfico e documental buscou examinar a viabilidade de uma educação emancipadora em e para os direitos humanos, considerando as disciplinas presentes nos currículos dos cursos de Licenciatura em Filosofia de cinco Universidades públicas brasileiras. A problemática norteadora questionou em que medida o currículo de Licenciatura em Filosofia pode contribuir para promover a justiça social. Os aportes teóricos consideraram, sobretudo, as contribuições de: Arendt (1989), Rawls (1997), Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2003), Freire (1987) e Sacristán (2000). Os resultados apontam, não obstante as ambivalências inerentes ao processo, o compromisso das IES analisadas com a educação em e para Direitos Humanos.
Palavras-chave
Direitos Humanos; Currículo; Ensino Superior; Filosofia
Introduction
The analyzed themes are now possible within this known connection. We carefully place the people's directions on a question of justice and, to be positive about the constitutions of the countries, we are present in our curricula from the institutions of the country so that we can start from the application of everyday legislation. Going through this inaugural observation, it is intended to understand how these themes interconnect, the theoretical conduct required in this specific way, directed towards a process of emancipation.
Consider that, based on human rights, there is a justification that, although not being able to have a consensual concept between the authors, it is clear that they are feared in agreements, which are required by specific daily policies, taking into account various historical contexts. To assist this theoretical construction, we use the concepts of justice in Hannah Arendt, Rawls and Boaventura, articulated with the perspective of Paulo Freire, directed towards people in a state of social vulnerability represented here by women, blacks, indigenous people and the LGBTQI+ community.
Furthermore, it is argued that justice can be achieved with the help of an intercultural curriculum, a tool that can facilitate the creation/recreation of conditions that foster a space for listening and free speech, free from prejudices or concepts based on the vision of homogeneous groups that concentrate decision-making powers. Understanding that the curriculum, which can enable emancipatory conditions, varies over time depending on the needs of people and groups in distinct contexts. Therefore, other groups will be required to ensure that the demands of a specific group are attended to. This form, this dynamism of interests requires a daily and constant nature.
In addition to recognizing the existence of tensions within the official (prescribed) curriculum and daily pedagogical practices, it is essential to consider the complexity of the teaching media in relation to professors, others, knowledge. A teaching practice is not reduced to an occult curriculum, since this can, in specific contexts, operate as a para-official way of outlining political decisions- not assumed. No feeling, in practice, is evident in the reading and interpretation that the relevant teachers do of the curricula, or that it implies in different ways, and often by consensus, forms of ownership and interpretation of the prescribed contents. In short, the separation between theory and practice can be understood as a dynamic tension, crossed by disputes of feeling, and not as an absolute division. This prospective possibility to deepen relationship analysis between theory and practice, contributing to a critical reading of teacher practice.
Justice in the Curriculum and Its Relations with Human Rights
Based on human rights there is justice and, even if it is not a consensual concept between the authors, precise be feared in agreement, which demands the political policies of our various historical contexts. Thus, to cooperate with a broad vision over the awareness of people's prerogatives, I have presented concepts of justice in Hannah Arendt, Rawls and Boaventura de Sousa Santos, some of which serve as a basis for the construction of human directions in current affairs and, for this reason, cited in different things that we think about the idea of justice. You have to realize that this is a story and, as it is, to include concepts, exclude others.
In the face of Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), she did not have human leaders without the support of her titles with some organized and strong political form. Therefore, it is necessary that human directions are effectively followed by people in different contexts, so that positive norms are only an orientation not consumed when they are not felt every day by each person and if we return to norms without compromise with these practices, then “[...] the very expression of 'human rights' returns to all interested parties – victims, oppressors and spectators – a proof of futile idealism or stupid and levian hypocrisy” (Arendt, 1989, p. 302).
All people must have their dignity preserved; therefore, the human person's dignity is much more vibrant than the notion of citizenship, understood as a group recognized by a corporate body such as any association. Recognized in citizenship, it follows that one must maintain the physical and moral integrity of one's life, under penalty of being forced to make a difference between citizenship and not citizenship. This characteristic represents only an external indicator, unable to be relegated to any second level or exclusion. In this sense, dignity must be understood as a significant attribute that Citizens has seen the situation of millions of refugees around the world with little or no basic conditions of life. Like this, before returning to citizenship, you must return to your dignity.
[...] no one realizes that humanity, conceived for a long time in the image of a national family, has become ruined and that people are expelled from one of these rigidly organized and segregated communities that is expelled from the entire family of nations
(Arendt, 1989, p. 327).
Given the above, justice, starting from the interpretation of the author's writings, it is possible to return equally to the results of the people's civil organizations in situations of calamity, misery and violence throughout the planet, since no individual is born equal, but it comes back when I enter a public space of collective conviviality. Returning to the same thing is not a simple activity by the expert, according to the philosophy discussed:
The equality of conditions, which constitutes a basic requirement of justice, is one of the most uncertain considerations of modern humanity. As much as we tend to conditions for equality, it is more difficult to explain the differences that actually exist among people; Indeed, fleeing from the rational acceptance of this tendency, individuals who are inevitably involved in trouble form groups that are ever more closely related to each other and, as is, different
(Arendt, 1989, p. 76).
Observing the sociopolitical context of the German philosopher, who examines totalitarian regimes in his work, the foundation of human rights must be reconstructed and, as it is, must broaden the Kantian premise of dignity of the human person and understand first of all the universal concept is to be effectively respected as prerogatives of every human being, preserving for any one or another direction.
So, we understand, based on the reading of Hannah Arendt, that precisely human directions are dynamic and continuous, under penalty of not being heard, would be illegitimate or would be "only formulated, but never philosophically established; only proclaimed, but never politically guaranteed" (Arendt, 1989, p. 498). It is possible, essentially, to start from actions for a harvest, always ensuring benefits, being in conformity with each specific environment, and, consequently, its particularities.
Considering the context of political philosophy, John Rawls (1997) presents the notion of justice as a complex element by considering ethical, philosophical, religious, cultural, individual characteristics and considering the status of society. For the author, conceiving justification is, necessarily, starting from a state in which he is inserted. Dealing with justice in society is about reflecting on how much one or another person can represent benefits or harms to a person or a group. In this context, there is no impartiality but a thought directed exclusively at one's interests.
The objective of the current philosopher is to expose the possibility of social justice in an equitable form: “[...] in the same way as the main social institutions distribute the rights and the fundamental rights and determine the division of the current advantages of social cooperation [...]” (Rawls, 1997, p. 8). This occurs “[...] because there is no better way to develop a political concept of justice for a basic structure starting from an intuitive idea fundamental to society as an equitable system of cooperation between citizens such as people's lives and lives [...]” (Rawls, 1992, p. 43). It is a company that justifiably requires cooperation between goods and some basic freedoms.
[...] to political freedom (or the right to vote and occupy public cargo) and to freedom of expression and assembly; to freedom of conscience and thought; as freedoms from people, which include protection against psychological oppression and physical aggression (integrity from people); right of private ownership and protection against arbitrary imprisonment and detention, in accordance with the concept of law enforcement
(Rawls, 1997, p. 65).
Gamarnikow (2013), in his art Educação, (in)justiça social e direitos humanos, learned in Freirian pedagogy, reflects on the concept of social justice in the work of a theory of justice, by John Rawls. In this work, the ideal of justice is based on the equitable distribution of resources and opportunities, so that the possible desired desires produced by the markets can be supported by a society in which people with high quality invite us and we always ask for them, or who can help people like us lesser rendition.
In summary, according to Gamarnikow (2013, p. 196), education must be thought of as a human condition to be emancipated, and must not be thought of in a limited sense of financial growth intermediated in the financial market, or rather, it must be thought about in “human life” ever more hopeful and optimistic than education can/must/be legally precise: the place of learning about social justice and what it means to be human, which is the subject of human words”.
In order to reflect further on the applicability of human directions, presents Boaventura de Sousa Santos, which theory can be interpreted as an attempt to relate to concepts of dignity, person and justice in everyday situations. For the author, human directions must not be considered natural, since they are limited to time, stagnating and compromising achievements and, therefore, they are not external data to people, but inherent to the historically constructed dignity.
Another point left out in his work is the fate of thinking about human words and, consequently, justification in each country, location and specificity (diatopic hermeneutics), since thinking about human words in a universal and abstract form is not effective because there is no clue in life concrete. Accordingly, Boaventura Santos (2003, p. 458) treats human rights in a context of globalization. I tend to see that they cannot be seen as universal or relativistic and multicultural, progressively, starting from what if “[...] assumption that the principle of equality is used according to the principle of recognition of differences”.
In this argumentative language, the author discusses justice of nations and people in his locality and uses concepts of globalization and diatopic hermeneutics. Globalization, directly related to people's directions, can be conceived as a different combination of social relations. It does not strictly have a single element, which can be designated as globalization in any case, at least globalization. Accordingly, “[...] globalization is a process by which a specific condition or local entity extends its influence to the whole globe and develops the capacity to designate itself as a local condition other than a social condition or a rival entity” (Santos, 1997, p. 108).
The diatomic theory (a form of considering multiculturalism) is an interpretation so that allows nations to perceive that it has a lot to do with human directions and broaden their conscience (incompleteness), so that they are attentive to religious and secular aspects, as well as distinct groups and their respective variations. Thus, for a concept of universalist leadership, it is necessary to ensure a minimum of prerogatives for people in all , regardless of cultural, religious, material distinctions or any other form of distinction. In contrast, a current trend highlights the indispensability of safeguarding regional and cultural differences, leading to the applicability of human rights. If so, these theoretical currents are exclusive among you.
Contrary to universalism, it is necessary to propose intercultural dialogues about isomorphic concerns, which is, convergent concerns expressed in distinct languages and from different cultural universes. Against relativism, we have developed criteria that allow us to distinguish a progressive policy from a conservative policy of human rights, a capacity policy from a disarmament policy, an emancipatory policy from a regulatory policy
(Santos, 2003, p. 441).
For Boaventura, the European master must not prevail if he has an Inter-American, African, or Asian one, but must always seek the path of interculturalism, emancipation, dialogue, and diversity. These are key and significant words for the author, such as they are for Paulo Freire, who by the same form applies to all topics to discuss justice, which must not be feared by universalism, by virtue of this power to hide the differences between people and their respective contexts of life, anguish and pain, you are, your peculiarities. Therefore, achieving the interculturality envisioned by Boaventura is a daily struggle.
Curriculum: a possible articulation with a social justification
It is assumed that the curriculum is “[...] a question of knowledge, identity and power [...]” (Silva, 2007, p. 147). Furthermore, through the curriculum “defines the type of society and citizenship that you want to build, or that you do in school, that you do or that you do” (Menezes; Araújo, 2007, p. 34). Examining how the relationships between human directions in the curricula of federal universities is given is of vital social relevance, and not exclusively academic, since it is necessary to understand how the theories conceived by philosophers cited in this article, For a long time now, we have been contemplating the institutions that will be administered by professors, which concepts can be legitimate and validated, even if they are sometimes unthinkable will be presented to future teachers or opinion trainers.
No perspective, or curriculum, as a positive norm, can return to an unconsumed orientation when people are not living daily. It increases the support of practical compromise with such norms can collaborate towards the constitution of an occult curriculum which, paradoxically, reinforces practices that contradict the principles that are claimed to be affirmed.
Para Sacristán (2000), curriculum originating from current language, from latim, and can be understood as “a selective cultural, social, political and administratively conditioned project, which pre-empts educational activity and which is realized within the conditions of school as it is configured” (Sacristán, 2000, p. 36). Forquin (1993, p. 22) describes the concept of curriculum as “[...] an educational path, a continuous set of learning situations [...] to which an individual is exposed over a given period, in the context of a formal educational institution".
The curricular concept alters the history of a traditional view or multiculturalism in a critical perspective. In the first half of the century, during the Second World War (1939-1945), the United States had a traditional idea of curriculum, of bureaucratic work, based on industrial models.
This curricular paradigm was adapted to the educational setting by John Franklin Bobbit and Ralph Tyler.
Bobbitt 's responses were clearly conservative, his intervention sought to radically transform the educational system. Bobbitt suggests that the school should work the same way as any other commercial or industrial company. Like an industry, Bobbitt wanted the educational system to be able to specify precisely what results it wanted to achieve, so that it could establish methods to obtain precise results
(Silva, 2009, p. 23-24).
Not the traditional curricular language, but rather the main purpose to learn about its production potential for the trade market, following the progress and social ascension of the results of individual effectiveness in the collective school space. Between 1940 and 1970, student movements, feminists and protests against the war in Vietnam inspired and expelled social movements.
A feeling of crisis arose from establishing a society [...], as a consequence, a counterculture that emphasized sexual freedom, sexual freedom, immediate gratification, naturalism, drug use, community life, peace, individual liberty. Inevitably, critical violence returned to educational institutions, denouncing that school did not promote social ascension and that, even with the cries of dominant groups, it was traditional, oppressive, emasculating, violent and irrelevant
(Moreira; Silva, 1995, p. 13).
And at the same time, in an indirect way, a curricular restructuring is pressing. This curricular reconstruction emerged of a new curricular mentality represented by Henry Giroux and Michael Apple, among others, which is how the Frankfurt school concepts that, once upon a time, criticized the illuminist rationale.
[...] the critical theories of the curriculum carry out a complete reversal of the foundations of traditional theories [...]. The critical theories about the curriculum [...] place precisely the prerequisites of the present social and educational arrangements in this context. As theoretical theories, we do not trust do status quo, responsibility for social injustices and desires
(Silva, 2009, p. 29-30).
Critical theory, meaning that in school, through its curriculum, is not suitable for emancipating people, whether seen daily or otherwise, then it does not allow for reflexivity to master the ideological mechanisms of domination and, therefore, education is an act of subjugation for social minorities.
Our twentieth and twenty-first centuries, with globalization, as critical theories gradually begin to occupy a place of development in the academic space, we cannot establish an effective connection between theory and practice in our institutions. In this context, post-critical theories are incorporated into the curriculum themes such as hybridism, discourse, representation, culture, identity, subjectivity, gender, race, ethnicity, sexuality, multiculturalism and relativism. The essays aim to understand how the curriculum is constructed, reflecting on the formation of identities and the uncertainties of the contemporary world (Silva, 2007).
Now, there's a subjective way: what people actually think of. Therefore, a theoretical context is helpful to reflect on social minorities and daily dramas. Fundamentally, it is not understood as truths, power, dominance, ideology and social reproduction, but rather as a harmonious coexistence between cultures demonstrating that other cultures are the right to represent and should be represented through the curriculum. Not only the majority culture, but also minority culture, such as blacks, mules, defectives, natives of each nation and any group considered transgressed and violated within its prerogatives of social access.
Curriculum and Justice: a possible articulation to educate them and for human directions
If we talk about the curriculum in a democratic state of governance in Brazil, we are reminded not only of a space of pure and simple education, but also of a place of formation of values/disvalues, construction/deconstruction and standardization/destandardization of cultures and values.
And what could this mean? That which over time can be gradually modified, once the curricular nature is changed, not only and represents the spirit of an era and the social mobility of people, so that, nourished by the conscience and desire of the movement, we can make a difference. However, it seems little try in a country with deep-rooted interests, same as people with humanitarians discourses. According to this logic of curricular flexibility, interests can be redirected to be built/rebuilt, through a valorization/desvaluation of some practical practices, in order to master what was not and demaster what you always were.
If so, mobilization and movement of the curriculum without the desire to highlight any simplicity of these movements, however, is a form of hope for those who can or precisely hope, at least of the ultimate expectations for the desperado and desperado. At the same time, we tend to be intercultural and make learning, through the curriculum, to understand the differences between people and, to achieve this, the curriculum can be a vital element for a new time of pluralist approach.
Conceived in this way, the curriculum is an element that “[...] helps build/constitute society and culture at the same time as it is built/constituted [...]” (Veiga-Neto, 2004, p. 166). Even thinking, everyday situations of physical, psychological, sexual or moral violence within the walls of institutions of the world can be a point of construction of a reality of acceptance and change of horizons, ultimately, social justice should be given to The academic curriculum is the result of the actions of people, so if they are aware that the value of another is different from themselves, they can find an established master in other contexts and circumstances. For this reason it was stated as a central point in this fish, explained by Moreira and Silva's contribution (1995):
The curriculum is not an innocent and neutral transmission element uninterested in social knowledge. The curriculum is implicated in power relations, the curriculum transmits particular social views. The curriculum produces individual and specific social identities. The curriculum is not a transcendent and timeless element – it is only a history, tied to the specific and contingent forms of organization of society and education
(Moreira; Silva, 1995, p. 8).
The mentioned quote from Moreira and Silva, as a combination of these writings, is the result of a historical context and a selection of authors who are based on questions tending to produce a possibility of social transformation and, consequently, social justice, in harmony with these principles of human directions established by the United Nations Organization. This observation is pertinent so that there are no doubts from the perspective adopted here, to Freirian, using this note to emphasize a greater relevance given to the general view of emancipation, and not so much to the concept in the curriculum.
To educate them and for human rights is to be in constant intellectual vigilance against the process of alienation and to propose a state of criticism that allows people to re-indicate their prerogatives of a non-violent form, while understanding that “[...] no violence is not the same as pacifism, for which many reasons exist. Pacifism is treated almost as a psychological condition” (Kurlansky, 2013, p. 17).
Human Rights Education in the Curricula of Philosophy Courses at Brazilian Federal Universities
Our objective in this section is, through a bibliographic and documentary analysis of the curriculum (Sacristán, 2000) of five Brazilian higher education institutions (UFPR, UNIFAP, UnB, UFRB, UNIFESP), to analyze the possibilities of the disciplines of the universities We will offer students of Philosophy graduation a critical vision that allows them to understand the reality of the perspective of social justice and French emancipation.
Thus, by trying to know whether the academic space is superior to the selected institutions, through the curriculum, it can be considered a space of many different concepts of social justice and, concomitantly, it can be an emancipator and promoter of social justice and, as it is, contribute to a decrease in social desirability and discrimination, mainly in relation to social minorities.
A preliminary selection was made from the Brazilian federal universities, considering what data would be available in their electronic systems, during the period of availability of the analysis materials, corresponding to March and April of 2021; given that we may be able to carry out a more streamlined analysis of their possible relationships with human directions. From these selected universities, you opted for an institution of each Brazilian region that was available in its electronic system, during the academic period, or the most recent curricular political project.
With the intuition of leading to a more recent understanding, starting from the initial academic training as per the studies of Sabadini and Klein (2020), the objective is to understand whether the curriculum of the State of São Paulo conformed with the Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-1) of 1996, or Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-2) de 2002 eo Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-3) de 2010, as well as Diretrizes Nacionais para a Educação em Direitos Humanos (DNEDH) de 2012. To achieve this purpose, it was developed synthesis on a framework with three central points for these mentioned documents: as “[...] three dimensions that integrate the EDH: knowledge, values and practice” (Klein; Sabadini, 2020, p. 523). This form, for this work, was adapted to the table of Sabadini and Klein (2020), relating the dimensions of the documents (PNDH and DNEHD) to the Political Pedagogical Projects examined. These are the results obtained starting from the exact dimensions.
1) What are the objectives of the five universities to stimulate students' knowledge?
2) Do the principles and values that form part of the reflections of the programs of the selected institutions?
3) The five analyzed institutions mentioned in these curricular pedagogical projects compromised on social transformation practices?
These three dimensions above are included in our accounts examined by the five institutions, obligatory and optional in nature, illustrated in our pictures below:
All the selected mandatory disciplines can be linked to human directions, in accordance with the previous exam. Some nomenclatures are identical, others are not. However, what makes the respective objectives of the items differ, basic and complementary bibliographies. An example of an assertive reference is given in line 1, whereby it has the disciplines that deal with these racial issues in Brazil and the world by four institutions. At UnB this discussion in other disciplines, in accordance with the established pedagogical project:
Disciplines such as Philosophy of Nature, History of Science, Philosophy of Biology or other specific topics in the history of modern philosophy, which counts, for example, by modifying our concepts of nature and the environment, and by relating them to the home, taking into account the different forms of understanding from cultural relation and ethnic
(UnB, 2019, p. 20).
In the case of electives, there are offers from other departments, which offer a greater range of possibilities of transversal topics to students, “providing as much exercise as possible of their autonomy and high ability in a sufficiently plural range of training courses” (UNIFESP, 2021, p. 12) and look forward to There is a need for an interdisciplinary approach to assimilate assumptions that could be better explored in other areas of knowledge from one's own institution. Thus, “[...] here is a wide range of approaches to transversal themes, in the book of the student, which will allow you to integrate your students, to respond to the singularity of each training path [...]” (UnB, 2019, p. 12 ), proposing an approximation of “demands of education and learning that contemplates social diversity, and diverse educational experiences of its specific training” (UFRB, 2019, p. 21).
Analysis of the Obtained Results
It was perceived that the three categories (points) analyzed have three explicit documents of human directions, therefore, have total compatibility with the pedagogical projects that orient us as disciplines. As such, the curriculum can be considered intercultural and critically relevant by virtue of the social minorities represented in the basic references and by many authors who think about concepts and discuss social demands, as illustrated in some examples already analyzed. Fragment entitled Analysis specific to universities. They are: Universidade Federal do Paraná - concepts of political and social justice, construction of identities and social minorities, books, democracy, ecology, racial preconception and international relations; Universidade de Brasília - conception of truths and minds in social politics, ethics, freedom, equality, politics and direction, African philosophy, feminist, religion; Federal University of Amapá - access to information ( infoética ), gender, sexuality, violence, politics and human rights; Federal University of Recôncavo da Bahia - ethics and education; philosophical anthropology; political philosophy and ethnic-racial relations, gender; indigenous education; corporeality and Education; literature and cinema; Federal University of São Paulo – affect, interdisciplinary approach to contemporary themes, sexuality, feminism, racism.
It is important to note that the qualitatively exposed demonstrations that the current authors and those presented in the bibliography of the items are distinguished. Again, it is clear that the teachers will lead discussions on topics such as nature, freedom, social minority and equality/desire, or in agreement with their own values. They, for their part, are absorbed by students, who internalize these concepts and review the exercise according to their own understanding.
This form, I fear, is the problem that arises from the conjunction of this question: whether it was possible that a process of emancipation, from the perspective of Paulo Freire, of students graduating in Philosophy from federal universities could be effectively implemented, then analyzing the programs of the individual curricula, specifically basic references, perceive that a variety of currents and concepts are conducted in academic discussions. It is a fact that one can benefit from intellectual growth with practical views of social transformation for education in and for human directions, mainly by being explicit in the theoretical and practical line of conduct from the institution of the pedagogical and political project of the five universities in them leave this study.
Human plurality, the basic condition of action and discourse, is the dual aspect of equality and distinction. If we were not in trouble, our homes would not be able to understand the others and those who lived before us, make plans for the future, or anticipate the needs of those who will come after us. If we were not distinct, any human being being distinct from any other that he or she is, we would or would not specify the discussion or take action to make ourselves understood. Signs and sounds would be sufficient for the immediate communication of identical needs and wants
(Arendt, 1989, p. 217-218).
Logo, the higher academic space, can be considered a space for many different concepts of social justice. I believe, I assume that the management in the classroom will be in conformity with the curricular pedagogical project of the analyzed universities, which may be democratic and emancipatory, will be a possible contribution to decreasing the desire and social discrimination, mainly in relationships with social minorities, in accordance with three previous national documents in human rights, awaiting a process of emancipation, from the perspective of Paulo Freire.
Critical training is carried out in all disciplines, provided that students of classics are led to a critical analysis of the points that are raised. It offers reflections on the actions about society, listing experiences, values and values that will further develop as students of middle or higher education. From the political and social aspect, referring to ethnic-racial and indigenous people, the LGBTQIAP+ community, so that students are attentive to the reality of Brazil, and so we can feel more inspired when we have the opportunity to understand the stories of life of the women and homes that we don't just write, but we also live with his work.
The guiding document for the preparation of the National Guidelines for Education in Human Rights [...] says that “the responsibilities of HEIs with Education in Human Rights, in higher education, are linked to the processes of building a more just society, based on respect and promotion of Human Rights...”[...] Such principles imply an explicit commitment of Higher Education with Human Rights in the regulatory frameworks of the educational institution and in its Pedagogical Projects of the Courses
(Matos, 2016, p. 137).
In the process of emancipation, the proposal is to explain and dialectically learn human words through the curriculum: “[...] form opinions of words, empower socially vulnerable groups and recall the historical memory of all human words [...]” (Candau; Sacavino, 2013, p. 63). It is about promoting a society with social justice, which values effective political citizenship, just and impartial distribution of income, or recognition of dignity as an intrinsic attribute of the human person, as well as individuality and context of others as fundamental requirements for a guarantee of one's directions. Furthermore, we must not forget the microsocial aspects, understanding that justice is not restricted to relationships between the state and the individual, but also involves daily interactions between ordinary people (Estevão, 2016; Gandin; Lima, 2017).
Final Considerations
As per the exam, you can understand how much you need to reflect on justice in society and when you are in the classroom – whether at a university, fundamental, or medium – sometimes you do not notice a disposition among students to obtain justice. However, you must understand that not seeing this disposition sometimes comes from a natural weakness, resulting from an anxiety to try and achieve credit without being able to do justice in groups that will never overcome the meaning of receiving your words.
Starting from the analyzes carried out, we perceive that there is no conceptual breakdown, then the concepts of justice, always based on our living lives, vary continuously with time, drawing new elements to reflect on society, or which demonstrate that old principles and values. These historic and new configurations of time and space are always precisely revised.
As the exams of the items, despite the ambivalence inherent to the process, we believe that the Brazilian federal institutions have committed themselves to the future teachers of the public and private sectors of an association within the theories of the classics, of contemporary commentators and thinkers as required by society, particularly as people in the state of mental suffering by virtue of their lives and survivals from day to day.
It is important to note that understanding the curriculum as “[...] a selective cultural, social, political and administratively conditioned project, which precedes school activity and which is realized within the school conditions as it is configured [...]” (Sacristán, 2000, p. 36), and directed From a critical and intercultural perspective, we perceive the possibility of leading a process of emancipation, from the perspective of Paulo Freire, two students graduating in philosophy from federal universities.
In this context, teaching practice emerges as a critical media space, as teachers interpret, adapt, often, subvert the official curriculum in light of their students' experiences, values and concrete demands. In short, the occult curriculum can be understood as a field of symbolic and political disputes expressing resistance and accommodation. This dialogical reading between theory and practice allows us to recognize that the effectiveness of an emancipatory education in and for human directions depends not only on the existence of normative guidelines, but on the daily construction of ethical-political sentiments and compromises within educational practices.
Hope that your contribution to the academic space brings tangible benefits and results to those who dedicate themselves to this project of reading this topic of human speech, which must translate the fascinating and complex academic exercise and undertake a space of arduous and significant social transformation for those who never credit others and myself to us.
Availability of research data
The data set supporting the results of this study is published in the article itself.
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Editor in charge:
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