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17th Century Holographs in a Personal Miscellany of D. Francisco Manuel de Melo

Hológrafos do século XVII numa miscelânea pessoal de D. Francisco Manuel de Melo

Abstract

Not many documents qualify as material evidence of 17th century holographs in Portugal. However, personal miscellanies can provide valuable insight into textual composition and transmission in the literary scene of the time. One of the examples worth exploring is a miscellaneous volume of papers collected by D. Francisco Manuel de Melo (1608-1666), which includes several manuscripts either written by the owner himself or by the hand of fellow contemporary poets. These are clean copies with few or no layers of revision, but still relevant to a certain kind of genetic criticism without drafts (GRÉSILLON, 1993), focused on the interstices of scribal activity and distributed authorship in the early modern period. The article examines little-explored documentation from the national archive Torre do Tombo, thus broadening the scope of genetic studies into the realm of Portuguese baroque literature.

Keywords:
holographs; Portuguese literature; commonplace books; genetic criticism; exogenetics

Resumo

Em Portugal, existem poucos documentos que se possam classificar como hológrafos seiscentistas. No entanto, as miscelâneas podem fornecer material valioso para o estudo da composição e transmissão textual da cena literária da época. Um dos exemplos merecedores de atenção é um volume de papéis colecionados por D. Francisco Manuel de Melo (1608-1666), onde podemos encontrar vários manuscritos, escritos pelo punho quer do seu proprietário, quer de outros autores contemporâneos. Embora se trate de cópias limpas, maioritariamente sem correções intradocumentais, estes manuscritos podem ser relevantes para uma espécie de crítica genética sem rascunhos (GRÉSILLON, 1993), que esteja atenta ao fecundo intercâmbio entre a atividade copista e as diferentes manifestações autorais durante a idade moderna. O artigo analisa documentação do Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, até agora pouco explorada, procurando alargar os estudos genéticos ao âmbito da literatura barroca portuguesa.

Palavras-chave:
hológrafos; literatura portuguesa; miscelâneas; crítica genética; exogénese

Résumé

Au Portugal, il y a peu de documents holographes du XVIIe siècle. Pourtant, certains mélanges fournissent des témoignages précieux qui servent à étudier la composition et la transmission textuelle sur la scène littéraire. Un des exemples à explorer ce sont les mélanges de D. Francisco Manuel de Melo (1608-1666) qui comprennent plusieurs manuscrits de la main soit de son propriétaire, soit d’autres poètes contemporains. Bien qu’il s’agisse de copies sans corrections intradocumentaires, ces manuscrits peuvent être utiles à une « génétique sans brouillons » (GRESILLON, 1993) centrée sur les interstices de l’activité des scribes et sur différentes manifestations « auctoriales » à l’époque moderne. Cet essai examine une documentation jusqu’alors peu exploré aux archives nationales Torre do Tombo, tout en contribuant à l’élargissement des études génétiques sur le domaine de la littérature baroque portugaise.

Mots clés :
holographes; littérature portugaise; mélanges; critique génétique; exogenèse

A comparative history of composition and writing practices, informed by the study of manuscripts, is yet to be published.1 1 The observation has been intermittently pointed out by several geneticists: “Une histoire de la création littéraire et intellectuelle à partir des manuscrits reste à écrire” (HAY, 1993, p. 11); “Il n’existe pas à l’heure actuelle d’histoire globale des pratiques d’écriture et de composition” (LEBRAVE; GRESILLON, 2000, p. 4); “l’histoire de la notion d’«auctorialité» soit encore en grande partie à écrire” (DEL VENTO, 2019, p. 21). The book edited by Luc Fraisse (1998) and a new upcoming volume developed by the ICLA/CHLEL project Towards a Comparative History of the Literary Draft in Europe (BELOBORODOVA; VAN HULLE, 2021) have partly contributed to filling this gap in the literature. However, in the last decades, several research projects focusing on specific European traditions (e.g. MOTOLESE; RUSSO, 2009-2013MOTOLESE, Matteo; RUSSO, Emilio (dir.). Autografi dei Letterati Italiani. Roma: Salerno Editrice, 2009-2013. Available in: http://www.autografi.net. Accessed in: February 2022.
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; JAURALDE, 2008-2015JAURALDE, Pablo (dir.). Biblioteca de Autógrafos Españoles. Madrid: Calambur, 2008-2015.) have demonstrated that, in Italy, foundations of the modern concept of authorship date back to as far as the second half of the 14th century, while in other countries authors started to preserve their manuscripts and develop strategies to control their texts only towards the end of the 17th century (DEL VENTO; MUSITELLI, 2019DEL VENTO, Cristian. Manuscrits d’auteur, norme linguistique et ‘critique des variantes’ dans la tradition littéraire italienne. Genesis, 49, p. 15-29, 2019. Available in: https://journals.openedition.org/genesis/4410. Accessed in: January 2022.
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, p. 8). Some drafts preserved in Spain and Portugal - such as Lope de Vega’s ca. 1631 Códice Daza (BNE, RES/284BNE - Biblioteca Nacional de España, RES/284. Lope de Vega, Códice Daza.) or António Vieira’s pre-1697 manuscript of Clavis Prophetarum (APUG, cód. 1165/1APUG - Archivio Storico della Pontificia Università Gregoriana, cod. 1165/1. António Vieira, Clavis Prophetarum.)2 2 Regarding this recent discovery see e.g. ARTILHEIRO, 2022. - suggest that a modern author function3 3 “Fonction-auteur” in the French original. Throughout this article, the use of italics usually indicates a translated quotation from French, Spanish, or Portuguese sources. (FOUCAULT, 1977FOUCAULT, M. What is an Author? In: BOUCHARD, D. F. Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews by Michel Foucault. New York: Cornell, 1977. p. 113-138.) also developed in the Iberian tradition over that period. Yet, not many documents qualify as material evidence of 17th century holographs - i.e., manuscripts “written wholly by the person in whose name it appears” (LITTLE et al., 1964LITTLE, William et al. The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles, 3. ed. 2 vols. Oxford: Carendon Press, 1964., I, p. 912).

This article focuses on one of the examples worth studying in Portugal: a personal miscellany of D. Francisco Manuel de Melo, containing favourite texts and a series of manuscripts written in the hand of their authors. The paper will start with general considerations about writing and publication habits in 17th century Portugal, followed by a characterisation of some classes of manuscript books (1); then, it will analyse D. Francisco Manuel’s personal miscellany and the holographs bound in it (2); finally, it will briefly conclude with the contribution of these materials to a certain kind of genetic criticism without drafts (GRÉSILLON, 1993GRÉSILLON, Almuth. Une critique génétique sans brouillons? In: BEUGNOT, B.; MELANÇON, R. (ed.). Les Voies de l’Invention aux XVIe et XVIIe Siècles: Études Génétiques. Montréal: Université de Montréal, 1993. p. 227-232.), aimed at the study of pre-modern literary composition (3).

1.

In their introduction to Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles, Jean-Louis Lebrave and Almuth Grésillon observed that, throughout the 1600s, manuscripts served a dual role: as private documents employed in literary composition and as social vehicles for the dissemination of texts (LEBRAVE; GRÉSILLON, 2000LEBRAVE, Jean-Louis; GRÉSILLON, Almuth. Introduction. In: LEBRAVE, J.-L.; GRÉSILLON, A. (org.). Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Genèses de Textes Littéraires et Philosophiques. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2000. p. 7-16. Available in: https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42379. Accessed in February 2022.
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, p. 6-7). Long after the invention of the press, autograph copies were an effective way for authors to exchange poems in their inner circle and remained a preferred forum for those who could not print their works for some reason. In Portugal, besides the severity of the Inquisition and other forms of censorship that reflected political, religious, and social circumstances of the moment, there were intricate bureaucratic procedures that delayed print licenses for many years and strongly discouraged publication. Consequently, most Baroque poets, especially those with a satirical, clandestine, or scatological vein, never printed any work and opted to distribute their poems through manuscript copies.

While few working drafts from that period survive today, we may assume authors were responsible for many of the distributed manuscripts in our archives and libraries, which have circulated “from a private realm of creativity to a public realm of consumption” (LOVE, 1993LOVE, Harold. Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993., p. 36). However, these differed substantially from the documents used during textualisation, for only with the early Romantics and the so-called Geniezeit would writers start offering drafts as a memento or gift of friendship to be cherished by others (BOIE, 1993BOIE, Bernhild. L’écrivain et ses manuscrits. In: HAY, L. (dir.) Les Manuscrits des Écrivains. Paris: Hachette, 1993. p. 34-53., p. 42-43). Because those copies corresponded only to the clean final stages of composition and were usually circulated without the author’s signature, most subsisting manuscripts from that period do not provide material evidence of the holographic activity that genetic scholars consider to assess the writing process.4 4 Genetic Criticism emerged in France during the 1960s and became the most programmatic school responsible for emancipating the analysis of draft manuscripts as a discipline and distinguishing itself from traditional textual criticism. Rather than focusing on a stable reading text, the geneticist’s perspective centres on the compositional development of a literary work and all the transformations that result from the author’s writing or rewriting activity over time. For that reason, other existing theories with the same focus on writing processes and “the actions of invention” are labelled as leading towards a “genetic orientation” in the study of literature (VAN HULLE; SHILLINGSBURG, 2015, p. 36). Still, personal miscellanies can be a valuable resource for the comprehensive study of exogenetics,5 5 “Exogenetics designates any writing process devoted to research, selection, and incorporation, focused on information stemming from a source exterior to the writing” (BIASI, 1996, p. 43). In contrast to endogenetics (centred on the writing traces involved during textualization), the term exogenetics refers to documentary or bibliographic sources that an author has used to compose his work. providing insight into the intersection of “scribal user publication” (LOVE, 1993LOVE, Harold. Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993., p. 79-81) and authorial writing in 17th century literature.

Jean Croizat-Viallet already noted how the nurturing relationship between reading and writing was crucial to all intellectual activity that preceded our modern culture. He argues that, in the Baroque period, almost every literate engaged in three forms of intimate and fruitful dialogue with his readings: the marginalia were notes scribbled on the margin of books as an immediate free response to the text while reading; the annotationes were explanatory notes, duly numbered and compiled into notebooks, following the reading pari passu; while the excerpta were lists of quotations from different works (CROIZAT-VIALLET, 2002CROIZAT-VIALLET, Jean. Cómo se escribían los sermones en el Siglo de Oro. Apuntamientos en algunas homilías de la Circuncisión de Nuestro Señor. Criticón, n. 84-85, p. 101-122, 2002. Available in: https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/criticon/PDF/084-085/084-085_103.pdf. Accessed in: April 2022.
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, p. 104), which people organised for future reference and employment “when a suitable occasion presented itself” (LOVE, 1997LOVE, Harold. How personal is a personal miscellany? Sarah Cowper, Martin Clifford and the “Buckingham Commonplace Book”. In: ALSTON, R. C. (ed.). Order and Connexion: Studies in Bibliography and Book History. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997. p. 111-126., p. 113). They would transcribe and insert everything worth noting in their readings into a commonplace file, indexed according to general topics, to find the citation more quickly when necessary.6 6 Fray Luis de Granada, Silva Locorum, 1585, “Dedicatoria al inquisidor de Toledo, Antonio Zapata Mendoza”, apudCROIZAT-VIALLET, 2002, p. 105. See examples of 17th century commonplace books in the volumes collected by John Milton, 1608-1674 (BML, Add. MS 36354) and Matthew Day, 1574-1661 (FSL, MS V.a.160), as well as some early to mid-century commonplace books by unidentified compilers (YUBL; ECC, MS I.3.2). In Portugal, mention could be made of an extant volume collected by Cristóvão Alão de Moraes, 1632-1693, which is housed at the public library of Porto (BPMP, Ms. 645). All these manuscript compilations, involving some form of engagement with reading materials, were used to feed the practices of imitation and invention dictated by the canons of classical rhetoric, making them an essential resource for genetic studies dedicated to pre-modern literary composition.7 7 “Ancient rhetoricians imagined commonplaces as mental locations that store argumentative templates fit for a variety of cases. Aristotle’s koinos topos - a general topic - influenced Cicero, who translated the term into locus communis - from which we get our word ‘commonplace’ - which featured in his discussion of legal forms or argument. Cicero also added content to some of these ‘places’ and suggested that orators should use quotations from great thinkers to build authority (auctoritates)” (HESS, 2020, p. 12).

Similarly, to the excerpta, personal miscellanies were another “class of manuscript books into which the compiler” copied favourite texts by multiple writers, typically obtained through “the networks of transmission to which he or she had access” (LOVE, 1997LOVE, Harold. How personal is a personal miscellany? Sarah Cowper, Martin Clifford and the “Buckingham Commonplace Book”. In: ALSTON, R. C. (ed.). Order and Connexion: Studies in Bibliography and Book History. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997. p. 111-126., p. 112). Unlike commonplace files, though, a personal miscellany would assemble complete texts or substantial excerpts from different works and “grew by accretion”. “[I]t would often mingle current material entered in order of receipt with older material entered opportunistically” (LOVE, 1997LOVE, Harold. How personal is a personal miscellany? Sarah Cowper, Martin Clifford and the “Buckingham Commonplace Book”. In: ALSTON, R. C. (ed.). Order and Connexion: Studies in Bibliography and Book History. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997. p. 111-126., p. 112),8 8 In Portugal, see e.g. several miscellanies collected by Cristóvão Alão de Moraes, 1632-1693, at the public library of Porto (BPMP, Ms. 626, 704, 816). while some compilers thoughtfully organised the texts with a specific purpose in mind, assigning cohesive new meanings to the individual works assembled. Among the Portuguese examples worth mentioning, in this last case, is Miguel Leitão de Andrada’s MiscelâneaANDRADA, Miguel Leitão de. Miscellanea do Sitio de N. S.ª da Luz do Pedrógão Grande. Lisboa: Matheus Pinheiro, 1629. Available in: https://purl.pt/14193. Accessed in: March 2022.
https://purl.pt/14193...
(eventually published in 1629) and also a curious 1661 chapbook dedicated to Princess D. Catarina de Bragança on her wedding to King Charles II of England (BNP, COD. 589BNP - Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, COD. 589. Caderno de Diversas Curiosidades.).9 9 Referring to this miscellany at the Portuguese National Library, José Martinez (2018) notes that “by been [sic] juxtaposed, all […the disparate texts] engage in a dialogue that allow[s] readings different from the meanings each entry has separately”.

Some personal miscellanies are of yet a different nature. Instead of the usual compilation of texts copied into an album by an individual scribe - or even passed “through the hands of a number of owners, each entering materials of interest to themselves” (LOVE, 1997LOVE, Harold. How personal is a personal miscellany? Sarah Cowper, Martin Clifford and the “Buckingham Commonplace Book”. In: ALSTON, R. C. (ed.). Order and Connexion: Studies in Bibliography and Book History. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997. p. 111-126., p. 112) - what we have is a series of separate documents of varying provenance, which a single person has collected before binding them in a volume. At the Portuguese national archive, Torre do Tombo, there is one specimen of this kind, which deserves particular consideration by genetic scholars.

2.

Miscellany TT/MSLIVTT - Torre do Tombo. MSLIV - Manuscritos da Livraria, n.º 2121. Papeis Varios de D. Franscis Manuel, n.º 10., 2121 is an in quarto codex of uneven appearance and variable page sizes, whose label on the spine reads: “Francisco Manoel de Mello” and “Papeis Varios de D. Fran.co M.el Nº 10” [Various Papers of D. Francisco Manuel, nr. 10]. It is not certain when these documents were bound, but the same sequence number 10 appears on the inside of the front cover, below which an 18th century hand added that it was part of a series of 11 volumes at Convent of Carmo’s library,10 10 “Pertenceu ao Convento do Carmo de Lisboa, Cfr 11v”. largely destroyed in the 1755 Lisbon earthquake. Later, an officer of the national archive added another label, dated October 1908, identifying the gaps in the original numbered sequence of folios and the already missing pages.11 11 See a more complete description of the codex in PEREIRA; MOREIRA, 2021.

Inside, we find an assortment of papers collected by D.Francisco Manuel de Melo (1608-1666MELO, Francisco Manuel de. Obras Metricas. Leon de Francia: Horacio Boessat y George Remeus, 1665.), a prominent figure in the literary scene of the time who was incarcerated on a false charge of assassination from 1644 to 1650, released on his own recognisance in 1650 and sailed into exile in 1655 (VERDELHO, 2020VERDELHO, Evelina. Prosografia. In: MELO, D. Francisco Manuel de. As Musas Portuguesas: as Segundas Três Musas do Melodino. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2020. p. 671-727., p. 674-678). Most documents assembled in the miscellany date from that troubled period of his life, but the volume mixes print and manuscript materials from decades apart,12 12 The oldest document in the miscellany is as a letter dated from my study on May 11 th , 1624 (ff. 99-100). written in different hands, using multiple languages,13 13 The languages in the volume include Latin, French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese. and serving various purposes. It comprises such diverse contents as practical accounts of rents (ff. 272-274), records of mass intentions (ff. 192-193), drawings (f. 164), letters (ff. 130-157, 168-171, 229, 252-255, 278-285) - some of which written by women (ff. 278-281) - and all sorts of prose texts, from historical and philosophical notes (ff. 11-17) to speeches (ff. 189-190), sermons (ff. 238-291), history works (ff. 1-10), and musical studies (ff. 25-56). All these materials give us a glimpse at the author’s readings and provide evidence of the exogenetic sources behind some of his works.

On ff. 25-56, for instance, there is a copy of Defensa de la Musica Moderna, which King João IV anonymously published in 1649, refuting Cirilo Franco’s argument that modern tunes were inferior to ancient classical music.14 14 The controversial opinions were expressed in a 1549 letter to Ugolino Gualteruzzi, published by Aldo Manucio in 1567. This finding seems to indicate the influence of such discussions on D. Francisco Manuel’s Metric Works (MELO, 1665MELO, Francisco Manuel de. Obras Metricas. Leon de Francia: Horacio Boessat y George Remeus, 1665.), where the Greek muses are associated with both classical and modern instruments (PICADO, 2012PICADO, Rosa Teresa Paião. A música nas Obras Métricas de D. Francisco Manuel de Mello. In: CARDOSO, J. M. P.; MIRANDA, M. L. (coord.). Sons do Clássico: No 100º Aniversário de Maria Augusta Barbosa. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 2012. p. 143-170. , p. 148-155) and several poems come preceded by the statements “for singing” or “for music”. Some compositions in the 1665 edition are even followed by the name of contemporary composers, such as João Soares Rebelo, to whom Defensa de la Musica Moderna was dedicated (JOSA; LAMBEA, 2001JOSA, Lola; LAMBEA, Mariano. Poemas para música de Francisco Manuel de Melo. Bulletin Hispanique, n. 2, p. 427-448, 2001. Available in: https://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra/poemas-para-msica-de-francisco-manuel-de-melo-0. Accessed in: April 2022.
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).

Likewise, on ff. 168-170, we find an exogenetic source of a biography our author wrote in prison and remained unpublished.15 15 Landed in prison by order of the new king, D. Francisco Manuel found himself in a delicate position with this commission. However, the unfinished memoir is far from being a harmless panegyric. It is an unorthodox biography of the man who could have been a candidate for the throne of Portugal, but instead decided to support the Spanish domination during the Iberian Union (1580-1640). There are three manuscript copies of this work, which D. Francisco Manuel wrote in Spanish to reach a vaster audience (MELO, 1944, p. 44): one at Biblioteca de Évora, one at Biblioteca da Academia das Ciências, and another at Biblioteca da Ajuda. The copy at Biblioteca da Ajuda (BA, cód. 51-III-30) was translated into Portuguese by Augusto Casimiro and published in 1944 (MELO, 1944). Having been commissioned by King João IV to write about the late Duke of Bragança, D. Teodósio (1568-1630), the polygraph addressed some research questions to a monk at the convent of São Vicente de Fora, who answered on the same sheet and returned it to the sender with extensive annotations on the margin (Figure 1). Dating from February 5th 1649, the undersigned letter was then kept among D. Francisco Manuel’s belongings and eventually incorporated into his writing project.

Figure 1 -
ANTT / MSLIV, 2121, f. 170r (Courtesy of Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo).

Bibliographic and documentary pieces such as these abound in the volume and are crucial to understanding the writer’s creative process, both in verse and in prose. As expected, though, there is an apparent prevalence of poetry in these assorted papers, written by either D. Francisco Manuel or other fellow poets.

The owner of the miscellany explicitly authors only a few poems,16 16 On ff. 166-167, the poem “Nada llevó, si tu atención me deja” is written on the back of a sonnet that Francisco Luis de Vasconcelos addressed to D. Francisco Manuel de Melo at the prison of Torre Velha, leading us to believe that it must have been written to the addressee as an answer. On ff. 160-161, there is also a sonnet by Gonçalo de Medeiros de Sousa, replying to the poem “Dulce el papel, dulce el regalo; admiro” of D. Francisco Manuel, but both compositions are written in an apograph hand. To this, we should add that, based on the content order listed on the index, Edgar Prestage (1914: 605-606) inferred that a letter dating from my study on May 11th, 1624 (ff. 99-100), and the following 100-stanza poem on ff. 101-129 also might be among the compositions written by D. Francisco Manuel. However, no material evidence confirms this assertion since the manuscript does not have any signature and the handwriting differs from the only manuscript signed by D. Francisco, on f. 170. and those mentioned in the index seem to coincide with missing pages.17 17 The index page refers to several letters in his hand and works in verse dedicated to Rodrigo de Meneses: “Franc.co Manoel de Mello, obras em verso á D. Rodrigo de Menezes | Cartas do mesmo Fran.co M.el de seu proprio punho”. These apparently correspond to the missing ff. 57-98. However, from f. 165 onward, we find several separate manuscripts with praise compositions addressed to him. Within that album of literary sociability are poems by such names as Rodrigo de Meneses (ff. 165, 174-178, 182, 257-258), Francisco Luís de Vasconcelos (f. 166), Manuel de Galhegos (f. 172), António Gomes de Oliveira (f. 173), António de Almeida de Sousa (ff. 179-180), António Álvares da Cunha (ff. 181, 188-189), João da Fonseca (ff. 183, 191), Jorge da Câmara (ff. 194-195), and António Luís de Azevedo (f. 226), identified by marginal notes added by D. Francisco Manuel de Melo.18 18 See Evelina Verdelho’s well-documented “Prosografia” for a brief presentation of some of these authors, embedded within the network of literary relationships at the time (VERDELHO, 2020, p. 671-727). Sometimes, a further remark clarifies that the poems were written in the authors’ own hands,19 19 “De Jorge da Camara sua propria letra” (f. 195r); “De Antonio Luis de Azevedo sua propria letra” (f. 226v), “Do proprio” (f. 258). while other manuscripts are marked with an authoritative signature (placed either immediately below the verse lines or in the accompanying letter and envelope, addressed to the prison of Torre Velha - Figure 2).20 20 Cf. signatures of Rodrigo de Meneses (f. 182v), Francisco Luís de Vasconcelos (f. 169v), and Jorge da Câmara (f. 195r).

Figure 2 -
ANTT / MSLIV, 2121, ff. 182v, 167v, 195r (Courtesy of Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo).

As demonstrated in a previous article about one such poem (PEREIRA; MOREIRA, 2021PEREIRA, Elsa; MOREIRA, Filipe Alves. Um autógrafo e a tradição apógrafa de Jorge da Câmara. Miscelânea, v. 30, p. 161-180, 2021. Available in: https://seer.assis.unesp.br/index.php/miscelanea/article/view/1922. Accessed in: February 2022.
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), these are clean copies with few or no layers of revision, corresponding to the version that the authors considered worthy of being sent to D. Francisco Manuel. In this sense, the holographs included in this miscellany would fit into the general characterisation of pre-modern manuscripts, which tend to be more relevant to textual transmission than to genetics (SACQUIN, 2012SACQUIN, Michèle. Les manuscrits littéraires du xviiie siècle à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Genesis, 34, p. 159-169, 2012. Available in: https://doi.org/10.4000/genesis.966. Accessed in March 2022.
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, p. 160). Still, as textual scholars of genetic orientation expand their scope of interest to compositions developed between the late Middle Ages and the 18th century, new possibilities emerge for the critical analysis of these materials.

3.

In the last decades, genetic scholars have identified the premises of a certain kind of genetic criticism without drafts (GRÉSILLON, 1993GRÉSILLON, Almuth. Une critique génétique sans brouillons? In: BEUGNOT, B.; MELANÇON, R. (ed.). Les Voies de l’Invention aux XVIe et XVIIe Siècles: Études Génétiques. Montréal: Université de Montréal, 1993. p. 227-232.), focused on the scribal activity and distributed authorship characteristic of the early modern period. Accordingly, scholars working in 17th century literature should pursue a different kind of genetics, devised from the interstices of the creative process, rather than the examination of writing traces left on draft manuscripts (BEUGNOT, 2000BEUGNOT, Bernard. Pratiques de l’écriture au XVIIe siècle: du manuscrit à l’imprimé. In: LEBRAVE, J.-L.; GRÉSILLON, A. (org.). Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Genèses de Textes Littéraires et Philosophiques. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2000. p. 27-51. Available in: https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42434. Accessed in: February 2022.). Some of D. Francisco Manuel’s papers collected in this volume will undoubtedly allow for a more encompassing analysis of his Oeuvre while also illuminating the author’s network of relationships and the contributions that have influenced his elocutio.

On the other hand, it seems reasonable to say that, throughout the 17th century, every copy made for distribution resulted in new acts of revision that narrowed the gap between the spheres of production and transmission. As Béatrice Didier (2000DIDIER, Béatrice. Manuscrits du XVIIIe siècle: interroger le cas de Diderot. In: LEBRAVE, J.-L.; GRÉSILLON, A. (org.). Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Genèses de Textes Littéraires et Philosophiques. Paris: CNRS Éditions , 2000: 91-104. Available in: https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42464. Accessed in: February 2022.
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) observes, texts constantly evolved from the manuscript exchange without it being clear who was responsible for the new variants: the author or the scribes. For that reason, some of the holographs addressed to D. Francisco Manuel in the miscellany will likely contribute to filling in the gaps between the existing textual witnesses of those works. Our case study has recently demonstrated, for example, that Jorge da Câmara’s poem on ff. 194r-195r has circulated in a shorter apograph version, which might have corresponded to an amputation of the authorial text or constituted an alternate version, revised by the poet for distribution and not necessarily containing his final text (PEREIRA; MOREIRA, 2021PEREIRA, Elsa; MOREIRA, Filipe Alves. Um autógrafo e a tradição apógrafa de Jorge da Câmara. Miscelânea, v. 30, p. 161-180, 2021. Available in: https://seer.assis.unesp.br/index.php/miscelanea/article/view/1922. Accessed in: February 2022.
https://seer.assis.unesp.br/index.php/mi...
). If this were the case, the textual transmission of one such poem would benefit from a critical and editorial approach informed by the tools of genetic criticism and the sociology of texts (McKENZIE, 1999McKENZIE, D. F. Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.), where both the apograph and the holograph versions should be considered.21 21 Similar propositions have been made to medieval works whose apograph and autograph versions were preserved (e.g. BELTRÁN, 2015). A genetic orientation also predominates in Maurizio Perugi’s recent edition of Luís de Camões’ sonnets, which assumes that different versions in a manuscript tradition may correspond to distinct authorial versions, revised by the poet over time (PERUGI, 2020).

For all that was said, the personal miscellany addressed in this article provides some rare and interesting documents for manuscript genetics, as such kind of materials preserve "acts of poetic creation and exchange that are fully embedded in the broader literary culture of the period” (SCHELLENBERG, 2016SCHELLENBERG, Betty A. Literary Coteries and the Making of Modern Print Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016., p. 224).

REFERENCES - Manuscripts

  • APUG - Archivio Storico della Pontificia Università Gregoriana, cod. 1165/1. António Vieira, Clavis Prophetarum
  • BML - British Museum Library. Add. MS 36354, ca. 1630-1650. https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/john-miltons-commonplace-book
    » https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/john-miltons-commonplace-book
  • BNE - Biblioteca Nacional de España, RES/284. Lope de Vega, Códice Daza.
  • BNP - Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, COD. 589. Caderno de Diversas Curiosidades
  • BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 626. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Miscellanea.
  • BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 645. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Miscellanea.
  • BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 704. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Miscellanea.
  • BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 816. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Grinalda d’Apollo, composta de varias flores poeticas no Jardim das Musas. Anno 1664.
  • ECC - Emmanuel College, Cambridge. MS I.3.2. https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-EMMANUEL-I-00003-00002/3
  • FSL - Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington DC. MS V.a.160. http://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/s/glxi6k
    » http://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/s/glxi6k
  • TT - Torre do Tombo. MSLIV - Manuscritos da Livraria, n.º 2121. Papeis Varios de D. Franscis Manuel, n.º 10.
  • YUBL - Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection. A commonplace book, mid. 17th c. https://www.flickr.com/photos/brbl/albums/72157604694705731
    » https://www.flickr.com/photos/brbl/albums/72157604694705731

Bibliographic references

  • ANDRADA, Miguel Leitão de. Miscellanea do Sitio de N. S.ª da Luz do Pedrógão Grande Lisboa: Matheus Pinheiro, 1629. Available in: https://purl.pt/14193 Accessed in: March 2022.
    » https://purl.pt/14193
  • ARTILHEIRO, Tiago. Investigadores da Faculdade de Letras identificam manuscrito original do P. António Vieira S.J. FLUL - Faculdade de Letras, 30 may 2022. Available in: https://www.letras.ulisboa.pt/pt/noticias/actividades-academicas/1980-investigadores-da-faculdade-de-letras-identificam-manuscrito-original-do-padre-antonio-vieira-s-j?fbclid=IwAR3gMicNQlwlLP0fJEL2waqCn8ojgSgZOqxQOZyCEVbsQXOkvxZqe0vKj9c . Accessed in: May 2022.
    » https://www.letras.ulisboa.pt/pt/noticias/actividades-academicas/1980-investigadores-da-faculdade-de-letras-identificam-manuscrito-original-do-padre-antonio-vieira-s-j?fbclid=IwAR3gMicNQlwlLP0fJEL2waqCn8ojgSgZOqxQOZyCEVbsQXOkvxZqe0vKj9c
  • BELOBORODOVA, Olga; VAN HULLE, Dirk. The Draft in Literary Historiography. Recherche Littéraire / Literary Research, 37, p. 231-237, Fall/ 2021. Available in: https://doi.org/10.3726/B18748 Accessed in: May 2022.
    » https://doi.org/10.3726/B18748
  • BELTRAN, Vicenc. Joan Berenguer de Masdovelles et son manuscrit autographe: création, amendement et édition génétique de textes médiévaux. Scriptorium, 69, p. 191-216, 2015.
  • BEUGNOT, Bernard. Pratiques de l’écriture au XVIIe siècle: du manuscrit à l’imprimé. In: LEBRAVE, J.-L.; GRÉSILLON, A. (org.). Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Genèses de Textes Littéraires et Philosophiques Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2000. p. 27-51. Available in: https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42434. Accessed in: February 2022.
  • BIASI, Pierre-Marc de. What Is a Literary Draft? Toward a Functional Typology of Genetic Documentation. Yale French Studies, n. 89, p. 26-58, 1996. Available in: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2930337 Accessed in: April 2022.
    » http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2930337
  • BOIE, Bernhild. L’écrivain et ses manuscrits. In: HAY, L. (dir.) Les Manuscrits des Écrivains Paris: Hachette, 1993. p. 34-53.
  • CROIZAT-VIALLET, Jean. Cómo se escribían los sermones en el Siglo de Oro. Apuntamientos en algunas homilías de la Circuncisión de Nuestro Señor. Criticón, n. 84-85, p. 101-122, 2002. Available in: https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/criticon/PDF/084-085/084-085_103.pdf Accessed in: April 2022.
    » https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/criticon/PDF/084-085/084-085_103.pdf
  • DEL VENTO, Cristian. Manuscrits d’auteur, norme linguistique et ‘critique des variantes’ dans la tradition littéraire italienne. Genesis, 49, p. 15-29, 2019. Available in: https://journals.openedition.org/genesis/4410 Accessed in: January 2022.
    » https://journals.openedition.org/genesis/4410
  • DEL VENTO, Christian; MUSITELLI, Pierre. La tradition italienne des manuscrits d’auteur: un patrimoine préservé et une culture littéraire. Genesis, 49, p. 7-12, 2019. Available in: https://journals.openedition.org/genesis/4298 Accessed in: January 2022.
    » https://journals.openedition.org/genesis/4298
  • DIDIER, Béatrice. Manuscrits du XVIIIe siècle: interroger le cas de Diderot. In: LEBRAVE, J.-L.; GRÉSILLON, A. (org.). Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Genèses de Textes Littéraires et Philosophiques Paris: CNRS Éditions , 2000: 91-104. Available in: https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42464 Accessed in: February 2022.
    » https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42464
  • FOUCAULT, M. What is an Author? In: BOUCHARD, D. F. Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews by Michel Foucault New York: Cornell, 1977. p. 113-138.
  • FRAISSE, Luc (dir.). Le Manuscrit Littéraire: Son Statut, Son Histoire, du Moyen Âge à Nos Jours Paris: Adirel, 1998.
  • GRÉSILLON, Almuth. Une critique génétique sans brouillons? In: BEUGNOT, B.; MELANÇON, R. (ed.). Les Voies de l’Invention aux XVIe et XVIIe Siècles: Études Génétiques Montréal: Université de Montréal, 1993. p. 227-232.
  • HAY, Louis. L’écriture vive. In: HAY, L. (dir.). Les Manuscrits des Écrivains Paris: Hachette , 1993. p. 10-31.
  • HESS, Jillian M. British Commonplace Readers, 1706-1879. In: ROSE, J. (ed.). The Edinburgh History of Reading: Common Readers Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020. p. 9-29.
  • JAURALDE, Pablo (dir.). Biblioteca de Autógrafos Españoles Madrid: Calambur, 2008-2015.
  • JOSA, Lola; LAMBEA, Mariano. Poemas para música de Francisco Manuel de Melo. Bulletin Hispanique, n. 2, p. 427-448, 2001. Available in: https://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra/poemas-para-msica-de-francisco-manuel-de-melo-0 Accessed in: April 2022.
    » https://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra/poemas-para-msica-de-francisco-manuel-de-melo-0
  • LEBRAVE, Jean-Louis; GRÉSILLON, Almuth. Introduction. In: LEBRAVE, J.-L.; GRÉSILLON, A. (org.). Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Genèses de Textes Littéraires et Philosophiques Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2000. p. 7-16. Available in: https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42379 Accessed in February 2022.
    » https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42379
  • LITTLE, William et al The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles, 3. ed. 2 vols. Oxford: Carendon Press, 1964.
  • LOVE, Harold. Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.
  • LOVE, Harold. How personal is a personal miscellany? Sarah Cowper, Martin Clifford and the “Buckingham Commonplace Book”. In: ALSTON, R. C. (ed.). Order and Connexion: Studies in Bibliography and Book History Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997. p. 111-126.
  • MARTÍNEZ TORREJÓN, José Miguel. Porno blando, política dura: los “Cadernos de curiosidades” de Catarina de Bragança. Calíope, v. 23, n. 2, p. 189-215, 2018. Available in: https://doi.org/10.5325/caliope.23.2.0189 Accessed in: March 2022.
    » https://doi.org/10.5325/caliope.23.2.0189
  • McKENZIE, D. F. Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
  • MELO, Francisco Manuel de. D. Teodósio Duque de Bragança Trad. & pref. Augusto Casimiro. Porto: Livraria Civilização, 1944. Available in: http://purl.pt/701 Accessed in: April 2022.
    » http://purl.pt/701
  • MELO, Francisco Manuel de. Obras Metricas Leon de Francia: Horacio Boessat y George Remeus, 1665.
  • MOTOLESE, Matteo; RUSSO, Emilio (dir.). Autografi dei Letterati Italiani Roma: Salerno Editrice, 2009-2013. Available in: http://www.autografi.net Accessed in: February 2022.
    » http://www.autografi.net
  • PERUGI, Maurizio. La Lirica di Camões: 1. Sonetti. Genève: Centre International d’Études Portugaises, 2020.
  • PEREIRA, Elsa; MOREIRA, Filipe Alves. Um autógrafo e a tradição apógrafa de Jorge da Câmara. Miscelânea, v. 30, p. 161-180, 2021. Available in: https://seer.assis.unesp.br/index.php/miscelanea/article/view/1922 Accessed in: February 2022.
    » https://seer.assis.unesp.br/index.php/miscelanea/article/view/1922
  • PICADO, Rosa Teresa Paião. A música nas Obras Métricas de D. Francisco Manuel de Mello. In: CARDOSO, J. M. P.; MIRANDA, M. L. (coord.). Sons do Clássico: No 100º Aniversário de Maria Augusta Barbosa Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 2012. p. 143-170.
  • PRESTAGE, Edgar. D. Francisco Manuel de Mello: Esboço Biographico. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1914.
  • SACQUIN, Michèle. Les manuscrits littéraires du xviiie siècle à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Genesis, 34, p. 159-169, 2012. Available in: https://doi.org/10.4000/genesis.966 Accessed in March 2022.
    » https://doi.org/10.4000/genesis.966
  • SCHELLENBERG, Betty A. Literary Coteries and the Making of Modern Print Culture Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016.
  • VAN HULLE, Dirk; SHILLINGSBURG, Peter. Orientations to text, revisited. Studies in Bibliography, v. 59, p. 27-44, 2015.
  • VERDELHO, Evelina. Prosografia. In: MELO, D. Francisco Manuel de. As Musas Portuguesas: as Segundas Três Musas do Melodino. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2020. p. 671-727.
  • 1
    The observation has been intermittently pointed out by several geneticists: “Une histoire de la création littéraire et intellectuelle à partir des manuscrits reste à écrire” (HAY, 1993HAY, Louis. L’écriture vive. In: HAY, L. (dir.). Les Manuscrits des Écrivains. Paris: Hachette , 1993. p. 10-31. , p. 11); “Il n’existe pas à l’heure actuelle d’histoire globale des pratiques d’écriture et de composition” (LEBRAVE; GRESILLON, 2000LEBRAVE, Jean-Louis; GRÉSILLON, Almuth. Introduction. In: LEBRAVE, J.-L.; GRÉSILLON, A. (org.). Écrire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Genèses de Textes Littéraires et Philosophiques. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2000. p. 7-16. Available in: https://books.openedition.org/editionscnrs/42379. Accessed in February 2022.
    https://books.openedition.org/editionscn...
    , p. 4); “l’histoire de la notion d’«auctorialité» soit encore en grande partie à écrire” (DEL VENTO, 2019DEL VENTO, Christian; MUSITELLI, Pierre. La tradition italienne des manuscrits d’auteur: un patrimoine préservé et une culture littéraire. Genesis, 49, p. 7-12, 2019. Available in: https://journals.openedition.org/genesis/4298. Accessed in: January 2022.
    https://journals.openedition.org/genesis...
    , p. 21). The book edited by Luc Fraisse (1998FRAISSE, Luc (dir.). Le Manuscrit Littéraire: Son Statut, Son Histoire, du Moyen Âge à Nos Jours. Paris: Adirel, 1998.) and a new upcoming volume developed by the ICLA/CHLEL project Towards a Comparative History of the Literary Draft in Europe (BELOBORODOVA; VAN HULLE, 2021BELOBORODOVA, Olga; VAN HULLE, Dirk. The Draft in Literary Historiography. Recherche Littéraire / Literary Research, 37, p. 231-237, Fall/ 2021. Available in: https://doi.org/10.3726/B18748. Accessed in: May 2022.
    https://doi.org/10.3726/B18748...
    ) have partly contributed to filling this gap in the literature.
  • 2
    Regarding this recent discovery see e.g. ARTILHEIRO, 2022ARTILHEIRO, Tiago. Investigadores da Faculdade de Letras identificam manuscrito original do P. António Vieira S.J. FLUL - Faculdade de Letras, 30 may 2022. Available in: https://www.letras.ulisboa.pt/pt/noticias/actividades-academicas/1980-investigadores-da-faculdade-de-letras-identificam-manuscrito-original-do-padre-antonio-vieira-s-j?fbclid=IwAR3gMicNQlwlLP0fJEL2waqCn8ojgSgZOqxQOZyCEVbsQXOkvxZqe0vKj9c . Accessed in: May 2022.
    https://www.letras.ulisboa.pt/pt/noticia...
    .
  • 3
    “Fonction-auteur” in the French original. Throughout this article, the use of italics usually indicates a translated quotation from French, Spanish, or Portuguese sources.
  • 4
    Genetic Criticism emerged in France during the 1960s and became the most programmatic school responsible for emancipating the analysis of draft manuscripts as a discipline and distinguishing itself from traditional textual criticism. Rather than focusing on a stable reading text, the geneticist’s perspective centres on the compositional development of a literary work and all the transformations that result from the author’s writing or rewriting activity over time. For that reason, other existing theories with the same focus on writing processes and “the actions of invention” are labelled as leading towards a “genetic orientation” in the study of literature (VAN HULLE; SHILLINGSBURG, 2015VAN HULLE, Dirk; SHILLINGSBURG, Peter. Orientations to text, revisited. Studies in Bibliography, v. 59, p. 27-44, 2015., p. 36).
  • 5
    “Exogenetics designates any writing process devoted to research, selection, and incorporation, focused on information stemming from a source exterior to the writing” (BIASI, 1996BIASI, Pierre-Marc de. What Is a Literary Draft? Toward a Functional Typology of Genetic Documentation. Yale French Studies, n. 89, p. 26-58, 1996. Available in: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2930337. Accessed in: April 2022.
    http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/2930...
    , p. 43). In contrast to endogenetics (centred on the writing traces involved during textualization), the term exogenetics refers to documentary or bibliographic sources that an author has used to compose his work.
  • 6
    Fray Luis de Granada, Silva Locorum, 1585, “Dedicatoria al inquisidor de Toledo, Antonio Zapata Mendoza”, apudCROIZAT-VIALLET, 2002CROIZAT-VIALLET, Jean. Cómo se escribían los sermones en el Siglo de Oro. Apuntamientos en algunas homilías de la Circuncisión de Nuestro Señor. Criticón, n. 84-85, p. 101-122, 2002. Available in: https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/criticon/PDF/084-085/084-085_103.pdf. Accessed in: April 2022.
    https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/crit...
    , p. 105. See examples of 17th century commonplace books in the volumes collected by John Milton, 1608-1674 (BML, Add. MS 36354BML - British Museum Library. Add. MS 36354, ca. 1630-1650. https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/john-miltons-commonplace-book
    https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/john-...
    ) and Matthew Day, 1574-1661 (FSL, MS V.a.160FSL - Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington DC. MS V.a.160. http://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/s/glxi6k
    http://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/s/gl...
    ), as well as some early to mid-century commonplace books by unidentified compilers (YUBLYUBL - Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection. A commonplace book, mid. 17th c. https://www.flickr.com/photos/brbl/albums/72157604694705731
    https://www.flickr.com/photos/brbl/album...
    ; ECC, MS I.3.2ECC - Emmanuel College, Cambridge. MS I.3.2. https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-EMMANUEL-I-00003-00002/3). In Portugal, mention could be made of an extant volume collected by Cristóvão Alão de Moraes, 1632-1693, which is housed at the public library of Porto (BPMP, Ms. 645BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 645. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Miscellanea.).
  • 7
    “Ancient rhetoricians imagined commonplaces as mental locations that store argumentative templates fit for a variety of cases. Aristotle’s koinos topos - a general topic - influenced Cicero, who translated the term into locus communis - from which we get our word ‘commonplace’ - which featured in his discussion of legal forms or argument. Cicero also added content to some of these ‘places’ and suggested that orators should use quotations from great thinkers to build authority (auctoritates)” (HESS, 2020HESS, Jillian M. British Commonplace Readers, 1706-1879. In: ROSE, J. (ed.). The Edinburgh History of Reading: Common Readers. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020. p. 9-29., p. 12).
  • 8
    In Portugal, see e.g. several miscellanies collected by Cristóvão Alão de Moraes, 1632-1693, at the public library of Porto (BPMP, Ms. 626BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 626. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Miscellanea., 704BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 704. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Miscellanea., 816BPMP - Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, Ms. 816. Moraes, Cristovão Alão de. Grinalda d’Apollo, composta de varias flores poeticas no Jardim das Musas. Anno 1664.).
  • 9
    Referring to this miscellany at the Portuguese National Library, José Martinez (2018MARTÍNEZ TORREJÓN, José Miguel. Porno blando, política dura: los “Cadernos de curiosidades” de Catarina de Bragança. Calíope, v. 23, n. 2, p. 189-215, 2018. Available in: https://doi.org/10.5325/caliope.23.2.0189. Accessed in: March 2022.
    https://doi.org/10.5325/caliope.23.2.018...
    ) notes that “by been [sic] juxtaposed, all […the disparate texts] engage in a dialogue that allow[s] readings different from the meanings each entry has separately”.
  • 10
    “Pertenceu ao Convento do Carmo de Lisboa, Cfr 11v”.
  • 11
    See a more complete description of the codex in PEREIRA; MOREIRA, 2021PEREIRA, Elsa; MOREIRA, Filipe Alves. Um autógrafo e a tradição apógrafa de Jorge da Câmara. Miscelânea, v. 30, p. 161-180, 2021. Available in: https://seer.assis.unesp.br/index.php/miscelanea/article/view/1922. Accessed in: February 2022.
    https://seer.assis.unesp.br/index.php/mi...
    .
  • 12
    The oldest document in the miscellany is as a letter dated from my study on May 11 th , 1624 (ff. 99-100).
  • 13
    The languages in the volume include Latin, French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese.
  • 14
    The controversial opinions were expressed in a 1549 letter to Ugolino Gualteruzzi, published by Aldo Manucio in 1567.
  • 15
    Landed in prison by order of the new king, D. Francisco Manuel found himself in a delicate position with this commission. However, the unfinished memoir is far from being a harmless panegyric. It is an unorthodox biography of the man who could have been a candidate for the throne of Portugal, but instead decided to support the Spanish domination during the Iberian Union (1580-1640). There are three manuscript copies of this work, which D. Francisco Manuel wrote in Spanish to reach a vaster audience (MELO, 1944MELO, Francisco Manuel de. D. Teodósio Duque de Bragança. Trad. & pref. Augusto Casimiro. Porto: Livraria Civilização, 1944. Available in: http://purl.pt/701. Accessed in: April 2022.
    http://purl.pt/701...
    , p. 44): one at Biblioteca de Évora, one at Biblioteca da Academia das Ciências, and another at Biblioteca da Ajuda. The copy at Biblioteca da Ajuda (BA, cód. 51-III-30) was translated into Portuguese by Augusto Casimiro and published in 1944 (MELO, 1944MELO, Francisco Manuel de. D. Teodósio Duque de Bragança. Trad. & pref. Augusto Casimiro. Porto: Livraria Civilização, 1944. Available in: http://purl.pt/701. Accessed in: April 2022.
    http://purl.pt/701...
    ).
  • 16
    On ff. 166-167, the poem “Nada llevó, si tu atención me deja” is written on the back of a sonnet that Francisco Luis de Vasconcelos addressed to D. Francisco Manuel de Melo at the prison of Torre Velha, leading us to believe that it must have been written to the addressee as an answer. On ff. 160-161, there is also a sonnet by Gonçalo de Medeiros de Sousa, replying to the poem “Dulce el papel, dulce el regalo; admiro” of D. Francisco Manuel, but both compositions are written in an apograph hand. To this, we should add that, based on the content order listed on the index, Edgar Prestage (1914PRESTAGE, Edgar. D. Francisco Manuel de Mello: Esboço Biographico. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1914.: 605-606) inferred that a letter dating from my study on May 11th, 1624 (ff. 99-100), and the following 100-stanza poem on ff. 101-129 also might be among the compositions written by D. Francisco Manuel. However, no material evidence confirms this assertion since the manuscript does not have any signature and the handwriting differs from the only manuscript signed by D. Francisco, on f. 170.
  • 17
    The index page refers to several letters in his hand and works in verse dedicated to Rodrigo de Meneses: “Franc.co Manoel de Mello, obras em verso á D. Rodrigo de Menezes | Cartas do mesmo Fran.co M.el de seu proprio punho”. These apparently correspond to the missing ff. 57-98.
  • 18
    See Evelina Verdelho’s well-documented “Prosografia” for a brief presentation of some of these authors, embedded within the network of literary relationships at the time (VERDELHO, 2020VERDELHO, Evelina. Prosografia. In: MELO, D. Francisco Manuel de. As Musas Portuguesas: as Segundas Três Musas do Melodino. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2020. p. 671-727., p. 671-727).
  • 19
    “De Jorge da Camara sua propria letra” (f. 195r); “De Antonio Luis de Azevedo sua propria letra” (f. 226v), “Do proprio” (f. 258).
  • 20
    Cf. signatures of Rodrigo de Meneses (f. 182v), Francisco Luís de Vasconcelos (f. 169v), and Jorge da Câmara (f. 195r).
  • 21
    Similar propositions have been made to medieval works whose apograph and autograph versions were preserved (e.g. BELTRÁN, 2015BELTRAN, Vicenc. Joan Berenguer de Masdovelles et son manuscrit autographe: création, amendement et édition génétique de textes médiévaux. Scriptorium, 69, p. 191-216, 2015.). A genetic orientation also predominates in Maurizio Perugi’s recent edition of Luís de Camões’ sonnets, which assumes that different versions in a manuscript tradition may correspond to distinct authorial versions, revised by the poet over time (PERUGI, 2020PERUGI, Maurizio. La Lirica di Camões: 1. Sonetti. Genève: Centre International d’Études Portugaises, 2020.).
  • Parecer Final dos Editores

    Ana Maria Lisboa de Mello, Elena Cristina Palmero González, Rafael Gutiérrez Giraldo e Rodrigo Labriola, aprovamos a versão final deste texto para sua publicação.

Publication Dates

  • Publication in this collection
    19 Dec 2022
  • Date of issue
    Sep-Dec 2022

History

  • Received
    15 May 2022
  • Accepted
    30 June 2022
Programa de Pos-Graduação em Letras Neolatinas, Faculdade de Letras -UFRJ Av. Horácio Macedo, 2151, Cidade Universitária, CEP 21941-97 - Rio de Janeiro RJ Brasil , - Rio de Janeiro - RJ - Brazil
E-mail: alea.ufrj@gmail.com