Abstract in Spanish:
Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el papel de las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil (OSC) en lugares de frontera con una alta migración, como son los casos de la frontera México-Estados Unidos y Marruecos-España, dos de los corredores migratorios de mayor importancia en el mundo. En estos espacios, sometidos a una vigilancia y una militarización cada vez mayores, las OSC vienen desarrollando desde hace tiempo una labor que se enfrenta crecientemente a los condicionantes impuestos por las políticas de control migratorio y de fronteras de los Estados. El artículo se basa en los resultados de del trabajo de terreno desarrollado en la ciudad fronteriza de Tijuana (México) y en las ciudades autónomas de Ceuta y Melilla (España). Nuestras investigaciones muestran cómo los niveles de actuación de las OSC en relación con las personas migrantes en tránsito, deportadas y refugiadas se mueven entre la ayuda humanitaria y la defensa de los derechos, aunque las políticas de control de flujos limitan cada vez más la acción de las organizaciones, en especial de aquellas con posicionamientos más críticos.Abstract in English:
Abstract The purpose of this article is analyzing the role of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) in places of high-immigration borders, such as the Mexico-United States and the Morocco-Spain borders, two of the most important migration corridors in the world. In these places, and under an increasing surveillance and militarization, CSO have for some time been carrying out work that constantly faces constraints imposed by state immigration and border control policies. The article is based on the results of the field work undertaken at the border city of Tijuana (Mexico) and the Autonomous Cities of Ceuta and Melilla (Spain). Our researches show how the actions of CSO in relation to immigrants in transit, deportees and refugees oscillate between humanitarian help and the defense of rights, even when flow control policies increasingly limit the work of the organizations - especially those that have a more critical stance.Abstract in Portuguese:
Resumo Historicamente, os ícones dos movimentos sociais foram tratados como párias pelas estruturas de controle social. Quando defensores de direitos humanos violam normas injustas para promover direitos, suas nobres causas parecem não se encaixar na noção de “desvio” advinda do senso comum, o que impõe algumas reflexões. Quando ativistas infringem normas para defender direitos humanos, como suas condutas se inserem na moldura legal de crime? Como as pessoas percebem suas ações e por quê? Este artigo tem como objetivo abordar essas questões, a partir do estudo de caso de defensores de migrantes na Hungria. Abordando fenômenos como estigmatização e criminalização, o artigo apresenta as figuras de desvio positivo, supranormalidade e estigmatização funcional como alternativas às perspectivas tradicionais.Abstract in English:
Abstract Historically, icons of social movements were treated as outcasts by established structures of social control. When activists break unjust rules to promote human rights, their noble causes do not seem to fit the commonsensical frame of ‘the deviant’, which brings up some questions. When they infringe norms to promote rights, how are activists inserted in the crime framework? How do people perceive their actions and why? This article aims to address these questions, by using the case study of migrant human rights defenders in Hungary. It navigates phenomena such as stigmatisation and criminalisation, and presents positive deviance, supranormality and functional stigmatisation as alternatives to traditional perspectives.Abstract in Spanish:
Resumen. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la criminalización de los defensores de migrantes en México que se produjo coetáneamente al fenómeno de las caravanas de migrantes. A través de un estudio de caso, el de Pueblo Sin Fronteras, se analizan los discursos y acciones de las autoridades mexicanas que criminalizan a esta organización de la sociedad civil. Prestamos especial atención al uso del delito del tráfico de personas para hostigar y perseguir penalmente a los defensores de migrantes y construir una narrativa en su contra, esto es, a su coyotización práctica y discursiva.Abstract in English:
Abstract . The objective of this work is to analyze the criminalization of the defenders of migrants in Mexico that has occurred simultaneously to the phenomenon of migrant caravans. Through a case study, that of Pueblo Sin Fronteras, we analyze the speeches and actions of the Mexican authorities that criminalize this civil society organization. We pay special attention to the use of the human smuggling crime to harass and prosecute migrant defenders and build a narrative against them, that is, their practical and discursive coyotization.Abstract in Italian:
Riassunto Il presente articolo analizza la solidarietà ai migranti in transito nell’Europa della “crisi dell’accoglienza” attraverso lo studio di caso della Val Roja, una piccola valle francese al confine con l’Italia. Il contributo contestualizza il ritorno delle frontiere interne in Europa e si focalizza sulle forme, gli attori e le pratiche della solidarietà ai migranti in questa valle. Si tratta di una solidarietà endogena, che nasce in particolare dalle reti di neorurali e si struttura attorno a valori condivisi, oltreché ad un determinato approccio di difesa del territorio. Allo stesso tempo, voci ostili ai migranti e alla solidarietà emergono, all’interno di un conflitto sociale tra i nativi – le cosiddette familles de souches – e i più recenti abitanti. L’articolo si basa su una ricerca etnografica di un anno e mezzo, svolta attraverso un processo di immersione nella realtà locale e l’uso di tecniche quali l’osservazione partecipante e le interviste semi-strutturate.Abstract in English:
Abstract This article analyzes solidarity with migrants in transit in Europe at the time of the « reception crisis » through the case study of the Roya Valley, a small French valley on the border with Italy. The contribution contextualises the return of internal borders in Europe and it focuses on the forms, actors and practices of solidarity with migrants in this valley. This is an endogenous solidarity, which arises in particular from the neorural networks and it is structured around common values, as well as a specific approach to defense of the territory. At the same time, hostile voices towards migrants and solidarity emerge, within a social conflict between natives – the so-called familles de souche – and the more recent inhabitants. The article is based on a one and a half year ethnographic research, through a process of immersion in the local reality, using tecniques as participatory observation and semi-structured interviews.Abstract in Italian:
Riassunto L’articolo descrive l’esperienza di accoglienza in famiglia di titolari di protezione internazionale sperimentata a Milano a partire dal 2016. A fronte di molteplici esperienze simili, già presenti sul territorio italiano, la peculiarità dell’esperienza milanese è il coinvolgimento di quattro attori protagonisti: l’ente locale (Comune di Milano), il Terzo Settore, la società civile e il titolare di protezione internazionale. La presenza del Comune di Milano, e indirettamente del Ministero dell’Interno, finanziatore del progetto, sancisce il riconoscimento istituzionale di una prassi che fino ad oggi ricadeva soltanto sulla società civile.Abstract in English:
Abstract The article describes the project “Rifugiato in famiglia” promoted by the Municipality of Milan targeted to political refugees aiming to support their integration through hosting in Italian citizens’ homes. Its main characteristic is the involvement of four key actors: local authority, Third Sector, civil society and holders of international protection. The presence of the municipality and indirectly of the Ministry of the Interior, which is the financier of the project, guarantees the institutional recognition. The experience, gained during the four years of field test, allowed to identify some main thematic areas: first of all the awareness that this experience entails for each actor involved to new spaces for action. Beneficiaries, within the home, experience a reappropriation of their autonomy; families become actors of a generative form of citizenship, promoters of a different culture; finally, the public institution, in collaboration with the Third Sector, supports a different form of Polis care.Abstract in Spanish:
Resumen Partiendo de una investigación ya concluida y un recrudecimiento de políticas migratorias y control fronterizo durante las últimas cuatro décadas, este dossier expone la emergencia, la acción y la contribución de la sociedad civil organizada en la promoción y protección de los derechos humanos de migrantes y refugiados en la región fronteriza occidental de México y los Estados Unidos. Al exponer los principales factores que llevaron a una creciente participación de diferentes organizaciones de la sociedad civil (OSC) en ambos lados de la frontera, se ha encontrado que su surgimiento y acciones humanitarias son motivados principalmente por valores religiosos, humanitarios y de solidaridad internacional y que independientemente de ser asistencialistas o contestatarias recorren un proceso de institucionalización que les permita conformar redes y alianzas y realizar una mayor incidencia política. Volviendo al objeto de estudio de dicha investigación concluida, se tomó en cuenta la perspectiva de la “razón humanitaria” del sociólogo-antropólogo francés Didier Fassin. Así se pudieron observar formas de “gobierno humanitario” desde abajo hacia arriba. Esto se debe a que las OSC se formaron desde diferentes movimientos sociales y/o por la falta de atención del Estado y los gobiernos locales con respecto a los migrantes.Abstract in English:
Abstract Based on an investigation already completed and a resurgence of migration policies and border control over the past four decades, this dossier exposes the emergence, action and contribution of organized civil society in the promotion and human rights protection of the human rights of migrants and refugees in the western border region of Mexico and the United States. In exposing the main intrinsic and extrinsic factors of the participation of different civil society organizations (CSO) on both sides of the border, it has been found that their emergence and humanitarian actions are mainly motivated by religious values and international solidarity and that regardless of being assistance-oriented or anti-establishment, they go through an institutionalization process that allows them to form networks and alliances and make a greater political impact. Revisiting the object of study, the “humanitarian reason” of the French sociologist-anthropologist Didier Fassin was taken into account. Thus, forms of "humanitarian government" could be observed from the bottom up. This is due to the fact that the CSO were formed from different social movements and/or due to the lack of attention from the State and local governments with respect to the migrants.Abstract in Spanish:
Resumen Este artículo propone un estudio de las nuevas configuraciones que asumen las luchas migrantes en Argentina entre los años 2016 y 2019. El surgimiento de organizaciones de migrantes, como el Bloque de Trabajadorxs Migrantes (BTM), y el impulso de espacios de articulación, como la Campaña Migrar no es Delito (CMND), imprimen nuevas características al campo político de la migración en Argentina. El análisis se orienta a describir y analizar las visiones, demandas, estrategias, estructuras de organización y los vínculos que estas organizaciones mantienen con el Estado. La metodología es de carácter cualitativo en el análisis de declaraciones y de registros de campo en movilizaciones y actividades públicas del BTM y la CMND.Abstract in English:
Abstract This article proposes a study of the new configurations that migrating struggles assume in Argentina between the years 2016 and 2019. The emergence of migrant organizations, such as the Bloque de Trabajadorxs Migrantes (BTM), and the impulse of articulation spaces, such as the Campaña Migrar no es Delito (CMND), they print new characteristics to the political field of migration in Argentina. The analysis is oriented to describe and analyze the visions, demands, strategies, organizational structures and the relations that these organizations maintain with the State. The methodology is qualitative in the analysis of declarations and field records in mobilizations and public activities of the BTM and the CMND.Abstract in Portuguese:
Resumo O processo brasileiro de determinação do status de refugiado é governado pelo Comitê Nacional para Refugiados (CONARE)1 - órgão administrativo que julga a credibilidade dos solicitantes de refúgio e tem poder de decisão sobre os casos - com participação ativa da sociedade civil. O presente artigo propõe analisar a atuação da sociedade civil neste processo através das práticas epistêmicas responsáveis por julgar quem pode ser categorizado como refugiado. Para tanto, será utilizada aqui uma abordagem teórica que enfatiza a possibilidade de produção de injustiças epistêmicas nas análises de credibilidade.Abstract in English:
Abstract The refugee status determination (RSD) process in Brazil is governed by the National Committee for Refugees (CONARE) - the administrative body responsible for assessing the credibility of asylum seekers and deciding all asylum cases in the country - with the active participation of civil society. This paper aims to analyze the role of civil society in this process through the epistemic practices responsible for judging who can be categorized as a refugee. In order to do this, a theoretical approach that emphasizes the production of epistemic injustices in credibility analysis will be used here.Abstract in Portuguese:
Resumo Em tempos de criminalização da migração, o espaço urbano (re)produz uma miríade de estratégias e mecanismos de controle que nega aos imigrantes, enquanto não cidadãos, a possibilidade de pertencimento e participação nas cidades modernas. A partir do diálogo com os escritos de Henri Lefebvre sobre o direito à cidade, argumento, porém, que o urbano traz em si possibilidades de construção de formas alternativas de pertencimento que desafiam os processos de exclusão que lhes são impostos. Através do movimento de cidades-santuário, este artigo ilustra como as cidades abrigam processos que desafiam a criminalização da migração e os limites impostos pela definição tradicional de cidadania.Abstract in English:
Abstract In times of migration criminalization, urban space (re) produces a myriad of strategies and control mechanisms that deny immigrants, as non-citizens, the possibility of belonging and participation in modern cities. From the dialogue with Henri Lefebvre's writings on the right to the city, I argue, however, that the urban brings possibilities to construct alternative forms of belonging that challenge the processes of exclusion imposed on them. Through the sanctuary city movement, we illustrate how cities harbor processes that challenge the criminalization of migration and the limits imposed by the traditional definition of citizenship.Abstract in Spanish:
Resumen Esta investigación tiene por objetivo identificar las características sociodemográficas, causas de muerte, y distribución de las repatriaciones de restos realizadas desde los EUA al estado de Michoacán en México en los años 2005-2015, así como comprender el significado dado a la muerte y a la repatriación de los fallecidos por parte de sus familiares. Mediante un diseño mixto de investigación, se analizan los registros de michoacanos retornados con análisis descriptivos, y se retoma el testimonio de 3 familiares. Se identificó el retorno de 2950 cadaveres de migrantes fallecidos. En medio del dolor asociado con la muerte, el poder enterrar a su familiar, les ayuda a enfrentar la muerte como un hecho real que pueden constatar, mitigando con ello parte del sufrimiento de los dolientes.Abstract in English:
Abstract This research aims to identify the sociodemographic characteristics, causes of death, and distribution of the repatriations of remains made from the USA to the state of Michoacán in Mexico in the years 2005-2015, as well as to understand the meaning given to death and repatriation of the deceased by their relatives. Through a mixed methods research design, a descriptive analysis of the figures of returned people from Michoacan were analyzed, and the testimony of 3 relatives is included. The return of 2950 corpses of deceased migrants was identified. Amid the pain associated with death, being able to bury their family member helps them face death as a real event that they can verify, thereby mitigating part of the suffering of the mourners.Abstract in Spanish:
Resumen Este artículo se propone abordar la temática de los desplazamientos forzados en África, desde un enfoque que, enfatizando en los motivos medioambientales de dichos movimientos, sea capaz de ilustrar la complejidad inherente a este problema, atravesado por una multiplicidad de factores que van desde situaciones políticas, económicas y sociales, a circunstancias étnicas y ecológicas. El objetivo se dirige a cuestionar la todavía no superada distinción entre “migrante” y “refugiado” que subyace al Estatuto sobre los Refugiados de la Convención de Ginebra (1951) y del Protocolo de New York (1967), a partir del señalamiento de los diversos niveles en que los países más desarrollados son responsables de la situación que afecta a estas personas.Abstract in English:
Abstract This article proposal is to approach the theme of forced displacements in Africa, from a point of view that, emphasizing on the environmental reasons of these movements, may be able to illustrate the complexity of a problem which is crossed by a multiplicity of factors that includes not only political, economical and social reasons, but also etnical and ecological ones. The objective of this paper is to question the not yet overcome distinction between "migrant" and "refugee" that underlies the Statute of Refugees of the Geneva Convention (1951) and the New York Protocol (1967), starting from the indication of the various levels in which the most advanced countries are responsible for the situation that affects these people.Abstract in Portuguese:
Resumo As três vertentes da proteção internacional da pessoa humana, compostas pelo Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, Direito Internacional Humanitário e Direito Internacional das Pessoas Refugiadas (também conhecido como Direito Internacional dos Refugiados), não possuem normativa jurídica específica para proteger os “refugiados ambientais”. Não obstante, esses três regimes internacionais podem ser aplicados às pessoas migrantes induzidas por causas ambientais caso elas se encontrem em situações previstas por esses conjuntos normativos. Por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, o presente artigo analisa as formas pelas quais essas três áreas do direito internacional contribuem para proteger e reconhecer os direitos dos “refugiados ambientais”.Abstract in English:
The three pathways for the international protection of the human person, consisting of International Human Rights Law, International Humanitarian Law and International Refugee Law, do not have specific rules to protect “environmental refugees”. However, these three international regimes can be applied to environment-induced migrants if they find themselves in situations recognized by these sets of rules. Using bibliographical and documental research methods, this article examines the ways in which these three areas of international law contribute to protect and recognize the rights of “environmental refugees”.